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mm
A H I S TO R 2
”

OF L I VE R P O OL

RA M SA Y M U I R
AN D RE W G EDD EAN D 3‘O H N RAN K I N
S
F
PRO E SS O R O F M ODE RN H I S T O RY IN
TH E U N I VE RSI T T O F L I VE R PO O L

WI HT M A P S £9 '
T TION S
ILL U S RA

S E CO N D ED I T I O N

P U B L ISH E D
FO R TH E U NIVERSITY P RE SS
O F L IVERP OO L B 2 W ILL IA M S U NO RG A TE ,
”

H E N RIE TT T
A S REET, L OND ON , W C 190 7 . .
 SDQ
mo
mm
mm

C T m lm g
. and Co .
,

Pr i n ter : to t b e U n i v er s i ty Pr es: f L i v er pool

o

53 Vi ct or i a St r eet
T H I S book i s an attempt to pres e nt the lif story e-

o f the community of L i v er o o l in a c o n c i s e and

p
cons e cutive narrative , d e sign e d rather f o r the
citizen than for t h e profe ssed historical stud e nt .

I t makes no claim to b e r e gard e d as a final or

authoritative treatment o f its subj ect f o r though ,

it contains new facts o r new vi e ws upon a good

many points its author is well awar e that a vast
,

deal o f painstaking investigation will still b e

nec e ssary befor e any such treatment will b e
possible O n the other hand it does n o t aim
.

at being suitable for u s e in e lementary schools :

I a m glad to think that a little book design e d ,

for that purp ose is being prepar e d by an abler

,

pen N o r d o e s this book pret e nd to supersede

.

preceding works on the sam e theme its scale and

plan having necessitated the omission o f great
masses o f fact for which the inquirer will still
repair to BAI N ES and PI CTO N .

In view o f the purpose o f t h e book it has be e n

,

thought wise not to load its pages with refe rences

to authorities I have however added in an
.
, ,

app e ndix a short descriptive e ssay on t h e i r i n c i p al

sources from which information can b e diawn o n
t h e history of Liverpool Perhaps I may take
.

this opportunity to s ay that o n all questions related

to the v e xed and difficult subj ect o f municipal
 Pr o f a (6

gove rnm e n t I have assumed without argume nt

t h e conclusions put forw ard in my Introduction
to t h e H i r tor y of M u n i ci pal G ov er n m en t i n L i v er
p ool
. T hat work h as now been b e for e t h e public

for e ight months ; and as du ring that tim e i t s

conclusions have not o n any m at e r i al point be e n
r e fut e d or e v e n impugn e d I have fe l t mys e lf j usti ,

fi e d in assuming that they w e r e acc e pt e d .

I o w e many and de e p acknowl e dgm e nts Mr . .

W IL L IAM FARRE R has plac e d m e under an in e z

pr e ssibl e obligation by lending me hi s splendid
coll ection o f transcripts etc f o r t h e m e diaeval , .
,

period ; I have had t h e advantage of b e ing able

’
to u s e Miss E M PL AT T s voluminous and pains
. .

taking transcripts for a later period and Mr R . .

J. M C A L P I N E h as plac e d at my disposal hi s larg e

M SS coll e ctions f o r the History o f Municipal

. .

G ov e rnm e nt in Liv e rpool during t h e N inet e e nth

C e ntury I d o not attempt to e numerate my
.

obligations to those scholars whose work has be e n

mad e availabl e by publication perhaps they will
r e gard the Appendi x as o n e long expression o f
obligation .

Profe ssor MAC K A Y Mr W FE RG U SS O N I RVI N E , . .

,

Mr R D RAD C L I FF E
. . . Mr J H ,
. . .

L U M B Y and Mr T H G RAH AM have b e en good

,
. . .

enough t o read my proofs for m e in whol e o r in ,

part and have save d m e from many blunde rs

,
.

T h e proofs o f t h e di ffi cul t final chapt e r ( in whi ch

I have solv e d t h e difficulty o f knowing what and
whom to m e ntion by omitting the bulk o f t h e
facts and almost all nam e s) have been also v e ry
,
 Pr e/o ee ix

kindly r e ad for me by t h e VI C E C H AN C E LL O R o f-

the Univ e rsity t h e T O W N C L E RK (Mr E R

,
. . .

PI C K M E RE) and t h e M ED IC AL O FF I C E R O R H EK L T H
'

(Dr E W H O PE)
. . .With such g e n e rous aid I
.
,

a m almost encouraged to fe e l tha t the book oug b t

to b e a good o n e Bu t I a m r e sponsibl e not only
.

f o r any blund e rs which th e s e kin d ly critics may

have overlook e d but also for any d e e p e r d e fects
,

whi ch th e y may hav e felt to be beyond r e m e dy .

My great debt to thos e who hav e provid e d

me with the illustrations by which the book is
e mbellish e d is duly acknowledged in t h e notes

which I have app e nd e d to the List o f Ill us ‘

’
t r at i o n s .

I n conclusion it is inevitabl e that this succinct

,

r e nd e ring of a long story should contain slips o f

d e tail or mistakes o f e mphasis as w ell as (I doubt
,

not) mor e serious errors I shall be much i n .

d e bted to any r e ader who will be good e nough to

indicat e to m e any o f th e s e which he may discov e r .

RAMSAY MU I R
Tb e U n i v er s i ty ,
L i v e r pool,
Eas ter , 190 7
 C on t en t s

D ED I CAT ION
PRE FA C E
L IS T O F C ONTE NT S
L IS T O F IL L U S TRAT ION S
A H IS TO RY O F L IVE RP OO L
I TRO
N TO
DU C I N

C A
H PT ER I T h B r w i k f L i rp l
. 66 e 7 e e c o ve oo ,
10 - 12 0

CH APTER I I T h F u d a ti . f h B r u gh e o n on o t e o o ,

-
12 07 9 12 2
CH APTER III T h Bar ia l L r ds f L i rp l d
.

. e on o o ve oo an

th b ui ld i g f t h Ca s t l
e 9 3 99
n o e e , 12 2 -1

CH APTER IV T h L if f L i rp l d u i g h
. e e o ve oo r n t e

Mi dd l Ag e es

CH APTER V T h A h y f h Fift h C t y
. e n ar c o t e ee n t en ur ,

1 3 99 4 485 0

CH APTER VI T h Ag f t h T u d r s 48 5 6 3
. e e o e o ,
1 -
l o .

CH APTER VII T ra d d S i ty i. T ud r e an oc e n o

CH APTER VIII T h B g i i g f a N w G r w th
. e e nn n o e o ,

6 3 64
1 0 -1 2

CH APTER I X T h T h Si g s 64 66
. e r ee e e ,
1 2 -
1 O

CH APT ER X T h B gi i g f M d r L i rp l
. e e nn n o o e n ve oo ,

166 7 0- 1 00

CH APTER X I Ri s i g P r s p ri ty 7 7 56 n o e ,
1 00- 1

CH APTER X II T h Sla T ra d 7 9 8 7
.

e ve e, 1 0 -1 0
.

CH APTER X III T h Ag f W ar s d P ri a t ri g
. e e o an v ee n ,

7 56 8 5
1 -1 1 .

CH APTER X IV I ti s d C mm r ia l . nv e n on an o e c

Ad a v 76 8 3 5
n ce , 1 0- 1

CH APTER X V Ci i li s a ti .L i rp l 76 8 3 5 v o n 111 ve oo ,
1 0- 1
CH A PTER X VI T h N i t t h C t ry 8 3 5 . e n e ee n en u ,
1

I O
9 7
C O
O N C L U SI N

APPEN D IX NOT E O N AU TH O RIT IE S

:

IND E X
 L ist o
f Illu s t r a t i on s

KING N C H A RT E R
’ ’
JO H ‘
1 . S Fr on t i s pi ece
Thr quart rs scal
ee - rigi al R pr duc d by
e e o f th e o n e o e

ki d p rmissi f th T w C l rk fr m a ph t graph
.

n e on o e o n e , o o o

by Br w Ba s d B ll A xact d v ry b autiful
o n, rn e an e . n e an e e

facsimil is issu d by t h C rp rati

e e e o o on .

2 . C O N J E C TU R AL MAP O F L I V E R POO L IN TH E
FO U RT E E NT H CE NTU R Y To f a ce
p g
a e
9
D aw fr m th c lculati s d m asur m t f Mr
r n, o e a on an e e en s o .

W F rg ss Irvi
. e u by Mr L K A dams B A
on n e, . . .
,
. .
,

o f th U iv rsit e Sch l f A chit c tur T h small

n e y oo o r e e . e

strips ar t h str ts r pr s t burgag s Each f th

ne e ee e e en e . o e

l rg r stri p s is draw t i dicat t h av rag am u t f

a e n o n e e e e o n o

t h ag icult ral h ld i g
e r f a si gl burgag t a t
u Th o n o n e e en n . e

n am s f th fi lds d th dir cti s i which th st ips

e o e e , an e e on n e r

lay d fi it ly asc rtai d facts ; t h t l divisi s

, ar e e n e e ne e ac u a on

b tw th strips
e een c j ctural ly e ar e on e on .

L IVE R PO O L C A S T L E f pag e . E . W . C ox . To a ce 2 5
Thi s vi w i t k (by ki d p rm issi f Mr W F rguss
e s a en n e on o . . e on

Irvi t h S cr tary) fr m t h c l ur d lith graph with

n e, e e e o e o o e o

w hich t h l t Ed w ard W C x illustrat d his pap r

e a e A . o e e , n

A tt mpt t R c v r th Pla s f th Castl f L iv rp l

e o e o e e n o e e o e oo ,
’

r ad b f r th Hist ric S ci ty f La cashir

e e o e d
e o o e o n e an

C h shir N v mb r 6 8 9 Mr C x had a r mark bl

e e, o e e , 1 0 . . o e a e

g ius f this s rt f w rk d t h r sults f his i v stiga

en or o o o , an e e o n e

ti s hav b g rally acc pt d by sch l rs T h draw

on e e en en e e e o a . e

i g has d lib rat ly sacrific d p rsp ctiv i

n e e rd r t sh w
e e e e e, n o e o o

th arr g m t f t h C astl ithi th wal ls Th

e an e en o e e W n e . e

small p i t d build i g at th back ha lf w y d w th

o n e n e ,
-
a o n e

sl p t th P l is th Castl d v c t
o e o e oo ,
e e o e o .

