An Exploration of Alleppey:

Socio-Spatial Structure of an Indian Town with Special Reference

to its Centre*

HANS SCHENK

Introduetion MAP 1
THELOCATION OF ALLEPPEY IN SOUTH INDIA
Alleppey, a town in the State of Kerala in
South India (see map 1) presents an attractive PARUAS

visual appearance. The central areas and the ALWAYE

outskirts bear little resemblance to the type of 9ERNAKUAM

cOCHIN
environments to which one is familar with
while visiting other towns and cities in India.
Also one will notice that the crowded bazar, AKE

which is so common elsewhere does not really VEMBANAO

SHERTALLÀLOYA V

exist here ; and the network of, streets is KOTIAYAM

extremely regular as against the seemingly con ALLEPPEY
fusing widenings and narrowings in streets and
PURAKKAbe
alleys, the bends, cul-de-sacs, courtyards and
sudden chowks through which he so easily used
to loose his way.
KATAMKULAM
The Morpbology of Alleppey
Looking at Alleppey one cannot find the QUnON
above mentioned characteristics of an indige - tIvers
man teads
nous town although Alleppey is very much an "nilways

indigenously-founded town. The nucleus of nOMBAY

Alleppey was built since 1762 as a port and
trading town by the then rulers of the state of (MAORAS

Travancore in order to challenge Dutch and TRIVANORUM

English maritime commercial power along the
Faculty Member, Institute of Planning and
eThis study is one of the results of researcb Demography,
on Alleppy,
University of Amsterdam, Netherlands.
conducted during 1979. The research was a part
of lhe Iodo-Dutch Research Project on Labour and
University of Amsterdam, Holland. The DepartmentPoverty in Indis and the Philippines, iaitiated at the
of Planning at this University
of the project. Financed this part

1
 coast of Malabar. The site was chosen for its local (Namboodiris) and other (mainly Sarasvat
convenient location with regard to inland from the Konkan) Brabmins; Muslim and Bania
(water) transport of spices and timber (see traders from Sindhb, Kutch, or Gujarat; Parsis,
map 2). For that purpose acanal of some three Christians, etc. all got a section along the
canal, at the Southern or the Northern bank,
kms was dug between the extensive system of
inland-waters (the Backwaters) which formed (map 3).
the commercial life lines of Travancore, and
the beach, upto a few hundred meters from the MAP 3
PLANNED URBAN DEVELOPMENT
Arabian Sea, where ships anchored on the IN 18TH CENTURY ALLEPPEY

roadsteads. The canal was dug in almost a

straight line from the ast to the West and 5 THYAV

formed the first major structuring morpholo 4

gical element of the new town. The second G000wNS

2
one was provided by overland through-routes
running from North to South along the sandy
stretch dividing the sea and backwaters. Along
1 Kunkang-Brahmin arga
the canal trade and commerce was initiated by 2 Muslim arca
3Christian area
merchants from the North of India, and is deve Arabian saa
4 Gujarat1 area
5 Nambo0diri Brahmin area
loped rapidly. There was from the beginning a
certain geographical segregation, which coinci
ded very much with segregation according to Although Alleppey flourished as a trading
religious and cultural communities. Thus andtransport centre, it did not attract a large
number of new inhabitants during the 18th and
19th centuries. Upto 1854 slavery made mobi
lity of labour almost impossible. Labourers
MAP 2 THE SITE OF ALLEPPEY were however recruited from nearby villages
and from prisons, Thus Alleppey remained for
a long time a small town inhabited mainly by
trading communities and surrounded by a
lake rather densely inhabited countryside.

Vembanád
A second canal parallel to the first one was
KOrTAYAM dug in the first half of the 19th century (map 4).
and especially since the second half of the 19th
century the town grew steadily in number of
MAP4
ANNED
PLAN URBAN DEVELOPMENT
IN 19 TH CENTURY ALLEPPEY

nTLighthouse

Arabran sea
inhabitants and in size. After the abolition of superblock' formed by major roads is given in
slavery, labourers could more easily move map 6.
around. They did so just by commuting from MAP 6.
the surrounding villages than by migrating to MINOR ROADS AND LANES IN ONE "SUPERBLOCK*
the town, although of course some people IN ALLEPPEY

