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Kolbia Analysis

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
11 views7 pages

Kolbia Analysis

Uploaded by

Mesh Moh
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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Chen 1

Zhikang Chen

Umass Boston University

Intro To Archaeology Summer 2024

6/28/24

Part 1: Subsistence and Seasonality

The area to be considered in more detail is the Kolbia River Valley, located on the west

coast of the fictional Lake Biggish, inhabited by people of the Late Archaic period. The valley

was a populated region at the beginning of the epoch 2500 BC. This analysis centers on the

subsistence strategies and seasonal activities of the Kolbia people, utilizing archaeological

evidence from four critical sites within the valley: The four types that could be named A1, B1,

C1, and D1.

The Kolbia population had various food resources dependent on the valley's valuable

ecological environments to support their daily survival needs. Based on the "Kolbia Description

Text" and the "Kolbia Data Tables," the diet entailed plants, animals, and fish. The A1 site,

closer to the lakeshore, produced many fish bones, showing fishing was one of the critical

activities. Three components, B1 and C1, located in the plains and riverbank, systematically

yielded many animal bones, indicating that hunting major mammals was a normalized practice.

Preserved vegetable matter at site D1, in the hills, suggests that, like all prehistoric peoples, wild

plants and nuts were collected for food. It may be observed from the information given in the

data tables that hunting and gathering are equally relevant. The settlement inhabitants of sites B1

and C1 used a hunting technique to eliminate large-sized ungulates that populated the plain and

riverine zone, probably deer and different types of mammals. Gathering wild plants was also a

significant subsistence activity that one could realize from such items as seeds and nuts
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discovered at site D1. This dietary plan also implies the availability of a large number of plant

foods that are more diverse than seasonal nuts and seeds. Thesis They selected several plant parts

that included seeds, fruits, leaves, roots, and tubers, indicating that the Kolbia people had a

broad-spectrum accumulation ideology toward food.

Significantly, fishing-related activities are seen in site A1 out of all the identified sites.

The disposal of many fish bones and the presence of fishing instruments like nets, hooks, and

line proves that the lakeshore area was exploited mainly for fishing. The other attribute was the

infrastructure's close location to Lake Biggish, which offered a constant source of fish protein,

possibly a staple during the warmer seasons when fishing would offer the highest yields.

According to the "Kolbia Description Text" and the resource availability worksheet, it was clear

that resource acquisition was not constant throughout the Kolb River Valley, particularly due to

the variations between the seasons. Thus, in summer, the lakeshore site A1 was engaged in

fishing while the plains site B1 was aimed at hunting more, which was available during this

season's game. On the other hand, the riverbank site C1 indicated year-round occupation, but

different resources within a year were used at the site. For instance, during the spring and

summer months, people were mainly involved in fishing and collecting food; in this case,

hunting intensified in the fall and winter seasons.

All the sites have been used in different seasons for particular purposes. Hence, the

inhabitants of site A1 used the area mainly during Summer for fishing purposes, while site B1

was used during winter for hunting activities. C1: The settlement along the riverbanks was

designed to be used year-round, focusing on available resources during different seasons. Site D1

was mainly used during autumn, probably because of the availability of nuts and other plant

products during this season. From the times, there is a possibility of conclusive evidence that the
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Kolbia people separated into smaller groups during some of the seasons. For instance, some have

stayed in C1 to build a stable population, while others have shifted from A1 to B1 to D1 in

search of seasonal yields. This seasonal migration occurred to avoid any imbalance in the diet

and the availability of the various resources required throughout the year.

The Kolbia people used several methods to store food to meet future times when food

was scarce. The numerical storage pits discovered at site C1 indicate that food surplus, especially

the plant food resources, were processed and stored to feed the community all year round. Tools

that helped the groups survive were spears, bows, and fishing nets. Grinding stones were also

crucial for fishing and gathering plant foods. Meals and other non-food items were prepared and

stored at officially prescribed locations within the respective sites. For example, geometric maps

show that fish was prepared close to the lakeshore at site A1 while large game was butchered at

site B1. Particularly at Site C1, there were specialized zones for processing plant- and animal-

based resources, which underlined the centrality of this location for the inhabitants. Storage pits

as people tools were mostly placed close to preparation areas because it was easier to handle and

store food and specifics.

Part 2: Social Organization

The obtained data concerning the burials of the Kolb River Valley allows an

understanding of the differences in the status of the Kolbia population. As the Kolbia Data

Tables pointed out, the grave items at sites B1 and C1 were in different amounts and kinds. It

was customary to bury a person of high status with many important things, for example, unique

tools, adornments, and even weapons. For example, some of the burial grounds had cremation

material, beautiful utensils, and polished stone implements, which implied the superordinate

position of the deceased. Signs of social stratification are likewise observed in dwelling places
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on the subject of the people; moreover, the types of houses differ from one another. Ceramic

distribution maps and site plans show that some areas, especially the C1 site, were characterized

by more extensive and better standard living facilities, which implies that superior officials of a

higher rank or prosperous families may have occupied them. The distribution of scarce resources

such as stones or better-quality tools also supports the fact that the current society has a certain

class system. Such items were comparatively more abundant in the lifestyles of the upper classes,

and the private proceedings separated the classes.