T H E L I V ER PO O L T O W ER . W . G . H er dm an
T o f ace page 56
Fr m th drawi g i th p
o ef J h Ra k i Esq n n e o ss ess 1on o o n n n,

H rdma s draw i g i s c pi d substa tially i th ut

.

’
e n n o e , n W o

cha g fr m n arli r gravi g T h str t

e, o th an e e en n . e ee on e

right i th drawi g is Wat r Str t

n th el ft n e ee , on e e ,
Pris W i t on e n .
 Lis t f
o Illu s tr a t i on s

5 T H E O L D C US T O M H O US
. E W . . G . H er clm an
To f ace
p g a e 88

Fr m t h wat r c l r drawi g i th p ss si
o e f e o ou n , n e o es on o

J h Ra k i Esq Th Cust m h us is th plai

o n n n, . e o -
o e e n

buildi g th c tr f t h pictur i t which g ds

n 1n e en e o e e, n o oo

ar eb i g carri d fr m t h b ats It st d th stra d

e n e o e o . oo on e n

at th b tt m f Wat r Str t which is sh w ru i g

e o o o e ee ,
o n nn n

i la d t t h l ft b sid th T w r
n n o e e , e e e o e .

6 T H E T OW E
. R AND O L D ST . N TC H O L AS ,
’
PR O M
MA N N IS LA N D To f ace page
Fr m G r gs s P tf li f F g m t Fr m
o e il
on
’
or o o o ra en s . o an o

pai t i g by R ichard Wright a L iv rp l arti t 7 3 5

n n ,
e oo s . 1

17 65 (t ) T h wat r li is sh w c mi g up t th dg
. e e -
ne o n o n o e e e

f St N ich las C hurchyard u t wall f th ’

o . d th o an e o er o e

T w r v r t h mad gr u d w ccupi d by th P i r
o e , o e e e o n no o e e e

h ad d t h d ck rai lw ay Th spi f St N ich las

e an e o . e re o . o
’

h r sh w is that which f ll i 8
e e o n e n 1 10 .

7 . MAP OF T O X T E T H PA R R To f ace page

Fr m a ph t graph f a larg map m d f L rd S f t s
o o o o e a e or o e on
’

Estat Offi c i 7 69 ki dly l t m by R D R d lifi

e e n 1 ,
n en e . . a c e,

Esq P S A N t L dg La l adi g fr m Sm d m
.
,
. . . o e o e ne, e n o e o

La t th High r L dg ( w Park L dg th r si
ne o e e o e no o e, e e

d c f Sir Rub rt B yc ) fr m w hich th pr d c ss r

en e o e o e , o e e e e o

of U ll t R ad l ads t Br k H us
e o e o oo o e .

8 . L I V E R P OO L IN TH E SE V E N T EE NT H CE NTU R Y .

W . G . H er drn an To f ace page

Fr m th drawi g w i t h p ss s i f J h Ra k i
o e n no n e o e s on o o n n n .

Esq This draw i g l k th rs f t h sam subj ct is

. n , i e o e o e e e ,
bas d p e il pai ti g f dat c
U 68 pr s rv d i
on an o n n o e . 1 0, e e e n

th T w Hall w h r it w r c tly disc v r d by

e o n ,
e e as e en o e e

Mr R G l dst. Ju r Wat r Str t is sh w i th

. a o n e, n . e ee o n n e

c tr f th pict r with th T w r th l ft d th
en e o e u e e o e on e e an e

Cust m h us t h right A t th t p f Wat r Str t

o -
o e on e . e o o e ee

is th T w hall (built i
e N t th f urt th
o n -
n o e e o e en

c tury t w r f St N ich las

en o e o . o
’
.
 Lis t o f Illus tr a t i ons xv

L I VE R PO O L , F R O M D U K E ST REE T
4
.

W . G . H er dm an To f ace page 1
4
Fr m th drawi g i t h p ss ssi f J h Ra k i
o e n n e o e on o o n n n,

Esq St P t r s C hurch (bui lt i 7 ) is sh w

. . e e
’
n 1 01 '
o n on

th right still i p fi lds I t h back gr u d

e , n o en e . n e -
o n on

th ri ght Wall s y P l is s
e i t h middl dista c
a e oo ee n n e e n e

t h C astl ris s (
e d m lish d i
e I t h f r gr
e d e o e n n e o e o un

Duk Str t is sh w as
e u f c d r ad ru i g
ee o n an n en e o nn n

th r ugh m ad ws
o e o .

L O N D O N ROA D AN D TH E G ALLO W S MI L LS .

W G H er dm an
. . To f ace pag e 168
Fr m th drawi g i th p ss ssi f J h R a l
o e n n e o e on o o n u on,
'

Esq T h mill s w r k w as th G all ws Mills d

. e e e no n e o ,
an

t h fi ld i which th y st
e e d as t h G all ws Fi ld b caus
n e oo e o e ,
e e

h r t k plac t h x cuti f t h Jac bit s i 7 5

e e oo e e e e on o e o e n 1 1 .

MAP O F L 1VERP0 0 L I N 17 2 5 To f ace pag e .

This is th first surv y d map f Liv rp l mad by J h

e e e o e oo ,
e o n

Chad wick i 7 5 ( pp 7 9 N t sp cially t h

n 1 2 s ee . 1 , o e e e e

p siti f th ld d ck which w
o on o t l g c mpl t d e o o as n o on o e e

wh t h map w mad d t h li f str ts r pr s t

en e as e , an e ne o ee e e en

i g th P l n I t sh uld b studi d i c cti with

e oo o e e n on n e on
Buck s vi w tak at ab ut th sam tim
.

’
e , en o e e e.

12 . G E N E RAL VI E W OF L I V E R P OO L IN 17 2 8 .

7 . B u ck B e tween pp . 19 2 , 19 3

Fr m th o e en gravi g i n n th e p ss ssi
o e on of J h Ra
o n n ki n, Esq .

13 . H U G H CR O W , l
S av e -T r ad e r To f a ce
p g a e 2 01

Fr m o th e lith g aphic fr tispi c

o r on e e t o th e Au tob ig o ra
ph y
o f H agb Cr ow .

4
1 T H E O LD D o c x
. AN D C U S T O M H O U SE .

W
G H er clrn an
. . To f a ce
p g
a e 2 08

Fr m t h wat r c l ur drawi g i t h p ss ssi

o e f e -
o o n n e o e on o

J h Ra ki Esq T h Cust m h s is
o n n n, th l ft . e o -
ou e on e e ,

i what is
n w Ca i g P lac no nn n e.
xvi Li st o f Illu s tr a t i on s

15 . T H E FO R T ST IN . N IC H O L As
’
C HU RC HY R A D .

W G H e r d m an
. . 7 0 f ace pag e 2 16

Fr m th drawi g i t h p s ssi
o f J h
e Ra ki n n e o se on o o n n n,

Esq This impr vis d f rtificati which c t i d a

. o e o on on a ne
batt ry f 4gu s w r ct d i 7 59 (S p
e o 1 n , as e e e n 1 . ee .

T H E M ER S E Y 1N T H E AG E OF W AR .

7 .T Ser r ec. To f ace page 2 4

0

Fr m th c l ur d pri t i th p s si f J h Ra ki
o e o o e n n e o ses on o o n n n,

Esq S rr s w m ari pai t r t G rg III H

. e e as n e- n e o eo e . e

did f ur vi ws f t h M rs y f which thi s i p rhaps

o e o e e e ,
o s e

th b ste e .

17 . L O R D ST REET (SO UT H SI D E) AT THE BE G I N N I N G

O F T H E N I N E T EE NT H CE N T U R Y . W . G H e r d m an
.

To f ace page 2 80

Fr m t h wat r c l ur drawi g
o e e - o o n in th e p s si os es on of

J h Ra ki E q
o n n n, s .

18 . W I LL I A M RO S C O E .
7 G i bs on
. To f ace page 2 89

Fr m a c py
o o of th ep laqu by G ibs e on th e s ulpt r
c o , in
th p ss ssi
e o e on of Sir H ry R sc en o oe .

SH AW S B
’
RO W AN D ST . G EO R G E ’
S H AL L
E B ea t t i e
. To f a ce
p g a e 3 13
Fr m a w t r c l ur drawi g dat d 8 49 r pr s ti g
o a e -
o o n , e 1 , e e en n

th h us s w hich st d b tw St J h s C hurchyard
e o e oo e e en . o n
’

d Shaw s Br w William Br w Str t T h t w r

’
an o or o n ee . e o e

f St J h s C hurch ( w d m lish d) is s i th back

’
o . o n no e o e e en n e

gr d St G rg s Hall w
ou n . t c mpl t d u t i l fi
. eo e
’
as n o o e e n ve

y ars lat r
e e .

2 0 . T H E U N I V E R S I TY . T R . . Gly nn To f ace page 3 36

Fr m th rigi al pai ti g by P r f s r T R G ly
o e o n n n o es o . . nn ,

M D i t h p ss ssi f th Vic Ch c ll r f t h
. .
,
n e o e on o e e- an e o o e

U iv rsity
n e .
1 4 H i s t ory L i v e rp ool

In t r od u ct i on

IT is o nl y n e c e ssary to glance at the map to see

why Liverpool has becom e t h e great e st of British
ports T h e city lies as n e arly as may b e at t h e
.
, ,

exact c e ntre of the British Isl e s S e at e d o n

.

the slopes of a low ridge Sh e looks down upon a

,

great estuary which is S heltered from all winds but

,

t h e north w e st and (
-
thanks to its narrow mouth)
is scour e d o u t twice a day by the rush o f racing
tides T his estuary opens upon the central reach
.

of the only purely British s e a which lav e s t h e

,

S hor e s equally of England Scotland Ireland and

, ,

Wales and leads round the north and south of

, ,

Ireland into t h e open waters o f the Atlantic the

, ,

highroad to all the world T o the south and east

.

t h e estuary extends towards the c e ntre of England .

O n the one hand lie the clustered and populous

towns of Lancashire with its min e s and factories
, ,

the busiest tract o f land in all the world o n the

other hand t h e plain of C heshir e S tretches b e tween
the mountains o f Derbyshire and those o f W ales ,

forming the o n e g r e at g at e w ay (with t h e e xception

of the lower Severn Vall e y) in t h e long chain o f
mountain land which cuts o ff t h e west coast of
 In tr odu cti on

England from t h e main mass o f the count r y .