settled in Alleppey; and around 1900 the num

ber of inhabitants was about 25,000.
It goes beyond the scope of this article to
describe in detail the socioeconomic and demo
graphic developments of the town. It may
suffice here to point at the remarkable fact that
though the economic base of Alleppey expanded
considerably during the first half of the 20th
century (the port; large scale coir manufactur o0 m
ing), the growth of the urban population was
not particularly high. In 1941 about 56,000
inhabitants were counted, witnin an area of Why does the morphological structure
4.5 sq. miles, one sq. mile more than in 1901.
of Alleppey show the sigms of careful
In 1951 the population rose to about 116,000 planning which is so characteristic of Britishb
persons, but the urban area almost trebled to
town planning according to Brush ? Surely,
12.5 sq. miles. During later decades, a declin between 1800 and 1947 British merchants were
ing cconomy went together with a rather slow in control over the export trade of the town
population growth, upto 160,000 in 1971. and simultaneously in charge of law and order.
There is in Alleppey hardly a sign of any One may assume that their influence has exten
'crooked', 'encroached', 'curved' or whatever ded to some control over the urban lay-out as
street or ally to disturb the non-Indian eye. well. But this lay.out was already in principle
The major roads as they are now, are shown in there before the British came. Local people
map 5, while an example of lanes within a like to point to Venice, as the great example
MAP 5.
for Alleppey. This surely does not hold true
MAJOR ROADS IN ALLEPPEY for ils morphological pattern. The answer one
Cochin lake is inclined togive is that the regularity of the
vembanad urban map was by far the most obvious solu
tion. Since the canal was dug in a straight
Iine, traders settled, shoulder to shoulder
alongside it, in more or less two straight lines.

Since overland routes were and are running

in rather straight lines on top of the rides on
see
map 6 ..
the coastal strip, also roads contributed to the
emerging regular pattern. Thus the towa
developed somewhat in linear ways alongside
its main trafic arteries. In this respect one has
aribian see to refer to the linear tradition of rural buman
Kottayam settlement in Travancore and present Kerala.
Quilon Either along waterways, or along roads, or
Cven now along railroads, houses tend
to be built in one or two long rows, while
cach house is surrounded by a larger
 which vegetables, to almost one-hundred just three
compound in kms away
Or smaller from this central area*
grown (see for a detailed
fruits and coconnts are This pattern can
description : Ansari 1969). Brush concludes that the ratio between
traced in the outskirts of Alleppey densities in the urban centre and the urban
also be
settlement pattern
beyond the canals. The National Poipuery can be as high as 50 to 1, thonoh :
along the major North-South runningcrossroads most cases it lies between 10and 15 to 1.
built
Highway 47 and the gradually
of expanding villages
is then rather a sign These densities have tended to increase in
canal. zone) than the
towards the town (the time. It is only very recently that in some
town from the canals major towns population densities in the central
result of an expanding
on wards. area are declining, while they go up in adjoin
ing areas.
Summing up, the major point is that under
By contrast again, in British-built towns and
the conditions that existed at the time of the
planning and initial building of Alleppey, also newly planned and built& towns like Chan
which have been mentioned here, regularity and digarh, densities are not only much lower but
careful planning appeared to be as logical and also much moreeven.
important to Indian town-planners in the
18th century, as is ascribed as a British contri Again, Alleppey does not it in such a
the question of
bution to urban India, One has to add here dichotomy. Even apart from
the location of its centre, map 7 makes it clear
too that the morphological regularity was not
inspired so much by religious considerations as MAP 7.
was the case in ancient Hindu settlement-plan THE SPREAD OF THE URBAN POPULATION
ning. Alleppey was right from the beginning a (Census 1971)
very secular town.