Gender-specific activities might be deduced from the nature of tools and artifacts

identified on this site. The "Kolbia Data Tables" establish that utensils related to hunting, such as

spears and arrowheads, primarily belonged to alleged male users. On the other hand, items drawn

from procuring and preparing foods, such as grinding stones and plant processing tools, were

expected of female activities. They emphasize the different roles of genders in Kolbia society,

which is also expressed in the division of characters' tasks in the series. Therefore, the roles

based on age can be deduced from the grave goods buried with the children. From the burial data

of the kids, it emerged that they were buried with simplified and toy-like versions of the adult

tools and ornaments. This implies that as the children grew older, they were eased gradually into

the adult world, and this is revealed by the burial good that exhibited their future roles in society.

Further, some objects, such as toys, schooling items, etc., presuppose age-differentiated

occupations and training. Moreover, it unveiled the notion of general space for social functions

as depicted in the site plans, especially in site C1. These include large open spaces and buildings

that may have served as meeting halls and other ceremonial and social functions. These spaces

were employed for ceremonies, meals, and other collective performances, which served

significant tasks for stable social relationships and the preservation of culture.
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As for the nature of activities, different utensils and traces point to the sorts of activities

undertaken during such meetings. For instance, large quantities of pottery and food remains

imply that they were involved in feasting activities. Thus, the archeologists found out that the

purpose of these gatherings also involved ritual activities, as evidenced by the ceremonial

artifacts, including decorated pottery and objects associated with rituals. These activities helped

maintain social relations and functioned in the cult and religious life of the Kolbia people.

Part 3: Cultural Distinctions and Interactions

Comparing the cultural practices of the Kolb Valley and the Libby Valley, there are

similarities and differences. The data tables and maps reveal many similarities in the subsistence

techniques; the two regions undertaken include hunting, gathering, and fishing. Thus, prominent

distinctions can be outlined regarding the range and dispersion of the artifacts found. The Kolb

Valley sites (A1, B1, C1, and D1) contain moderate to high amounts of grave goods, reflecting a

higher level of social differentiation than the Libby Valley, in which few Hoffman components

exist. Also, the decorations observed in the pottery show differences between the two valleys

regarding the cultures they represent. In this case, the evidence of archaeology from Kolb Valley

shows that there were many cultures within the area. ChangesChanges in the burial pattern,

house forms, and types of artifacts used also indicate that different cultural people lived together.

For example, the decorated pottery at site C1 differs from the plain pottery at site B1 due to the

differences in artistic practices. Such differences might manifest in the ethnic affiliations of the

Kolbia people, in social circles, or subcultures.

It is also evident from the data tables that in the Kolb Valley, only some people had

exclusive rights to particular resources. For instance, site A1 has many fish remains, indicating

that the people living there mainly enjoyed the fishing resources in the lakeshore. On the other
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hand, site B1 on the plains had three times as many large mammal bones as any other site, and

established inhabitants had no other option but to hunt in these parts exclusively. This

presumably influenced the social and economic organization of the people of Kolbia.

Through the distribution of artifacts, it is clear that both trade and gift exchange between groups

were present in the society. Based on the findings, the Kolbia people used non-local materials to

construct their artifacts, which would have required them to be involved in exchange networks.

Also, the counterparts recovered from various sites within the Kolb Valley imply inter-site

exchanges of some artifact types. These interactions ensured the improvement of the circulation

of goods, ideas, and cultural practices, which played a role in the cultural integration and

diversity within the region.

Part 4: Concluding Thoughts

Through examination of the specific sites in the Kolb River Valley, much data about

Kolbia's subsistence strategies, social organization, and culture interchanges have been unveiled.

Considering what has been mentioned above, it could be inferred that the discussed society

possesses apparent social statuses, gender, age roles, and a highly developed communal

orientation. An analysis of the cultural differences evident within the Kolb Valley community

and between the Kolb Valley and the Libby Valley shows that cultural differences are complex

and exist even within what can be considered isolated communities. Also, the types and patterns

of resources accessed and utilized support the region's interconnection, economic nature, and

reality.

Further research could involve following the micro-cultural aspects within the social

structure of people in Kolb River Valley and the interaction between the African culture and

other cultures. Potential questions include: What specific sacred functions were carried out in the
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areas accessible to all people? Several questions can be asked, beginning with how intergroup

relationships started and how they developed over time. Novel findings from other undiscovered

sites or advanced studies for the current findings can help shed improved light on these aspects.

Moreover, acquiring additional information relating to elements that contributed to the

deterioration of resources in the Kolbian context and information about changes in the

environment would allow further insight into the extent of adjustment made by the Kolbia people

to their environment. This continued research would assist in portraying a clearer picture of the

Late Archaic lifeways of the Kolbia people.

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