T hrough the C h e shir e gap as ge ograph e rs ca ll it

, ,

t h e Romans drove th e ir roads to the west and

north ; and t o day roads railways and canals
-
,

converge upon it and make it the channel of

,

communication b etw e e n midland and south e rn

England and t h e great c e ntral port of the B ritish
,

Isles
.

Liverpool would have been a gr e a t city if s h e

had be e n nothing but t h e port o f Lancashir e .

But Sh e is far mor e than t hat Even before the .

day o f railways t h e broad gat e way o f C he shire

open e d to h e r the trad e o f t h e greater part o f
England and t h e wat e rs of t h e Irish Se a gav e
,

her t h e trade of Ireland Wales and Sco t land

, .

She is the m e e ting place o f t h e Four Kingdoms ,

with mor e Welsh citiz e ns than any We lsh town

but C ar d i fi mor e Irish citizens than any Irish
,

town but D ublin and B e lfast more Scottish ,

citiz e ns than any but some thre e o r four o f the

great towns o f Scotland T h e height o f h e r
.

gr e atn e ss only cam e indeed when sh e reached

, ,

b eyond thes e near e r s e as captured the trade of

,

Africa and America and b ecam e t h e gat e way

,

n o t o f England only but o f Eu r O e to the west

p , .

But ev e n before that h e r g e ographical position

,

had secure d her place among the most flourishing

of English towns .

I t may perhaps se e m difficult to understand

why with such advantages of position Liv e rpool
, ,

was s o long in e stablishing her supremacy But .

it was only v e ry S lowly that these sources o f her

 Geog r apb i cal P os i ti on of L i v er pool
wealth began to be Opened up Until the .

s e v e nt e e nth century all t h e main conn e xions o f

England both in trade and in civilisation were
, ,

with the Opposit e coasts o f Europ e All her o wn .

wealth was conc e ntrated in t h e low and fat lands

o f t h e south and e ast ; t h e north lay desolate ,

savage and very thinly p e o p le d f It was n o t till

j
t h e eighte e nth century that t h e min e ral wealth
Of Lancashir e b e gan to b e deve loped or the ,

cotton industry to b e fost e r e d by the fortunate

moistn e ss of h e r climate ; and apart from mines
,

and climat e Lancashire is a poor county Until

,
.

the middle of the eighteenth century L ancashire ,

was o n e of t h e l e ast important counties o f

England ; and s h e was isolated from the rest by
the mountains o n the e ast and by a range Of
marshes on t h e south .

Even from inland Lancashire Liverpool was

long cut o ff by the marshes which lay b etween
Prescot and O rmskirk on the north east and -
,

by C hat Moss on the south east S he was hemmed

-

into t h e most isolated co r ner o f an isolated county ) .

Mor e ove r her e stuary though it led inland did

, , ,

n o t lead to navigable riv e rs T h e streams that

run into the Mersey estuary—the Mersey itself
.

the Irwe ll t h e We ave r—run short cours e s from

,

the n e ighbouring hills and cannot compare with

,

the rivers of the east which trace long and sinuous

,

cours e s through leve l lands and are in many cases

,

navigable for boats for many miles from the se a .

An d fi n ally jls o long as the channel o f the D ee

estuary re m ained Open and u n s ilt e d Li v erpool ,
4 In tr odu ct i on

was fac e d by a serious rival for the trade even of

Ireland in Chester which was also admirably
,

placed for commanding the northern roads into

Wal e s and being an anci e nt city of the first
, ,

military importance had on its S id e all the ad v an

,

tage s o f p r estige rom the begi nning o f i t s

.

history in spit e 0 C hester Liv e rpool always

, ,

command e d some share o f the Irish trade by ,

virtu e of h e r position But t h e Irish trade was

.

never great until in t e T udor p e r iod t h e real

, ,

subj ugation o f that unhappy country was begun .

[ T hus t h e gr e at natural advantag e s of her

position were largely nullified f o r Liv e rpool ,

during many c e nturi e s by a combination o f ,

adv e rse circumstances a poor and thinl y peopled

surrounding country ; isolation ; gr e at physical
Obstacles to inland communication ; a lack o f
natural waterways a successful rival long e stab
li sh e d and close at hand All these obstacl e s had
.

to be ov e rcom e e ither by t h e energy o f h e r

,

townsm e n or by the developm e nt o f e vents

, ,

b e for e the town ros e to a plac e among t h e gr e at

trading centres of the world .

T h e story Of the gradual disappearanc e o f thes e

Obstacles forms t h e main thread o f t h e history
of Liverpool T h e chi e f causes o f h e r ultimat e
.

victory w e r e no doubt b eyond her control the —

discov e ry of Am e rica the transfe r e nc e of t h e
,

main English trade routes from the N orth Se a

-

to the Atlantic t h e rapid d e velopm e nt Of t h e

,

cotton industry by t h e great inv e ntions o f t h e

e ight e enth c e ntury —these wer e mov e ments ov e r
 C aus es f
o L a te D ev elopm en t 5

whi ch not t h e most vigorous groups of citizens

could have exercised any mat e rial influence Yet .

" _

the townsmen prov e d themselves worthy and

able to make use o f thes e opportunities when
th e y came by the constant and succ e ssful struggle
,

which they carried o n against t h e n e arer ob stacles

to their success T h e driving o f roads ove r the
.

surrounding marshes t h e making o f canals the, ,

d e e pening o f S hallow str e ams t h e building of ,

railways the creation O f safe harbourag e in the

first docks e ve r built in England—th e s e wer e
,

activities in which the townsm e n took their full

shar e and it was t h e vigour and ent e rprise which
they showed in thes e regards which gave to th e m
their ultimat e V ictory over rival ports such as ,

Bristol which started with every advantage

,
.

T hes e ent e rprises inde e d belong to the lat e r

, ,

part o f the story o f the town b eginning in the ,

latter half o f t h e s e v e nt e enth c e ntury But th e y .

wer e pr e ceded by other long and Ob scur e struggl e s

which paved the way f o r them In almost c e as e .

l e ss resistanc e to the feudal lords of t h e town to ,

the king and to t h e extravagant claims o f the

,

rival port o f C h e st e r t h e townsmen o f Liverpool

,

gradually e mancipated themselve s taught them ,

s e lves self r e lianc e and e stablished a tradition of

-
,

vigour T hey also made gr e at material gains ;

.

built up for t h e town a larg e corporat e prop e rty

o t possession o f the trad e du e s which e lsewher e
g ,

were under external control ; and made Live rpool

a fr e e town and a free and ch e ap port Without .

the long struggles of the obscure burghers of the

6 In tr od u ct i on

Middle Ag e t h e vigorous corporat e ac t ion and

,

immense comm e rcial advance o f the seve nt e enth

and e ight e e nth centurie s would have been difficult
if not impossibl e An d e ve n if it be tru e that
.

t h e r e al b e ginning of Liverpool as a town of any

importanc e belongs to a lat e period y e t it is in no
,

small d e gre e to be plac e d to the credit o f the

humbl e and in mos t cas e s nam el e ss townsm e n
who fought for fre e dom in the long c e nturies o f
small things An d s o t h e dim and d ifli cu lt story
.

o f t h e Middl e A e i s an e ssential part o f o u r

g
narrative I t has mor e than a mer e antiquarian
.

int e r e st ; it is vital to the understanding o f th e

mor e splendid progress Of the later ages .
 CH AP TER I

T/z e B er e wic/l
f
f
o L i v er p ool ,
10 66 1 2 - 0
7

BE F O RE t he en d the e leve nth c e ntury t h e

of

history o f Liverpool is a blank T here is no .

means o f knowing when o r by whom the first

s e ttl e ment was made o n the site of t h e future
city ; it is not e ven possibl e to say from which
of the many races wh o hav e dwelt in South
Lancashire t h e place g o t its nam e f o r the nam e ,

of Liverpool is a puzzle t o m t h e etymologists .

O ur earliest information comes from thos e dili

g e nt commission e rs whom William the C onqueror
S ent round the country to discover t h e e xtent o f
its taxable r e sources and whos e inv e stigations
,

were the basis o f Domesday Book But even .

th e y have S trangely little to tell us T hey do .

not even mention Liverpool by name and it is ,

only by inference that w e can gath e r some notion

o f what the place was li ke at this period .

T h e D omesday commissioners found Lancashire

a v e ry desolate and thinly peopled county covered ,

with forests moors and marshes amid which small

, ,

cl e arings w e re spars e ly scattered each peopled by ,

a handful of serfs T h e West D erby hundred

.
,

which exte nde d from the mod e rn Southport to

H al e an d i n lan d nearly to W igan was the most
'

,
8 Tb e B er ewi ck f
o L i v er pool

populous part of t h e county containing S ixty s i x ,

-

of thes e cultivat e d cl e arings o r townships But .

e v e n in t h e W e st D e rby hund r e d nin e t e nths o f ,

-

t h e total ar e a lay wast e and the total population

,

only a mounted to som e In West e rn

Europe th e re w e re few more remote and isolated
corn e rs.

Among t h e s e ttlem e nts in t h e W e st D e rby

hundr e d sev e ral ar e mentioned by the D omesday
commission e r which hav e now b e e n subm e rged by
’
the advancing tide of Liverpool s brick and mor
tar : C rosby Lith e rland Bo o t le W alt on Kirkdal e
, , , , ,

Es m e d u n or Sm i t h d o w n Wavertree and T oxt e th

,
.

Bu t t h e most important Of th e se s e ttl e ments w as

that o f West D e rby itself I t was in a s e ns e .
, ,

t h e capital o f t h e whol e district It had at thi s .

,

time o r soon aft e r a castl e o f some importanc e

,
.

I t w as t h e s e at o f t h e hundr e d court t o which ,

cas e s came from all t h e townships An d it had .

dep e nd e nt upon it a group of half a dozen small - -

’
cl e arings call e d b e r e wi cks whi ch the D om e s
,
‘
,

day commissioners did not even think it worth

th e ir while to nam e O ne of these b e r ewi cks
.

was Live rpool An d though n e ith e r the D omes

.

day commission e rs n o r anyone e ls e has a word

to s ay to u s about it it is possible to form a v e ry
,
’
fair id e a o f what this littl e b e r e wick the ,

humbl e anc e stor o f the great city must have ,

been like .