The Distribution of the Urban Popalation

The second line of approach by Brush to
distinguish between indigenous and British
urban places, is the spread of the urban popula
tion over the urban area. The indigenous town
is not only marked by the irregularity of its
lay-out, specially in the central area, but also
by an overcrowding centre which is of a com
plex nature. It is not only a matter of high
residential densities, but rather a matter of
living densities' in the sense that working,
dwelling, social interaction, leisure, transport
are very much confined to a small nucleus : the
bazar area. Around this necleus of the indi
genous to wn, densities drop sharply as Brush
demonstrates with many examples (1974;1977).
Gross densities upto a thousand or
more
persons: per hectare in the central areas, fall " . 20O0 persons
An exemption is to be
density zone is around amade for
rather
thebuge metropoles like
Bombay or Calcutta. In these cities the \high
'empty' CBD, and extends for a greater
distance.
 that no wide differences exist in the ward-wise make a distinction between town and suburbs,
densities of population. There is no centralarea while speaking of inner and outer zones. The
with much higher densities than its surroun local division of Kerala State Electricity Com
dings. In Alleppey all but two wards fall inside, pany consists of three ings : the first one cateiS
a range of 25 to 115 persons per gross hectare forthe demands of the inner-zone; while the two
and the two remaining wards consist of others provide electricity in the outer zones plus
water in their greater parts. a couple of adjoining villages. Even gradients
of population densities, which are already so
Besides, densities are extre mely loW, if low in Alleppey, register gradual transition
compared to many other towns in India. They between outer Zones and neighbouring
do not exceed those in newly built towns like villages. While the gradient between inner
Chandigarh, where land-use was rather tightly and outer zones of the town averages about 2
controlled, It cannot be said however, that to 1(the average density in the inner zone is
such a land-use control, preventing squatters 62 persons per
gross hectare; in the outer
to invade low-dènsity areas, existed in Allep zones 34 and 31), the gradient between outer
pey. The question is then : how can densities zones and neighbouring villages may even
in Alleppey be so low ? be less (on average about 3 to 2; in the North
however almost 1to l and in the South about
We may return to some remarks in the 2 to l).
preceding paragraph. There it was observed
that the population of present Alleppey This picture leads to a tentative reformula
actually consisted of two major parts. The first tion of Alleppey's development. In a sense it
part consisted of, in-migrant me rchants who is not quite correct to speak of Alleppey
settled alongside the canal during the latter as a planned town the 18th century. It
half of the 18th century. Their offsprings, who seems more adequate to speak of purposely
still live in Alleppy occupy even now to a large planned and built Central Business District
extent this site, and the site of the second canal, since 1762. Within the realm of this CBD
- jn what can now be called the inner zone of more or less the area enclosed by the two
the towWn. The growth of the town and of the canals andits immediate surroundings to the
urban population however, has been very much North and the South-a limited number of
a 'growth' of village populations nearby this traders settled. The major part of the popula
inner zone towards' the two canals and to wards tion that now constitutes the municipality are
other directions. This part forms the second villagers who happend to have become Allep
major segment of the urban population. peyans as urban bo rders were drwan wider and
wider, i.e. more to the North and the South.
The inhabitants of these villages are Allep- The villages were already there in 1762, they
peyans as the urban borders were several times only grew in number of inhabitants, while their
redrawn farther away from the canals. This inbabitants were more and more directed
process meant also that the growth of the towards the non-agricultural employment in
population in Alleppey was largely the result the parachuted business centre called Alleppey.
of a series of administrative measures which
brought villages North and South of the two Before discussing in more detail the quanti
canals partly or completely within the munici- tative dimensions of the spatial distribution of
pal realm. the population of Alleppey, it is opportune to
deal here with a few qualitative aspects of this
Even now there is a more distinct diference distribution.
between the canal zone and the two outer
zones, than between these outerzones and the High castes, bigh class categories of the
surrrounding villages. Alleppeyans continue to urban population tend to live near the centre

5
of the indigenous town, while Tow castes and per female ward population aad the differences
low class categories tend to live at the out between the former and the latter are shown.
skirts. Brush demonstrates this general rule
The data on literacy do not give a picture of
byhis ønalysis of the socio-spatial structure of
Varanasi (Benares). It was only recently that a relatively highly literate population in the
central areas and a relatively illiterate at the
in this town peripheral locations by some
members of elite-groups were chosen. periphery. The diferences in degree of literacy
per ward are rather to be explained by the dis
Ihave no data available on the spatial dis tribution of some socio-cultural groups over
tribution of classes and castes in Alleppey. the urban area. Although no ward-wise data
Since class and position go hand in hand with are available on the distribution of these groups,
one can pointat the existense of a large Muslim
some other variables, it is possible to show for
Alleppey in an indirect way the distribution dominated area in the town that coincides
of the population according to social strata. with the low-density wards in the Southwest.
For this purpose I have used the data on Since Muslims are known to have a traditional
literacy. In the three maps 8 to 10 the distri arrear secular educatioD, the low degrees of
bution of the degree of general literacy per literacy in these wards can be explained in
ward population, the degree of female literacy this way. Looking at female degrees of literacy,
MAP8
THE DEGREE OF LITERACY PER CENSUS-VIARD
55- 60%
POPULATION 60- 65%
census 1971)
65- 70e
HH 7o- 75%
0 75- 80l