First le t us try to imagine its ge ographical

surroundings An explor e r who penetrat e d the
.

sil ent waters o f the Mersey estuary at thi s period ,

 Its G eog r apb i cal Fea tur es 9

aft e r he had pass e d a line o f sandhills which ran

along the coast as far south as Kirkdal e and '

conceal e d t h e f e w scattered patch e s o f cul tivation

behind would have come to a small tidal creek
, ,

which e ntered the Lancashire S hor e from the

e stuary and running inland in a north easterly
, ,
-

direction for nearly half a mil e e nclosed a small ,

triangular peninsula a low ridg e O f ground rising

, ,

gently from the north until it reached its highest

point (som e fifty fe e t above s e a l e ve l) at the
south e rn point o r apex o f t h e triangle overlooking ,

t h e entrance o f the cre e k .

T his cr e e k was the Liverpool Pool which until ,

the eighteenth c e ntury (wh e n t h e earli est dock

was made o u t o f i t s mouth) form e d t h e dominant
fe atur e of Liverpool g e ography and was probably
,

t h e caus e of t h e cr e ation of a little town here .

T h e Pool l e ft the riv e r where the C ustom house -

now stands and its cours e is marked by the line

,

o f Paradise Street Whitechap e l and t h e O ld

, ,

Haymarket T o the south and east o f it where

.
,

Lime Stre e t C hurch Street Bold Stre e t are

, ,

t o day the ground lay wast e as far as the boundary

-
,

of the neighbouring township of T oxteth marked ,

by t h e lin e o f Parliament Stre e t T o the north .

and west o f t h e Pool lay the handful of mud hovels

which form e d the berewick of Liverpool T hey .

probably lay somewhere about the S it e o f the

T own Hall .

East and north Of the haml e t were cultivated

fi e lds divided into long and narrow S trips s e par
, ,

ated from o n e another not by hedges but by balks ,

10 The B er ewi c lc f
o L i v er pool

of turf Each o f t h e villag e rs probably h e ld t wo

.

or thre e of these S trips and t h e rest belong e d t o

,

the lord of t h e manor t h e whole bein g cultivat e d

by the village rs working t og e th e r as a gang with ,

o n e O f th e mselv e s for r e eve or foreman und e r t h e ,

direction o f the baili ff o f t h e W e st D e rby manor .

Behind t h e vi llage and its fields o u r imaginary ,

e xplor e r would se e a long ridg e o f hill varying ,

in h e ight from o n e to two hundr e d fe e t and ,

probably cove r e d for t h e most part with h e athe r

and go r s e At o n e point o n this ridg e a little
.
,

t o the north east of o u r haml e t th e r e lay anoth e r

-
,
’
b e r e wick that of Eve rton ; furth e r south
,

again a l e ve l stre t ch o f ground half way up the ,

hi ll and covering t h e ground b e tw e e n t h e modern

Hope Stre e t and C rown S tre e t was occupied by ,

a marsh later known as t h e Moss Lake It w as

, .

ov e rlooked by a rocky knoll the Brown low ,

-
,

or hill where t h e Unive rsity n o w stands An d

,
.

past the Brown low a little S trea m ran down

-

t h e hi ll from t h e M O SS L ak e e mptying itself ,

into the Pool n e ar the bottom o f t h e modern

Willi am Brown Str e e t .

Behi nd the long ridge of hill four mil e s ,

from th e estuary was the parent manor of West

,

D erby to whi ch ther e ran a track from the

,

ha m l et following the lin e of Dal e Street down

,

to the upper end o f t h e Pool and th en climbing ,

the hill by t h e line of London Road By thi s .

track the serfs went to and from t h e parent manor ;

and probably th e ir j ourneys s e ldom extended
furth er Ano t h er track led fro m th e haml et
.
Other documents randomly have
different content
down one of the colours of a renowned regiment, and made off to
the rear, without thinking more of it, from having been hit rather
sharply by a spent ball. These are likely, I fear, to be thought too
trifling matters for a work of this kind; but I hope the reader will
excuse me for having introduced them; and also for adding, that in
order to keep pace with improvements made by other nations in
modern warfare, ought it not to be well considered whether our
slowest movements, in what is termed ordinary time, would not be
improved, if the soldier was required to take a greater number of
steps, say 87, of only 30 inches in length in the minute; and if what
is called quick time was made 126 paces of only 30 inches each per
minute, which would make him pass over the same extent of ground
in the same space of time as he does by the present plan. At least, I
have no doubt, and I speak, as an old adjutant, and as an officer
long practised in the movements of both small and large bodies of
troops, that all manœuvres would be performed at these paces with
much less chance of confusion, and with more ease to the soldier,
especially in action, than according to the present mode.
It would lead me far beyond my present intentions if I were to enter
extensively upon the subject of military evolutions; but I beg leave
to say, that to simplify and render their execution easy, ought to
become the primary object of all modern tacticians.
In manœuvring, especially large bodies of troops, rapid movements
in columns at quarter distances ought to be much more attended to
than they are.—Masses of such columns, or close columns, as
practised by the Duke of Wellington at Paris or elsewhere, can be
quickly and scientifically placed or prepared for advancing or retiring
in any direction, or for deployment, by simply, when put in motion,
marking time and bringing up the shoulder; and by this means
gradually producing a change of position or of formation of the
whole mass. Deployments can be made from such columns in quick
or double-quick time, and with the greatest accuracy, by merely
moving in threes or fours to the right or left. What an advantage an
army thus instructed would have over one proceeding in the old
heavy manner, in seizing hold of a position, or of a point, presenting
evident advantages, and that too with perfect safety; for, in case of
a sodden attack of cavalry, a quarter-distance column is in security in
square in an instant. This column also possesses many advantages
over the close column, not only in the superiority and rapidity of its
movements, but likewise in its being much less liable to get into
disorder in broken ground, or to suffer from cannon, which very
soon, if well served, destroy a perfectly solid mass, especially if
steady battalions of infantry are also firing into it, as was the case at
Talavera, when our Guards in the afternoon made a gallant but
injudiciously-directed charge; and when the 48th regiment, on the
one hand, and the 45th on the other, taught the French, that
breaking through an enemy's line in dense columns would not
answer with a British army.—Echelons of these quarter-distance
columns would, in many instances, be very superior to lines of
battalions or brigades, as they could be moved with rapidity to the
points of formation in a new line or position, and without any risk of
getting into confusion; commanding officers of corps, their majors
and adjutants having only carefully to attend to, judge, and preserve
their respective distances; and even in common drill or manœuvres
of a single battalion, this ought always to form an important part of
the practice and instruction of these officers, who in regimental
tactics are, in general, not sufficiently occupied, and consequently
are too often found ignorant of their business when obliged to act in
brigade, and with this object in view every movement should be
performed as if in reference to a corps supposed to be upon either
or both flanks, with which they ought to work in unison. Now I must
beg the unmilitary reader to imagine a large body of troops thus
manœuvring in columns at quarter-distances, or in open columns, or
lines formed from them, covered by clouds of sharpshooters,
supported by these columns or lines, cannon and cavalry, and he will
have at once before him a chief feature in modern warfare, in which
science and experience on the part of generals and staff officers
must be so essential and indispensable.
In thus endeavouring to bring certain matters under consideration,
and in doing so I fear I may exhaust the patience of the reader, I
hope I may not give offence to some of those interested in their
remaining as they are at present; but I must proceed in the task I
have assigned myself, and observe, that I look upon it to be a point
of importance that the present mode of furnishing clothing and
accoutrements for regiments should be altered, and that upon a
general being appointed colonel of a regiment, he should receive a
fixed income as such; but all clothing and accoutrements of every
description, ought, under proper regulations, to be supplied through
the regimental agents, upon the responsibility of the colonels, but it
should be so arranged that neither could have any interest in the
articles being procured at a cheap rate. The granting, however, a
fixed income to colonels need be no additional expense to the
country; for what are the off-reckonings which go to colonels of
regiments but an over-payment on the part of Government for
clothing, &c. &c. Some colonels are very liberal to their corps, but
many more cannot afford to be so; an alteration, whatever it may
be, ought therefore to come under the notice of some board or
other, so as to be kept, if possible, out of the hands of Mr. Joseph
Hume and his liberal associates.
To all who saw much service during the late wars, it must have been
obvious under what disadvantages, owing to the colours of their
dress, our soldiers had often to contend with the French, but
especially with the United States troops in skirmishing. The latter
were certainly, from having much practice, good marksmen; and
thickly wooded America was very favourable to their irregulars; for
our brilliant scarlet coats, white belts, and bright belt and cap-plates,
enabled the enemy to discover, whether in a wood, at the back of a
hedge, or wherever they were posted, our unlucky soldiers, who
were too apt to expose themselves, and many of them were in
consequence laid low; whereas the French, or wary Yankees, almost
entirely escaped; and that much owing to their being dressed in dark
colours, which enabled them easily to conceal themselves. But
officers who served in our Rifle brigade, and in that also experienced
corps, of which I saw so much on many occasions, the 5th battalion
of the 60th, could give the best information, and a correct opinion
upon this head; and I feel certain that they would join with me in
recommending that a change should be made in the dress of our
army, so as to make it more suitable for modern warfare, in which
light troops are so much employed. I must beg, at the same time, to
say, that I often regretted that these fine regiments were not armed
with superior muskets in place of rifles, for they are seldom to be
preferred to muskets, and never but when loaded with great care,
and this, in action, takes up too much time.
We every day hear of experiments and improvements in the
construction of fire-arms; and the country can surely afford to supply
our army with a superior musket, with a proper elevation, and a
percussion lock. The present old fashioned firelock, with which
nearly all our troops are still supplied, is very imperfect, and heavier
than it ought to be. But would it not be well to consider, whether the
new musket should not be considerably longer in the barrel and
smaller in the bore; and that the bayonet should be much reduced in
size; and I would also arm the soldiers, I have in view, with a sword,
of the shape and size used by the ancient Romans; for we may
depend upon it, that our brave, powerful men, would follow their
officers, sword in hand, into the midst of their enemies. The musket
could be then carried either in the left hand or slung upon the
soldier's shoulder, and the bayonet could be fixed to it if preferred. It
might be necessary to weigh well the consequences before we so
armed our impetuous soldiers, for it would be certain to lead to a
new era in war; and would expose troops so fighting, which must be
in a degree of loose order, to be charged by cavalry; yet the Romans
fought in that manner, and with great success, though equally liable
to be so attacked. Every thing would, however, depend upon so high
a state of discipline being established amongst the troops, as would
enable officers to keep them in hand, and at all times obedient when
commanded to resume their places; and our dragoons ought always
to be at hand, ready to support infantry so acting. Such views as
these are, I suppose, entertained by those officers who seem to be
so anxious to have broad sword and bayonet exercises, introduced. I
do not wish to enter farther into this discussion; yet I beg leave to
say, that, though I am certain our soldiers would have closed with
their enemies, yet, in all my practice, which was tolerably extensive,
I never saw two bodies of troops fairly charge each other with the
bayonet; for one side or other (and generally it was that attacked)
gave way. I have certainly seen a few instances of individuals,
French and British soldiers, actually attacking each other with the
bayonet; and at the battle of Roliça, I remember seeing a soldier of
the 29th regiment, and a fine-looking Frenchman, lying on the
ground close together, who had, judging from the positions in which
they lay, evidently killed each other with their bayonets; but such
occurrences were, I believe, very rare.
The introduction of the percussion lock into the army will necessarily
cause a change to be made in part of the musket exercise; but it will
simplify the motions and expedite the firing. I, however, hope, that
before any thing of this kind is decided upon, the following remarks
may be allowed to have due consideration.
The pouch might be differently constructed, and advantageously
converted into a magazine, to carry securely a certain quantity of
powder in bulk, in an air tight tin canister, with a screw stopper, to
insure its being, at all times, and in all situations, kept perfectly dry;
and this is a very essential point, as many cartridges are destroyed
or rendered unserviceable in the men's present pouches by rain, a
damp atmosphere, and even continued friction; and this is too often
only found out at the moment when they are required for service,
and when there is, perhaps, no opportunity of exchanging them; and
as this magazine ought at all times on service to be kept full of
powder, the officer when inspecting his company or detachment,
could easily ascertain if any of it had been made away with: indeed,
the stopper might be safely sealed over, or otherwise secured; and
thus the soldier could be made, without inconvenience, to carry such
a supply of ammunition as to render it unnecessary that recourse
should be so constantly had to that carried in reserve for the army.
The pouch should also be made to contain, besides the powder, a
sufficient supply of percussion caps, and a proportionate number of
balls, to the quantity of powder in the canister; and every ball should
be separately, thinly, yet sufficiently covered with a kind of stuff
similar to soft leather, so as to make it fit tightly when rammed down
into the barrel of the musket, and it would thus become a good
wadding over the powder. For what is called blank cartridge firing,
waddings of the common kind, and of the proper size, could be
used.
The pouch thus contracted, would hold the soldier's reserve
ammunition, which would amount to a much greater number of
rounds than it contains according to the present plan. But to effect
what I have in view, every soldier should be supplied with a good
powder flask, with a proper measure to suit the musket, according
to the most improved method, and similar to that which Mr. John
Manton usually supplied along with his guns; having the measure
forming an angle to one side, so as, in case of explosion, if such a
thing could happen in loading, the right hand would not be much, if
at all, hurt. This flask could be made to contain a sufficient quantity
of powder, say for twenty rounds, at all times on service ready for
use, and which, for the reason I have already assigned, ought, when
the soldier is required to have ammunition in his possession, to be
likewise kept full; and should it at any time be suspected that the
powder in it had become damp, it could be easily aired by simply
dipping the flask in boiling water.
I regret that I am obliged to be particular in my descriptions of such
trifles; but this flask should, I conclude, be carried for convenience
on the left side or breast, and secured from falling when the soldier
is in movement, by a slight chain attached to the belt, to which the
flask might also be steadily fixed by some simple contrivance; and to
render this the more easily done, it ought to be rather flat in shape,
and not larger than to contain the quantity of powder I have
mentioned; and twenty rounds are quite as many as can be wanted
at reviews or field days. In action, if these twenty rounds are
expended, I need scarcely observe, that if no other reserve powder
be at hand, the flask could be replenished instantly from the
magazine; but under an apprehension that ammunition might be
made away with, the quantity in bulk should be touched as seldom
as possible, and if any of it be used, it ought to be immediately
replaced. A small pocket might be made in the right side of the
soldier's coat, which should be only sufficiently large to contain a
number of covered balls in proportion to the quantity of powder in
the flask; and a flap should button over this pocket to prevent the
balls from falling out. Each soldier would likewise require to be
equipped with one of those brass cases for holding percussion caps,
which, by a spring inside, forces each cap out in succession as it is
wanted. Those I use contain thirty caps. This case should also be
attached to the belt, but upon the right side.
The buck shot, I before mentioned, can easily be made up so as to
serve for wadding, in place of the covered ball; and a sentry upon
his post, especially at night, in many situations, would have more
confidence with his piece so loaded, than if he had only a single ball
in it. A better method than that which I have ventured to propose,
may very likely be pointed out; but whatever it may be, the
admitting of the knapsack being carried somewhat lower and easier
to the soldier, ought to be kept in view; and he should not be
obliged, as at present, to take cartridges with so much
inconvenience out of his pouch every time he loads his musket; and
the new exercise introduced on account of the percussion lock, must
of course be made to suit the alterations.
Should the soldier be supplied with a well-constructed musket with a
percussion lock—and if he be required to use a muzzle stopper, a
charge though a day or two in the barrel, will go off almost as well
as if just loaded, and this too in any kind of weather. Our
commanding officers when going into action, or rather on supposing
that they were about to do so, in general made the soldiers prime
and load too soon, for this, I may say, is the business of a moment;
and how often after the regiments had loaded, have they never had
an opportunity of firing a shot the whole day. At night probably the
soldiers bivouacked, and it rained heavily, so that in the morning not
a firelock, if it had been attempted, would have gone off. Darkness
had prevented it from being done the night before, and when the
charge had next morning to be drawn, it was found to be a very
difficult job, when the ball was held tight by wet paper. And then the
barrel required to be well washed out, which took more time than
could be allowed for the purpose, and consequently it was badly
done. I need, therefore, now scarcely observe, that the percussion
lock, in a great measure, obviates, by a very little attention, such
serious inconveniences and defects.
It may very likely be deemed great presumption for me to propose
so many changes; yet, having spoken of an alteration in the uniform
of the regiments, I shall now venture to mention what has been
suggested to me as likely to be a great improvement; but I do not
by any means pretend to say that nothing superior could be thought
of or invented. But if people take the liberty of finding fault with
fashions or systems, whether old or new, it is but fair that they
should be required to point out remedies or improvements.
Suppose that the uniform of the regular infantry was nearly
assimilated to that of our Rifle Brigade (with Her Majesty's Guards I
don't venture to interfere). It is generally allowed, that the dress of
both officers and men of these corps is soldier-like, handsome, and
far better adapted for service than that now worn by the rest of our
army. But I am most anxious that the soldier's coat should be made
for comfort as well as for appearance; and I should, therefore,
greatly prefer that it was made in the shape of what is usually
termed a frock, but to have a stand up collar, and to come down
nearly to the knee. Both coat and trousers could, at a very trifling
additional expense, be made water-proof. But soldiers ought never
again to be overloaded on service with blankets, and let the reader
only imagine their being obliged, as was often the case, to carry
them when wet. But to make up for the blanket, they should be
furnished with a large sized water-proof cloth great coat; in these
they could sleep sufficiently warm and secure from any damp that
might rise from the ground, and which in campaigning is of such
importance towards preservation of health. The country would also
be saved expense if this plan were adopted, by not being obliged to
provide and convey bulky blankets to the points where they were to
be delivered out to the troops; and these water-proof great coats
being of a very durable material, would last much longer than the
old fashioned ones.
Many of the absurdities which once existed in the dress of our
infantry officers and soldiers; such as the powdered heads and long
pigtails, and white pipe-clayed tight buckskin breeches, and large
jack-boots of the former; and the soaped hair with finely feathered
sidelocks, as they were termed, and long highly polished leather
queues, tight white cloth breeches, and long tight gaiters of the
latter, have long been done away with; and why not go a step
farther, and in the way hinted at, in order to secure to our infantry
great and decided advantages. Many may remember the strange
figures, which most of our soldiers cut in Paris after the battle of
Waterloo, in their dirty red coats, and ugly shaped caps; the former
much stained, and the latter become brown and disfigured by
exposure to rain and weather; the consequence was, that our army
made, I do not hesitate to say, the worst appearance of all those
assembled in and around that capital.
I do not intend in this work to make many remarks upon our cavalry,
but I must say, that I hope yet to see some of our lights made
heavier, and mounted on powerful yet sufficiently active horses. I
confess I am not one of those who admire what are called hussars,
&c., because I know how to value our heavy cavalry, and am
therefore induced to draw a comparison between the two; and I
boldly assert, that no cavalry in the world can stand before our
splendid heavy dragoons and their noble steeds. One regiment—and
I am enabled to judge from what I saw of them upon several
occasions—would with ease cut their way through all the Cossacks
of the Don, or any such Lights, which are seldom of any other use
but to follow up a beaten enemy; and, I must say, that it has often
surprised me, how we could think of copying the inefficient cavalry
of any nation. Sir Thomas Picton, but he was an infantry officer, was
also no great admirer of our light cavalry, and some of them may,
perhaps, remember an opinion he publicly expressed of their
efficiency at Roncesvalles, when he, in his emphatic way, and, I
must admit, not very politely, drew a comparison between them and
the dragoons of the German Legion, who were not only excellent
and experienced, but always effective. We were all greatly attached
to the German dragoons, and for nothing more, than for their
literally making companions, or playfellows, of their fine English
horses, which they always thought of, with respect to care and food,
before they did of themselves.
At the opening of one of the campaigns, a body of these German
dragoons, so much and deservedly admired by Picton, which had
been attached to the third division during most of the previous one,
returned to us from their cantonments, when we were again close
up to the enemy, and hourly expecting to be engaged; officers, non-
commissioned officers, and soldiers, turned out in a body to
welcome their old friends, who passed through the camp to where
they were to be stationed for the night, amidst the cheering and
congratulations of the fighting division—and Picton's division knew
well who were good soldiers. In making these remarks, I by no
means presume to say any thing against our light cavalry, but I must
protest against a system of mounting brave men upon horses unable
to carry them through their work on the day of trial, and in this
respect foolishly aping foreigners, who would give the world for such
horses as we possess; and who are doing all they can to improve
their breeds in order to be able to meet us at a future period. The
plan, however, which I have suggested for promotion in the army,
would wonderfully change matters in our cavalry regiments, into
which many officers would no longer go merely for the day, and for
amusement, but into a profession to which they were to belong for
life. But mentioning these German dragoons, reminds me of a
welcome Sir Thomas Picton himself met with on his return to the 3d
division in the South of France, after an absence occasioned by
severe illness, and to which the following letters allude.
"Valley of Bastau, August 27, 1813.