MAP 9
THE DEGREE OF FEMALE LITERACY
PERFEMALE CENSUS-WARD POPU
LATION

10
DIFFERENCES IN GENERAL LITERACY
AND FEMALE LITERACY

(census 1971 )
-50%

s0- 60%
HH60- 70%
B 70- 80%
-8%

HH 8-12%
12-16%
(census 1971

6
 the point iseven made stronger. Since among the tioned a number of characteristics of an urban
Muslim population the sex-differences in atten central point, which we will take as a starting
ding secular education are relative ly great, point. These characteristics are :
one might expect in the low-general-leteracy
areas even lower degrees of female literacy. the existence of a commercial area
b a major street intersection of square
This exa mple of the qualitative aspects of
the pattern of population distribution strengh C. a point of maximum traffic density
thens the idea that Alleppey did not 'grow out d a major traffic interchange
from its canal-zone onwards, but 'grew in' e. an area with highest land-values.
to a large extent.
A quick examination shows that there are
There is no low-literacy belt at the urban at least six distinct areas which correspond to
periphery like in so many Indian towns and one or afew of such characteristics in Alleppey.
which is for a great deal a reflection of pat These are discussed belowv.
terns of segregation caused by geographical
urban-oriented and intra urban mobility. The (a). The Commercial Area of Alleppey
Alleppeyan-patte rns of segregation point rather
The term commercial area is not very clear.
to a much greater geographical immobility.
It may refer to retail trade or to wholesale
The centre of Alleppey trade. It may refer to daily food trading and
to the selling of durable or even luxurous con
An important instrument in the method
articles. In may towns such com
Used by Brush to measure the decrease of Sumpion
mercial activities coincide in the central bazar
ward-densities of population with increasing
distances to the centre, is the fixation of a
area, although there are within the bazar speci
alised sections. In Alleppey, however, quite
central point of the town: the culmination of distinct areas of the town caier for commercial
the central area.
needs of various kinds.
In the case of Alleppy it is not easy to find
a central pojnt. As against the assumption In map lla sche matic impression is given
of Brush that : "presumably there is one point, of the several main com mercial areas of the
usually in a commercial area with a major town, which are all located within or adjoin
street intersection or public square, in the ing the inner zore consisting of the two canals
(Commercial Canal in the South, Vadai canal
vicinity of which communication and inter-
change are at maximum concentration and land in the North, and its water-boundaries to the
East and the West.
values are highest" (1974 : 109), can be found,
there is at first sight no point anywhere in MAP I1
THE MAIN COMMERCIAL AREAs IN ALLEPPEY
Alleppeywhich has the above mentioned com (numbers: see text)
bination of qualities. Brush's assumption may 1 km
be usefull if there is a central bazar* and as
such the fixation of a central urban point is a 1
continuation of the idea that the indigenous
bazar is the focus of Indian indigenous urban life.
Let us see in detail how the situation in
Alleppey is in this respect. Brush has men

"Altbough one may of course doubt whether such a point is very relevant. Why is Manek Chauk chosen
as the central point in Abmedabad and not some point in Lal Dar waza ? Similarly, wby is Parry's
corner chosen as the central point in Madras, and not some junction of Anna Salai? Who is to choose
between Old Delbi's Chandni Chowk and New Delhi's Connaught Place ?

7
 Commervàl a I inmap | isthe main omprises of one single street-Mulakkal-that
eenenttation of eoiading, together with connects both the canals, half akilometer East
emnats of procesing of coirproduct, Since of lron Bridge. t is known for luxury shops
evir a tjor item of whealth in Aleppey, ike jewelery and gokd, eBoth and ready made
this ane has great signiñcnce. The large-seale textiles, some hard ware, eleetrical outâting,
or factornes in this arex used to employ chemicals shops, ete.
thousands of workers deades ago, and the
sherping street in this area (New Bazar, along There are about 150 basiness premises in
side Commeial Cana) uset to be a most Mullakkal, apart from a surprising low number
important one. But now the factories have of hawkers and petty traders, and two temples.
clesed down due to a variety of reasons that Among the shops, ete. there are : 26 textiles
fall outside the seope of this study, Only shops, 25 jewelery shops, t3 chemist's shops,I
trade is concenttated here. Together with the shors selling alumininm and steel vessels, ete,
dramatie decine of employment in this area, 7shops selling cosnetics and ladies require
New Bazr has lost most of its imporance and ments", besides such specialized shops where
itsdilapilated appearance proves tùis. sport articles (), fountainpens (1), books and
stationary (6), bicycles 2, radio, records, eleo
Area 2 is the main market for foodstuffs trical out fits (5), or harmoniums (1) are sold.
ike vegetables, grains, fruits, etc. Further, there are banks, an oflice of the Com
munist Party of India, a vaterenary hospitat,
In this area the daily quotations of average but very few hops selling food (4 vegetable
prices of a number of commodities are made, shops, 2ghee shops, 2bakeries).
both in the retail trade and in the wholesale
trade, by the State Bureau of Economics and Propably most inhabitants of Alleppey
Statistics. Some of these quotations have would point to Mullakkal if they were asked
even a nation-wide function, As such it comes about the location of the centre. And indeed
close to the most important funetion of the it seems the most crowded shopping street in
traditional bazar. It attracts many customers Alleppey, especially between 5 and 7p. m.
and some of its streets display the overcrowd Also while the street is somewhat besides the
ing, filth and chaos that are supposed to be main traffic arteries and hence offering almos1
so characteristic for indegenous Indian towns. a pedestrial precinct, for Indian conditions,
Its streetshowever, have straiglht align ments. it seems a favourite place for being in town',
'meeting friends', or strolling around.
Area 3 is the main financial centre. It lies at
both sides of Commercial Canal around Iron Area 5, finally, is the main trading area for
Bridge. At least two out of every three finan other economically important products for
ciai institutions (banks, insurance companjes. Alleppey like copra, coconntoil and spices.
cooperative credit organisations) are to be This area which comprises of the Southern
found in this area. In its vicinity, especially section of Tirumalla and the Northera section
alongside the canal in the Western direction, of Chungam,two wards divided by Commercial
is the centre of hardware selling. Canal, is the focus of processing and trade of
these products : hke dgying of copra and
The roads alongside the canal may some pressing of oil, etc. Production, trade and
times be filled with piles of bricks, sacks of transport attract a considerable number of
cement, heaps of sand. The area around Iron people, and it can be called a busy area.
Bridge attracts many visitors,
In between the five mentioned areas, there
Area 4 is by far the outstanding centre of is a mixed developnment. Minor trades have
Don-food commodities. This centre actually developed in some parts, dwelling functions