"Dear Sir,
"It has long been the wish of the officers of the three brigades,
which we have had the honour to command under you in the 3d
division, as also of the divisional staff, to have an opportunity of
offering you an ostensible mark of their high respect, gratitude, and
esteem, which we so sincerely feel in our hearts.
"Every objection seems now removed, in point of time and
otherwise, when on the recurrence of severe illness, which has in
four successive seasons assailed you; you at present only await a
sufficient degree of convalescence, to admit of your trying change of
climate, with but too little prospect, we lament to think, of your
returning to your command in this country.
"Services such as yours, cannot but have been acknowledged before
this, by the offering of one or more swords from your attached
military brethren, or a grateful country. We therefore, for ourselves,
and those who have desired us to represent them, request you will
do us the honour to accept of a piece of plate with a short
inscription, commemorative of the circumstance, and of the corps
which composed the 3d division under your command in the
Peninsula.
"With most sincere wishes for your early convalescence, followed by
your confirmed good heath, on leaving a climate that has proved so
unfriendly to you, we have the honour to subscribe ourselves,
"Dear Sir,
"Your ever faithful Servants,
(Signed,) "C. Colville,
Thomas Brisbane,
M. Power.
"For the Staff of }
the Division, } F. Stovin, A.A. Gr.
"Lt.-Gen. Sir Tho. Picton, K.B.
&c. &c. &c."
"London, 18th Sept. 1813.

"My Dear General,

"In the extreme weak state to which I was reduced previous to my
leaving the Peninsula, my feelings were too powerful for my spirits,
and it was not possible for me adequately to answer the kind letter
of the general officers commanding brigades in the 3d division,
which you did me the honour of forwarding to me from the Valley of
Bastau, on the 29th of August last.
"I cannot but highly value the testimony of gentlemen, to whose
talents, zealous co-operation, and gallantry on every occasion, I feel
myself indebted for the honours that have been conferred upon me,
and for the degree of reputation to which I have risen in the service;
and I shall receive any memento of their esteem and regard with
corresponding sentiments and feelings of the heart.
"The period of my life to which I shall always recur with the greatest
satisfaction, is that which was passed at the head of the 3d division,
when I always experienced such a spirit of unanimity and heroism,
as never once failed of success in any of the difficult enterprises we
were employed upon. Though I may never again have the honour of
commanding so distinguished a corps, I shall ever feel myself
identified with the 3d division in all its operations, and shall take as
strong an interest in its success as I ever did, whilst I had the
honour of presiding at its head.
"Accept my many acknowledgments for your kind attention, and of
my sincere and constant wishes for your success and prosperity on
all occasions.
"Your devoted and faithful,
"Humble Servant,

(Signed,) "Thomas Picton, Lt.-Gen.

"To the Hon. Major-General Colville,
Major-General Brisbane,
Major-General Power,
Lt.-Colonel Stovin, &c."
The day upon which Sir Thomas Picton unexpectedly rejoined his
division, the 45th regiment was lying down at the head of Sir
Thomas Brisbane's brigade, which was concealed behind a height,
ready for an intended attack. The enemy were posted at a bridge on
the right bank of a brook, and occupying, advantageously, a few
houses close to it. Our sentinels and theirs were within ten yards of
each other, when to this corps delight, which had so long served
under him, up rode their favourite chief: in an instant, and under
strong and general impulse of feeling, which could not be
suppressed, they to a man stood up, and gave him three hearty
cheers, which were immediately responded to by the 74th and 88th
regiments; thus discovering where they were to the French. "Well
45th, you have let the enemy hear you, you may now, if you please,
let them feel you," was Picton's smiling reply; and at the same
instant he ordered the attack, which I need scarcely say was
completely successful.
I hope I may be excused for giving here another trifling anecdote. I
remember well Colonel Guard, whose adjutant I was at the time,
being most anxious that the 45th regiment, which he for some years
commanded, should be made Light Infantry, and also to have had
them styled, "The Sherwood Foresters." He, however, for what
reason I know not, failed in the objects he had in view. Not long
after, the 45th was brigaded in England for exercise with the 87th
and 88th regiments. Colonel Guard had constantly, and much to his
annoyance, and more particularly on account of his recent failure,
heard these corps called to attention by their appropriate local
designations, in place of their numbers; but one day he could stand
it no longer, and when Colonels Butler and Duff loudly and proudly
exclaimed, "Prince's Irish," and "Connaught Rangers,"—he in a very
shrill voice, called out at the same instant, "Nottingham Hosiers,"
attention. His brother chiefs, who seemingly had not heard, or
understood what he had said, looked all astonishment, when the
whole brigade burst into an irrepressible, and unmilitary fit of
laughter. I fear that in this instance, like old soldiers in general, I
have been led away by the love of telling my story, and must
therefore apologize for the liberty I have taken with the reader; yet,
if I am not mistaken, I think I have shown, that a particular
designation, however acquired, is considered by many, as of more
importance to a corps, than a mere number; I therefore look forward
to the day, if my views are adopted, when a district will have just
cause to be proud of its regiment; and to a regiment never hearing
it named but with a feeling of revived affection, and a determination,
that their home shall never be disgraced by any act of theirs.
 CHAP. IV.
Other causes besides those arising from the description of men
generally enlisted into our army, tended greatly to keep soldiers
what they were—that is to say, difficult to manage, and always ready
to avail themselves of any opportunity of getting away from under
the eyes of their officers, with the view of indulging in irregularities
whenever it was possible to do so; as, I trust, I shall be able
hereafter to point out. I cannot, however, undertake to say, what
may be the custom in the present day; but a soldier, in former times,
could not commit a greater offence than to presume to think or act
for himself; and I remain still in doubt, when, or at what rank, an
officer was supposed to be capable or had a right to think. And as
for education, too many entertained the strange notion, that beyond
reading and writing, which were allowed to be useful to non-
commissioned officers, the less soldiers knew of such matters the
better. After this need it have surprised any one, that intelligence of
any kind was but rarely to be met with in the ranks of a British army;
and that it was constantly found in those of the French, into which
the conscription necessarily introduced it; and when evinced, it was
sure to meet a due reward.
I remember, years ago, being visited by a brother-adjutant. As he
entered my barrack-room, a young soldier placed a book upon the
table and retired; which my visitor, a few minutes after, took up, and
being surprised at what it indicated as its contents, he asked me, in
seeming astonishment, what a private soldier could have to say to
such a work? I replied carelessly, that the soldier who had just left
the room, was a young man of considerable ability and great
promise; and that I wished him to read useful books; so as to be fit,
at a future period, for any station he might attain. He looked at me
again, and seemed by no means satisfied by what I had said, nor
with the book, and thus in a very friendly way addressed me:—"You
are a very young man, the youngest I ever saw made an adjutant—I
have myself risen from the ranks, and have consequently had much
experience amongst soldiers; and know them well. You may
therefore take my word for it, that books containing such
information, only tend to make soldiers question the wisdom of their
officers; and to fit them for being ringleaders in any discontent, or
even mutinous conduct in their companies: and it also causes them
to be disliked by the non-commissioned officers who have to teach
them their duties, and especially the drill-serjeants, who are always
jealous of those who are likely to become rivals." This certainly
surprised me as coming from my visitor, but he had been for many
years an adjutant, and it has often been remarked, that no officers
are so severe, or have so little consideration for the feelings of
soldiers as those who have risen from the ranks. With this as a kind
of text, and also requesting that the reader will bear in mind what
was shown at the commencement of this work, by excellent
authorities, to be the character of our soldiers in general, I shall now
proceed with my remarks, some of which may probably be thought
trifling.
The French plan of carrying the knapsack, though not so smart
looking, is in the opinion of many, superior to that adopted in our
army; as it has much more the ease and comfort of the soldier upon
a march in view. Our present mode, which binds the soldier so
tightly within the slings and straps of the knapsack, as almost to
prevent the free circulation of the blood, is certainly far from
judicious, but we have been long accustomed to it, and like it on
account of appearance. But in olden times, we had many ways of
trying the tempers and dispositions of our soldiers; such as making
them, though kept at drill, or at exercise in the field the greater part
of the day, to burnish the barrels of their firelocks, to their serious
injury, till they were made to shine like silver, and to polish their
pouches, and oddly shaped caps, so as to render looking-glasses
quite unnecessary. How often have I, when a zealous and
enthusiastic adjutant, cracked a pouch with the head of my cane,
when it was not bright enough to please my practised eye, with the
kind intention of affording the owner a pleasant week's occupation
to get it again into order. And how often have I, on my well-
practised horse, placed camp colours as points of movement, till the
whole "Eighteen Manœuvres" were gone through; many of them, if
the commanding officer was dissatisfied, with the regiment's day's
performance, two or three times over; having previously had the
delight of marching past repeatedly, in quick and slow time, to
please the spectators, or because the soldiers did not make the
ground sufficiently resound by the firmness of their steps; thus
altogether agreeably occupying from five to six hours of the officers
and soldiers time, with the prospect before them of a long evening
parade, or inspection, because they had not been so steady under
arms as they ought to have been during the morning's occupations.
I sincerely hope we shall never again hear of such things being
practised in a British army; and no commanding officer should be
allowed to keep his regiment longer than an hour and a half, or two
hours at a time under arms, which will be found quite sufficient, if
well occupied, for every useful purpose of instruction; especially as
at almost every parade, a battalion ought to be made to perform a
movement or two before it is dismissed. I however look upon it to be
of the first importance, that a soldier should be accustomed to
consider his knapsack and accoutrements, I may say, as parts of
himself, and that he should be so habituated to them, that whether
marching or not, he could perceive little or no difference; and to
effect this, he should never appear under arms without his
knapsack; but I hope, if this plan be enforced, as it ought to be, to
hear of an improvement being made in the mode of carrying them.
Our soldiers were greatly overloaded, especially on service, when
they had to carry, besides their arms, accoutrements and
ammunition, their canteens, haversacks, and well-filled knapsacks,
their great coats, and often wet and consequently very heavy
blankets, and sometimes in addition two or three days bread, and
generally ten extra rounds of ball cartridges. Overloading soldiers in
this manner was down right madness, especially if we had
considered the description of men we too often had to deal with;
and this will never answer in the more rapid modes of carrying on
war, to which we must hereafter look forward.
I saw it not along ago announced in a daily paper, that the recruiting
of the army had been very successful, 13,000 men having been
raised for the line, and had joined their corps in the course of 1838.
Of that number, more than 4000 were passed in the London district,
and this was exclusive of men raised for the East India Company's
service. By this it would appear, that London alone furnishes about a
third of the men raised to fill up casualties in Her Majesty's
regiments.
It is very likely that the editor of the paper, who seemed so pleased
at being able to afford us this intelligence, is a zealous advocate for
doing away with flogging in the army; but if such be the description
of men of which it is chiefly composed, any person of common sense
must see that it is impossible to do so, for what are these men in
general but the vitiated and debilitated part of our population.
I have no doubt but it is very desirable that the country should get
rid of such subjects, who are mostly unfit for any military purpose
whatever; but why, at a great expense, burden the army with them?
Would it not be much better to allow the worthy Yankees to have
many of them at once, as emigrants or soldiers; and if sufficient
authority were given to our Police Magistrates, they could very soon,
by only threatening such fellows, with what a certain Colonel once
upon a time practised in Ireland with so much success, make
volunteers in plenty, and thus save our sympathizing friends the
trouble and expence of enticing them to desert from their corps in
the Canadas. I am well acquainted with their proceedings in this
way, and can therefore speak from experience, having been for
some time employed upon the staff of the army stationed in that
part of the world. I certainly had at that time no trifling task
assigned me to make arrangements, so as to have a good look-out
kept all along the extensive frontier of the lower Province, to prevent
desertions, to which our soldiers were much addicted, and
encouraged by promises of both money and land, but which were
seldom intended to be fulfilled; indeed, most of those who got off
had nothing else left for it, in order to keep themselves from
starving, but to become once more soldiers, and to fight against
their old comrades.
It was supposed by some officers, that shooting a number of them
(I saw six shot in one day at Chambly), who were caught in
attempting to cross the boundary line, would have put a stop to this
disgrace to our army, but it had no effect whatever; indeed nothing
we could devise produced any change in this respect, until it was
made the duty of commanding officers to give me immediate
information whenever a man was missed from his corps. Small
detachments of dragoons were posted at certain points to convey to
me at St. Johns the necessary intelligence. Upon receiving it, the
out-posts were instantly informed of the circumstance. At the same
time parties of Indian warriors were sent out in all directions in
search of him, and a reward was held out to them for bringing him
in. These arrangements being made known to the several corps, and
the deceptions of our kind neighbours being pointed out to them, a
complete stop was thus put for the time to desertions. But are men
who would so readily desert, those Great Britain should have in her
armies? I ought here however to mention, to the honour of my old
friends, the 88th, or Connaught Rangers, that they were exempted,
by Sir Thomas Brisbane, from witnessing executions for this crime,
as not a man of that corps had deserted to the United States.
In order to show what little effect executing men for desertion had
upon others, I shall take the liberty of mentioning what took place
upon one occasion at St. Johns. My General being absent at
Montreal, as Brigade-Major attached to the troops, most of the
melancholy duty of superintending such executions fell to my share.
A private of De Meuron's regiment was at this time to be shot. The
troops were formed in three sides of a square, at the other side
towards the forest the grave was dug, and the coffin for the criminal
to kneel upon, was placed, as usual upon such occasions, beside it.
The Provost, with the firing party escorting the prisoner, and with
the band of the regiment at their head playing the Dead march,
entered the square—when, to my surprise, there proudly marched
the prisoner—coolly smoking a cigar. Seeing at once the bad effects
likely to result from such evident contempt of death, painful as it
was to me, I called the Provost, and ordered him to take away the
cigar from him. On approaching the grave, the prisoner walked
quietly, but steadily forward, looked into it, and turning round to me,
said, in French, "it will do." But still more to my surprise, yet with
equal calmness, he walked up to his coffin, and before I was aware
of what he was about, with his middle finger and thumb he
measured its length, and turning round again to me, he said, in
French, which his corps generally spoke, "it will do also." This was so
far beyond any thing I had ever before witnessed, that I found it
necessary to direct the Provost to proceed with the execution as
quickly as possible; he therefore went up to the prisoner with a
handkerchief, and, as is customary, offered to bind up his eyes. He
however, pushed the Provost aside, exclaiming, in French, "I am a
brave soldier, and have often looked death in the face, and shall not
shrink from it now." The Provost then desired him, or rather made
signs to him, to kneel upon his coffin, but he replied, "I prefer
standing, and shall do so firmly." "Vive L'Empereur, vive Napoleon,"
were his last words. The party fired, and in an instant he ceased to
exist.
He was a Frenchman, and had been a prisoner of war for a
considerable time in England, but had been very improperly allowed
to enlist into De Meuron's regiment; which he had, no doubt,
entered with the intention of deserting the first opportunity which
should present itself.
I have yet to mention our North American possessions; but it would
appear, that it is now in contemplation, to employ corps of veterans
upon the Canadian and our other North American frontiers. It is,
however, evident that whoever can have suggested such a scheme,
must have altogether overlooked, or be ignorant of the rigorous
nature of a Canadian winter, and must likewise have forgotten, that
almost all our veterans have spent a great portion of their lives in
tropical climates, which cannot be supposed to have prepared their
constitutions to bear up against such cold as is quite unknown in any
part of Great Britain, as indicated by registers of the thermometer
kept during a residence there; where it ranges from zero to 10, 20
and even 35 degrees below it; and should a strong wind prevail
along with such cold, any one exposed to it is very likely to be frost-
bitten. It may also be supposed, that the proposers of such a plan,
are not aware of its being often necessary during winter in Canada,
to have sentries relieved, or at least visited every half hour; for if
they be unfortunately overcome by the severity of the cold, and in
consequence fall asleep, it is certain death. Are worn-out men, many
of them already martyrs to rheumatism, or must soon become so, fit
for service in such a country, and to which they may be sent from
their homes, probably reckoned upon as permanent, contrary
perhaps to their wishes, and very likely only to suit the economical
notions of penny-wise theorist and grumblers, who grudge old
soldiers and sailors, even the pittance their services entitle them to,
whilst they would handsomely reward the author of a mischievous
pamphlet? But are these poor veterans, I again ask, fit to guard
such an extensive frontier, constantly menaced by hardy and restless
men, inured to a North American climate?
I have no doubt but that prejudiced men, and such as are always
ready to cavil at any change proposed, be it good or bad, will at first
be inclined to look upon what I have suggested for keeping up our
army, as not only a wild and visionary, but also as an impracticable
scheme; yet all I request is a full and fair consideration of what I
have said and brought forward; and it ought now, I think, to be
obvious, that our regiments must be composed of a superior
description of men, if the country is to be served as it ought to be in
our future wars, as will, I trust, more fully appear as I proceed.
I shall now beg to remind officers, in general, of the numbers of
soldiers who arrived in Portugal and Spain, who went into hospitals
before we had many weeks carried on military operations in those