8
seem to dominate in other ones, while in some following number of vehicles during peak
parts there are second rank urban activities, hours in one direction were counted in 1965 :
The next-best vegetable market is directly
north of Stone Brid ge and connects Mullakal Table 1
with the Tirumala-Chungam business area.
Traffic densities during peak hour (in one
The Southern Bank of Commercial Canal East
of Iron Bridge shows some signs of increasing
direction) at various places in Alleppey 1965
developments : a couple of new stores have vehicles bicycles
been built there, etc. fast slow
Iron Bridge (7) 265 165 505
(b) The Major Street-Intersections
Palace Junction (8) 192 82 389
In map 12 the major streeis are given in the Zilla Court Bridge 41 69 311
inner zone of the town. National Higbway (9)
47 which passes through the town (A By-pass
along the beach is already under consideration Shavacotta Bridge 32 32 205
(10)
MAP. 12
THE MAJOR STREET-INTERSECTIONS Source : Developmcnt Plan for Alleppey town,
(numbers: see text)
1966 : 44-45

From the point of view of traffic density,

Iron Bridge, or the stretch between Iron
Bridge and Palace Junction a few hundred
meters to the South along National Highway 47
is clearly the centre of the town. Although
these data refer to the nid-sixties and no recent
since a long time.) is by far of the most impor- data are available, personal observation in 1979
tant street for through traffic, and hence filled easily conirms this.
with trucks and busses. Its intersection at
Iron Bridge at the Nothern and the Southern (d) Major Traffic Interchanges
Bank of Commercial Caral (area 6) CanTrafic is most heavy at Iron Bridge. Much
be considered as
the most important. A of it is originating in a technical sense at traffic
couple of other junctions can be found, but interchanges faraway elsewhere in the town.
their meuning is derived from the traffic they In map 14 the most important places of trafic
bear, which is cunsidered in the next section. interchange are given. Much of the inter-local
passenger trafic is water-born. Many passen
(c) The Points of Maximum Traffic Densities ger boats ply the Backwaters to villages and
The major traffic nodes in Alleppey are towns East of Allepey, and some go to the
MAP 13
North and the South, upto Cochin and Quilon.
THE POINTS OF MAXIMUM TRAFFIC DENSITIES
(numbers.see text )
All the boats land at Boat Jetty area (11) at
MAP 14
THE MAJOR TRAFFIC INTERCHANGES
(numbers: see text )
10

14

given in map 13. At the four nodes in this

map, three bridges and one junction bore, the
9
 Vadai Canal, a few hundred meters East of MAP 15
LAND VALUES IN SOME PARTS OF ALLEPPEY
Mullakkal and Zilla Court Bridge. ln 1972 (numbers: see text)
not less than 188 passengers-boats departed
from and landed at Boat Jetty daily (data from
Kerala State Water Transport Department).

Nearby the Boat Jetty, and again a few 16

hundred meters to the East is the regional bus

station (area 12), by far the most important
focal point of regional overland transport. 1 mm corresponds wiih 100 R/m2
Busses ply from there to nearby villages and value. It is clear however that Mullakkaß
distant towns like Trivandrum and Cochin and
(area 15) stands first with respect to land values,
even beyond. Boat Jetty and Bus station toge
ther makes this Northeastern corner of the
followed by Iron Bridge (16). In between and
inner zone of the town the outspoken passengerbeyond these areas prices fall slowly or quickly,
transport centre of Alleppey, in spite of the
although the lack of sufficient data does not
rather long distance towards the main trafic permit to fill the map more completely.
junction at Iron Bridge.
Alleppey : A Multi-Centered Town
When we bring the five criteria for the
Secondarycentres exist between Iron Bridge
and Palace Junction (13) where the most impor fixation of an urban central point together, it
tant taxi-stand can be found, and where all the is elear that no easy choice is available .
buses have their stops. In the near future, an Depending on preferences for one criteria or
Important traffic interchange mav be expected another, one may bave in mind Mullakkal,
in the Western part of the inner zone (14) when or the centre of Mullakkal for convenience
the railway line-under-construction between sake-or Iron Bridge. Mullakkal is by far the
Alleppey and Cochin will start functioning. most important non-food shopping centre and
appearently an attractive site for business
(e) Land Values enterpreis since business men are prepared to
pay relatively high prices for a piece of land
Land val ues are not as easily available as
in this street. Iron Bridge is the main financial
the other four criteria for fixation of the urban
centre and the busiest trafic-area in town.
central point. Knowledge of land values
But the bus stand and Boat Jetty are the main
requires accers to a sufficient number of actual
trafic interchanges and they are rather far away
sales within a limited time period. Moreover
from Iron Bridge. And also : the main food
it requires reliable informants who know real
stuff market may claim the highest popularity
selling prices as against registered ones which of all the commercial areas of Alleppey since
are definitely too low in order to minimize
taxes. These factors make this criterion
it caters for daily, mass-based commodities.
a rather risky one.
And this market is far away from Mullakkal)
and the Boat Jetty-Bus stand area.
The land values that are given in map 15 Essential for the scope of this study is then
should thu, be read with some caution, They the conclusion that there is no single central
are based on oral information from knowled- point in Alleppey where all or evep the majority
geable informants whose information was of the criteria set for an urban central point
sufficient to draw this map. The map gives are met. Mullakkal does not attract much
prices including 'average' premises of the sold traffic, the Boat-Jetty-Bus stand area is no
land. Since prices of land are rising quickly, shopping area at all; Iron Bridge lacks many
the data in this map have merely a relative of the qualities of Mullakkal etc.

10
 In viewof the emerging picture of a multi It will be remembered that Brush hypothe.
centered town of Alleppey, one may ask again sises a steep gradient for indigenous Indian
whether Alleppey is exccptional in this respect, towns from the central point or from the
or whether the choice of a central point in nearby central point onwards the periphery. He
certain other towns is made somewhat arbitra measures this gradient by taking median distances
rily. In an earlier section some doubts were from each Census ward to the central point,
raised regarding the designation of a central We may ask now whether there is such a steep
point in cities like Madras or Ahmedabad. gradient in Alleppey, and whether the gradient
On the basis of a more detailed investigation differs markedly by choosing various starting
of the centre of Alleppey, these doubts are points.
repeated here.
For this purpose we have followed Brush's
In course of time one can observe that there procedure for the ward of Alleppey. In an
are definite shifts in the location of the central Annexure the database for this procedure has
been given, while we shall discuss here the
areas of Alleppey. Some central functions of
summary-results as given in table 2
the town decayed (e. g. the port-functions):
other ones emerged (e. g. overland transport);
Table 2
while still other ones got new locations (e. g.
shopping from New Bazar to Mullakkal). Tak Averge gross ward-desities according to mile
ing these processes as a wholc, most central distance zones originating from two alternate
areas 'move to the East' and tend to become urban central points
more dispersed over the inner urban zone. One density in persons per ha in zones
may therefore hypothesise that the multi around
centered pattern has become more outspoken Iron Bridge Mullakkal
during the last few decades. In view of these Junction
observations it seems worth while to consider
59 56
the location of (a) central areas (s) also in terms 0-1 mile
of urban dynamics. This aspect of the 1-2 miles 51 37
socio-spatial charaçter of Alleppey will however 25
be discussed in the future. 2 miles and 11

more
The Gradient of Population Density in Alleppey
Re-examined Soucces : Censes of India 1971, 1973.

To conclude, we endeavour to make some This table has been made inconformity with
exercises on the gradient of population density the yardsticks uscd by Brush : i. e. full-miles.
staring from several alternative central poinis. It will be seen in this table that there are very
of
flat ratio's indeed, irrespective of the choice
This enables us to demonstrate more in detail
the nature of the distribution of population of choice between
a central point. However, the Junction does
Alleppey and moreover we are able to assess Iron Bridge and Mullakkal
the variations in such a gradient with varying matter. The Iron Bridge-gradient is about
Junction -
central points, For shis purpose two tentative 5 1/2 to 1, while the Mullakkal
as
urban central points in Alleppey have been gradient isonly about 2 to l: less than half
still amazing
selected: the Iron Bridge gradient. This considered
Mullakkal and Cullen difference gets emphasis when it is tentative
a. the junction of that the distance between the
two
Road, halfway Mullakka! 500 meters.
central points is only some considerably.
(Mullakkal Junction) Moreover, the gradients difer deinitely of a
The Iron Bridge-gradient
is
b. Iron Bridge.
11
 central points in relation to areas of high and
convex form: i.e. it is flat in the two inner
downwards low population densities.
zones, and goes relatively steeply
Junction
in the outer zone. The Mullakkal Both tentative central points are located
the
gradient has rather a concave form: besides areas with maximum densi ties as map
greatest difference in densities is between the
16 shows. They represent two points in a
middle and the innermost Zone.
rather empty living area, which is surrounded
by areas with much higher densities. A partial
These differences suggest that the choice
exception has to be made for Iron Bridge wbich
of a central point materially effects the desity is touched by the Southeastern corner of Market
gradient. This point will become even more
Ward. This Ward houses not only the foodstuff
clear when the yardstick is refined from a mile market, but is a lso one of the high density
to half amile as can be seen in table 3. living areas in Alleppey. As such it comes
closest to the idea of the indigenous bazar.
Table 3
MAP 16
GROSS DENSITIES OF POPULATION PER SENSUS
Average gross ward densities according to WARD
half a mile distance zones from two alternate (Census 1971)

urban central points

densities in persons per ha in zones

around
Iron Bridge Mullakkal
Junction
| 0 - 4 mile 74 58

-1 mile 56 55
|-1-} nmiles 54 55
1-}-2 miles 49 27

2-2- miles 25
2000
Source : Census of India 1971, 1973.
2000- 4000
4000- 6000 persons per kro
The emerging gradients get rather irregular
forms. The Mullakkal Junction-gradient actu 6000-8O00
ally exists of two flat levels : a retatively high 18000-10000
10000-12000
level upto l-} mile and a lower level beyond
that distance. The Iron Bridge-grdient has a However, it has been demonstrated in an
high peak for the density zone upto mile, a earlier section of this paragraph that this area
flat at the level of the innermost Mullakkal lacks many other qualities that are ascribed to
Junction level, but for a different distance zone: a central bazar area in the sense that Brush has
4 to 2 miles. Beyond that distance a very low given it.
density level is reached.
The high density in this ward gives also
These exercises are meant to demonstrate the explanation for the sudden density peak
the fluct uations that occur wben some altera in the half a mile gradient from Iron Bridge
tions are made in the procedure of measuring onwards, as has been given in table 3.
density gradients. Gradients as such as are then The data given in the tables 2 and 3, in map
rather arbitrary. It is however -more useful 16 and in earlier
sections make it possible to
to consider the specific locations of the chosea describe the structure of Alleppey in the follow
:12
 ing way. In Alleppey there is an area, formed commercial core mav have been an important
by the two canals which is rather empty as far factor to explain this situation.
as dwelling functions are concerned, with the
exception of one ward, (Market Ward) which In the third place one has to remark that
divides the inner zone in two parts. These parts the Western type of population distribution
consist of a number of commercial areas which according to class reflects the importance &
have specific functions, and which are territorially geographical mobility, as has been described
segregated unlike the situation in many other by Burgess. In Alleppey there is no such
Indian towns. There is in Alleppey a clear mobility in the 'Western' sense whereby high
territorial specialization of central urban func class groups move towards the periphery, while
tions. low class groups have to stick to areas directly
around the CBD. Nor is there the mobility
Adjacent to the core area between the canals in the Indian sense' whereby the opposite
is a belt of high-density wards, or rather two tendency prevails.
ribbons in view of the site restrictions of All A final review
eppey. Gross densities of at least 60 persons
per hectare are prevalent and they may go up Returning to the arguments of Brush, it
to more than 100. Further up to the North seems that the dichotomy between indigenous
and down to the south, densities fall gradually. and British or modern towns is a dangerous
This pattern of the distribution of the urban one. Sure, one can hardly fail to observe the
population resembles very much that of Western differences in lay out, and in density patterns
cities where the 'Burgess type' of urban popu
between Shahjababad ("0ld Delbi") and New
lation zones is rather prevalent. There are Delhi; between the old town Ahmedabad and
howevar several important differences. The Ellis Bridge across the Sabarmati or the new
first one is that unlike in Western cities where state capital Gandhinagar; between so many dis
zones of classes of the population go from low trict towns in India and their cantonments or
class inner zones to high class peripheral zones, railway-colonies. But the danger lies in catego
there is no such zoning in Alleppey. The maps rising these differences as being indigenous' or
on literacy which indicate by and large class 'British'.
categories do not show such a zonal distribution.
On the contrary, some high classes tend to live For several reasons a different approach to the
in or near the central parts of Alleppey, like socio-spatial structures in Indian urban places is
the Namboodiri Brahmins in Mullakkal, or to be preferred. The first reason is that there
the Saraswat Brabmins in Tirumala or the Pal clearly exists an indigenous tradition of town
ace Ward, just South of the Commercial Canal. planning in which visual characteristics like
regularity and order, which are so easily seen
The second remark relates to a more com as the western contribution to urban India,
plex situation, Uolike Western cities where are honoured (see e.g. Nilsson, 1968 : 193).
the formation of a com mercial core was nor This tradition goes from Mohenjo-daro or Har
mally the result of market-forces which attrac appa or from the prescriptions for town planning
ted financlally strong powers to attractive sites as laid down in the Silpa-Sastra, ancient Hindu
and ousted the financially weak ones from it, in scripts on architecture and town planaing,
Alleppey the CBD was there right from the "which indeed governed the planning of all
beginning, more than two centuries ago, Indo"Aryan villages and towns", as the socio
logist Mukerjee remarko (1968 : 145, see also
This seems quite contrary to common Mukerjee 1961; and for a more comprebensive
Indian experlences where living and working overview the clauslo study of Dutt (a.d.) and
coincide much more. The close proximity of the recent one of Begde (1978). And opposite
residential areas-villages, now 'suburba to this to'Indlan order' can also stand 'British disor
13
der', as can be demonstrated by the description The socio-spatial pattern of Alleppey as it
of the nucleus of the British settlement in was devised and as it grew since 1762 can be
Calcutta (or rather Fort William). This colony seen at being at variance with a categorisation
grew to an irregular ring of European houses of towns in India. There is ample proof that
beside the fort and around the park and the Alleppey does not fit into a pattern designed
large tank.. "everyone taking in what ground by Brush and other. If, bowever, it is remar
best pleased them for gardening so that in ked that such an exception does not but con
most houses you must pass through a gardeH form a general rule, it seems more appropriate
into the house" (Nilsson 1368 : 47). to say that Alleppey demonstrates that the
categorisation- of the Brush-type may as well
Alleppey too is a proof of a regular indige- have been made too easily.
nous urban place that was started by Indians. It seems more appropriate to say that urban
Alleppey's lay-out was however guided by
developments are the result of a
secular commercial ideas, unlike the 'stronely S0ci0-spatial
large number of forces. Some of these forces
religious infiuences in classical Indian town are of a local importance only, while others
planning. have a wider significance. This will hold true
for every town in India or elsewhere. It seems
The second reason refers to the implied more fruitful then to explore the local and
value judgements that are laid down in the more general forces in urban development in
description of 'indigenous' and 'British' urban India than resort to categorisaion based on
patterns. 'Disorder', 'lack of space', easily western models.
Öccupy an inferior position in relation to
'order', carefull planning", etc. These value ANNEXURE
judgements have certainly played a role by
many foreign urban experts visiting and study
ing urban India. Fonseca has forcefully cri
ticized those foreign (and Indian) professionals
who judged over Shabjahanabad in this way
(1976 : 103-115). Indeed there is every reason 225
26

to be ca utious when the Indian bazars are

24
seen in the following way : "They seem to
20 22
have an agelees past and an aimless future" in
the words of Clinard and Chatterjee (1962:72). 17
15

At least such a view on the bazar insults those 1112

who toil to earn a living in a socio-spatial
14
surrounding that grew along lines tbat could 13
not be controlled by them.
3 2

Value judgements cannot be seen free from

biases that casily bear ethnocentric traits.
°Order' versus 'disordei' seems to be such an
ethnocentrric bias, resulting fromour Wes
tern experience in urban socio-spatial structures Numbers and names of the wards of Alleppey
from medieval towns onwards. Those descrip
1. Kalarcode
tions of indigenous and British-towns in India
that start from assuming disorder and order 2. Pazha Veedu
cannot avoid such a bias, irrespective of the 3. Vattayil-Vadakkal
attempts to explain order and disorder. 4. Kuthirapanthy
14
 5. Beach 20. Shertalai Canal
6. Zakaria Bazar 21. Powerhouse
7. Lajnath 22. Sanathanam
8. Allicherry 23. Zilla Court
9. Vellakinar
24. Kanjiramchira
10. Puthanangady 25. Thumbolly
11. Municipal Ofice 26. Arattuvazhi
12. Palace 27. Kommady
13. Thiruvampady 28. Poonthoppu
14. Chungam 29. Thondankulangara
15. Thirumala 30. Asramam
16. Mullakkal 31. Avalukunnu-Thathampally
17. Market 32. Kottankulangara
18. Factory 33. Nebru Trophy
19, Seaview

Ward-wise data.
in meters
Ward area population density in median distance to :
in km? (1971) inh,/ha Iron Bridge Mullakkal
junction
1. 8.41 7167 3525 3225
2. 1.48 5737 39 2925 3225
3. 2,79 10729 38 3300 3750
4. 1.45 5009 35 3375 3825

5. 0.72 6194 86 2325 2925

6. 0,96 5220 54 2400 3000

1. 0.44 S103 116 1725 2325

8. 0.47 3614 77 1500 2025

9. 0.34 2576 76 1350 1950
10. 0.36 3630 101 1275 1800
11. 0.62 3417 55 900 1575

12. 0.62 3207 52 600 979

13. 0.65 4119 63 1575 1875

14. 1.57 5915 38 1575 1425

15. 0.57 2568 45 I050 600
(Contd.)

15
 in meters
method distance to :
Ward arca population ensity in
n km Iron Bridge Mullakkal
(1971) inh./ha
junction
75 450 300
16. 0.44 3285
3967 110 450 900
17. 0,36
3105 44 1350 1800
18. 0,70
0.60 3578 60 2550 3000
19.
89 2700 3075
20. 0.54 4832

21. 0,44 4153 94 1725 2100

22. 0.65 5097 78 1200 I125

23. 0,93 4618 50 1350 900

24. 0.44 3820 87 3075 3375

25. 1.84 4911 27 3900 3975

26. 1.01 4803 48 2700 2775

27. 0.80 3319 41 3600 3675

28. 1.06 4914 46 2625 2675

29. 0.86 5030 58 2100 1875

30. 0.96 5096 53 3525 3225

31. 3.19 10381 33 2250 1950

32. 2.59 6588 25 3825 3225

33. 7.91 4464 6 3450 2925

Source : Census of India 1971, 1973.

16
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1. Ansari, J. H., 1969-A Study of
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planning in India. New Delhl. Bombay.
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5
Century new town in Travancore, India. Planolo
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17