countries, many of whom, as might have been expected from their
early debilitating habits, never rejoined their regiments; and
throughout the war when fresh battalions arrived from England,
nearly the same thing invariably occurred, and with detachments of
recruits for corps already in the field, it was still worse, so much so,
that we could never calculate upon one-third of the new comers
remaining fit for duty with their regiments, even for a short time
after their first arrival; some of them, however, as they became more
habituated to campaigning, turned out to be good soldiers. Now
many of these were men who had been probably raised, according
to our present system of recruiting, in London, or in our
manufacturing districts, and thus the country was put to an
enormous but useless expense.
The soldiers we could chiefly depend upon, were those who
originally belonged to the corps, or had come to us from many of
the militia regiments, and particularly those who had been brought
up to early habits of labour in our agricultural districts. I am aware
that many of the men we got as volunteers from the militia, had
been called out from our manufacturing population, but their habits
and health had been much improved by being obliged to relinquish
debilitating practices, by good feeding, and regular military exercises
for a length of time before we got them. A long peace has probably
brought into our corps a more robust description of men, than we
had often to make the best we could of during the late wars, and
many of whom were frequently most wretched creatures, so much
so, that it was unfair to expect that British officers, however zealous
they might be, could always be successful in battle against the finest
men of France, which the conscription brought into the French
ranks; but if an immediate increase of the army, to any considerable
extent, should become requisite, and if the present system of
recruiting is to be still pursued, the same generally unprofitable and
expensive materials must be resorted to, for augmenting or
completing the respective establishments of our old, and also of any
new corps which it might be necessary to form, and many of whom
must be again found to sink under the fatigues and hardships of war,
and the weight of their knapsacks. I must, however, declare that
none of the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland are deficient in
courage. But let us reflect upon the state into which Sir John Moore's
army (which almost set him distracted) had got in the retreat to
Corunna. Almost all the corps had become completely disorganized
in every respect, and had nearly lost the appearance of regular
troops. An opportunity of fighting presented itself, and in a moment
steady and well disciplined British battalions appeared in the field.
Such were the strange beings British officers had to manage as well
as they could.
It would appear that a new plan is about to be adopted for re-
organizing and training the militia, and that the men are in future to
be raised at a small bounty to serve for a period of five years; and
that the whole are to be formed into battalions, of one thousand
strong each. The training to take place annually, in portions of two
companies at a time, for 28 days, under the adjutant, or permanent
staff; which in future is to consist of an adjutant, a serjeant-major,
eleven serjeants, one drum-major, and five drummers: one Serjeant
to do the duty of quarter-master-serjeant; and it is intended to allow
a part of the men to volunteer annually for the line.
This appears to me an exceedingly bad plan. In the first place, the
corps of militia must hereafter be composed of a very inferior
description of men to what they were of old; and flogging must, as a
matter of course, be persevered in; but why in these times are the
militia to be embodied and badly trained at a considerable and
unnecessary expense to the country; for it is quite time enough to
think of calling out this force when the country may be threatened
by an enemy with invasion; for with the fine regular army I have in
view, the tranquillity of the United Kingdom can be completely
secured; and such militia corps, as those that seem to be in
contemplation, must be the very worst description of troops which
could possibly be employed in case of commotions. I must sincerely
hope that the old and constitutional mode of calling out the good
and true men of the nation to serve in the militia regiments will
never be abandoned, and I yet trust to seeing it extended, as I have
proposed, to the Guards and regular army. Surely I have shewn
plainly enough the evils of our present recruiting system to dissipate
the notion of extending it to the militia. I have long entertained a
dislike to the plan of enlistment, unless every possible inquiry were
made into the characters of the men who offered themselves as
recruits; and I endeavoured to act in this manner some years ago,
when commanding a depot at Glasgow. I had an old friend in that
city, who had been one of its magistrates, and could look back to the
period when only herring boats could come up to the Broomilaw,
and who knew every body. I never took a recruit without the
approbation of my friend the Bailie; but he rejected so many, who
were instantly taken by other depots, of which there were several at
the time in Scotland, that I was at last called upon to say why I did
not get on quicker with the enlistment of men for the regiment. I
gave as my reason, that I was anxious to take only men who could
prove that they were respectable in character; but this was not
deemed satisfactory, and I had no longer any thing for it but to take
such as presented themselves; and then I certainly got on fast
enough with recruiting.
Not very long after this, the Bailie came to see me, and I happened
at the time to be superintending the drill of several strong squads of
my newly enlisted recruits. The Bailie looked closely at them all, and
I could not help fancying that I read alarm in the countenances of
many of my prizes. "Well, Colonel," said the Bailie, "the city of
Glasgow is infinitely indebted to you, for you have freed it of many
deserving characters;" but observing that I became rather chop-
fallen, he added, "Never mind, man—they'll fight—they'll fight like
devils. Was there ever a better fighting regiment in the world than
the ——, and they were nearly all raised in Glasgow, which was, to
my certain knowledge, very peaceable for many a day after they
were gone from it."
I am at this moment reminded, by what occurred upon the retreat to
Corunna, of the state into which many of our men were brought
upon that and other occasions from want of shoes. I may venture to
say, that we had seldom taken the field a fortnight—and our armies
had even more than once to halt on this account—when the greater
part of the soldier's shoes had gone to pieces, and others could not
always be got to replace them. This destruction of shoes was in a
great measure occasioned by the previous injudicious practice of
highly polishing them with injurious kinds of blacking, which I
suppose must continue to be the fashion in these quiet times; and I
hope I may be allowed to say, that whenever a corps of infantry is
ordered upon service, this practice should be positively forbidden.
Two good pairs of boots—not such clumsy concerns as some of the
Russian soldiers wore in France—should be properly prepared for
every man—that is, well saturated with the water-proof stuff, now so
much used by sports-men, and they should never after have
anything else put upon them but some of this composition, which
not only softens, but also tends to preserve them for a considerable
time. Such boots will certainly not look so well as those now in
general use; yet for grand occasions, the soldier might be made to
carry another finer polished pair; but with the boots I want, and
good stockings, every soldier should be furnished, or he cannot
march as he ought to do, and is, therefore, so far unfit for service.
Some people may consider this trifling, but experienced soldiers will
think otherwise.
The plan I have suggested of calling out the regular army, of course,
overturns the present defective depot system, which seems to me to
be only calculated to give officers habits of idleness and
restlessness; and their frequent removals from the companies
abroad to those forming the depots, requiring others to be sent out
to replace them, afford opportunities of indulging in such pernicious
habits. Depots are but very inferior schools for the instruction of
officers, non-commissioned officers, or privates. The ten companies
assembled form a fine battalion, well adapted for all kinds of military
movement and instruction: a depot is quite the reverse of this.
There are now before me notes upon certain points, which I wish to
bring under consideration; but if they should appear to some readers
tiresome, or uncalled for, I can only regret that they should seem so,
and I must request that they will arm themselves with patience
sufficient to enable them to accompany me to the end of the
chapter.
Regimental bands are looked upon as very pretty and necessary
appendages to corps; but as it is most essential that as few soldiers
as possible should be taken out of the ranks, it might be advisable to
consider whether it would not be wise to place them upon a
different footing. The present plan takes away from their companies
perhaps twenty soldiers to make second-rate musicians; as more
men are almost always occupied in this way, (at least it was so
formerly) than regulations would admit of; and supposing that all
our regiments were made light infantry, there would, I conclude, be
neither drummers nor fifers; but, in place of them, one sergeant as
bugle-major, and two buglers per company, and two extra buglers to
accompany (when necessary) detachments, the whole to be clothed
almost the same as the other soldiers; and I would also arm them
with light muskets—indeed, those which belonged to light companies
generally contrived, when in the field, to arm themselves. These
muskets might be slung over their shoulders when they were
required to cheer the regiment on a march, or to attract the fair to
the windows as corps passed through towns; and most delightful
strains, at least, to a military ear, can be produced by key bugles,
French horns, trumpets, &c. There should, however, be one good
sized drum, on the new principle, allowed to mark the time; and
surely twenty-three men per regiment are quite sufficient for such
purposes, especially if some of them were also taught to perform
upon a few other instruments.
The corporal and ten pioneers per regiment, who are generally
nothing else but so many attendants upon the quarter-master and
his sergeant, should be done away with; that is, I would keep the
men hitherto employed in this way where they ought to be—in the
ranks. If men are wanted for fatigue, as it is termed, the soldiers
should be employed on it as a duty, and their time can never be
better occupied than in all kinds of labour or works, especially those
which may tend to instruct them in what is likely to be required of
them at sieges, or during campaigns; and above all, they should
have a knowledge of the best and quickest methods of making
roads, temporary bridges, &c., and even of preparing food, and
lighting fires; if they were also taught to be boatmen and good
swimmers so much the better. It certainly would be very desirable
that soldiers had more practice in this way than is the fashion in our
army. But having mentioned preparing food, I think it important to
say a few words upon the subject.
The comfort in which the men of the 5th battalion 60th regiment
(who were chiefly Germans,) lived upon service was very striking,
when compared with the wretched diet of the generality of British
soldiers. I must, however, preface my remarks upon this subject by
the following division order which was issued by Major-general
Colville, at Moimenta de Beira, in Portugal, on the 29th March, 1813,
respecting this corps:
"No. 9. A detachment of the 5th battalion 60th, has arrived at head-
quarters under the command of Captain Kelly, and which having left
Lisbon consisting of fifty men, has brought up all but one man who
was left sick at Coimbra, and no prisoners.
"This is so unlike the report of any detachment of the British part of
the division that has arrived at quarters since the Major-General's
taking the command of it, that he cannot help mentioning the
mortifying distinction, in the hopes that there may be yet left among
the good men of the division regard enough for their own honours to
keep a check upon the conduct of those of an opposite character."
It seemed to be settled amongst themselves, that every man of the
mess of the 5th battalion 60th, had to carry something, that is say—
highly-spiced meats, such as sausages, cheese, onions, garlic, lard,
pepper, salt, vinegar, mustard, sugar, coffee, &c.; in short, whatever
could add to or make their meals more palatable, nourishing, or
conducive to health. As soon as the daily allowance of beef was
issued, they set to work and soon produced a first-rate dinner or
supper, which were often improved by certain wild herbs which they
knew where to look for, whereas, in attempting this, I have known
instances of our men poisoning themselves; and what a contrast to
this were the ways of our too often thoughtless beings who rarely
had any of the above articles—day after day they boiled their beef,
just killed, in the lump, in water, which they seldom contrived to
make deserving the name of soup or broth. This and their bread or
biscuit was what they usually lived upon. But I lament to be obliged
to add, that their thoughts, of course unconnected with military
matters, were too often directed to ardent spirits and to the means
of procuring enough of it; for though a certain allowance, usually of
rum, was issued daily, this was not sufficient to satisfy their longings
for more. And it was always known when the rum was about to be
given out when we heard a shout in the camp, and from many
voices a cry of "turn out for rum!"
Our mode of messing in barracks is extremely regular, and much in
the style so carefully exhibited in Russia to visitors of importance,
and is well calculated to produce effect. In general (at least in
former times,) cooks were hired, and the soldiers' wives were
sometimes engaged for this purpose, so that most of the men were
kept almost in ignorance of learning the simple art of boiling beef
and potatoes: they only knew, that at fixed hours daily, they were
sure of a breakfast and dinner; and although this was to be admired
in quiet times, it sadly unfitted soldiers for what they were
afterwards to turn their minds and hands to in the field; and it also
sometimes left them more money than they could spend with
propriety. But if their thoughts could now be more directed to the
German and French style of living it would be attended with the best
results, and we should hear less of drunkenness and the crimes
arising from out of it in our regiments. These hints might, perhaps,
be thought useful to those interested in the welfare of our
population in general, whose early habits are too often very
pernicious and demoralizing.
The observations of his Grace the Duke of Wellington, on the 1st and
3rd of October, 1812, at the siege of Burgos, will shew the necessity
of our soldiers' being accustomed to labour and the consequences of
their not being habituated to it:—"The Commander of the Forces is
concerned to state, that the working parties in the trenches do not
perform their duty, notwithstanding the pains which have been taken
to relieve them every six hours, &c.;" and his Grace adds—"The
officers and soldiers of the army should know that to work during a
siege is as much a part of their duty as it is to engage the enemy in
the field; and they may depend upon it, that unless they perform the
work allotted to them, with due diligence, they cannot acquire the
honour which their comrades have acquired in former sieges." The
Guards were exempted from the censure contained in this order;
indeed their conduct was most exemplary on all occasions. And we
can again read in a general order, dated Cartaxo, 4th March, 1811:—
"No. 2. As during the two years which the brigade of Guards have
been under the command of the Commander of the Forces, not only
no soldier has been brought to trial before a general court-martial,
but none has been confined in a public guard; the Commander of
the Forces desires that the attendance of the brigade, at the
execution to-morrow, may be dispensed with."
This ought surely to convince the country, that though the changes I
have proposed, as to the officers of the Guards, may be necessary
for the general good of the army; yet the idea of disbanding such
troops can only be entertained by an ignorant and absurdly
prejudiced mind.
I have often wondered it has never been deemed indispensable, that
an uniform system of regimental economy was adopted for the
whole army. This most desirable object is by no means attained by
the book of general regulations and orders; for although there is to
be found in it much that is useful, still a vast deal more is required to
come up to what is necessary for the guidance of a regiment in the
various situations in which it may be placed; and the want of such a
well digested plan is the reason we see such a difference in the state
of corps; some being in every respect in the highest possible order,
whilst others are the very reverse. The former is entirely owing to
their being commanded by talented and judicious officers; the latter
is evidently occasioned by their being under men who are
themselves ignorant, inexperienced, and yet very likely self-
sufficient. Many regiments have good standing orders if they were
steadily acted up to; but much depending upon the will of the
commanding officer, he most probably adopts something of his own,
which is often injudicious, or even injurious; or as much only of the
old standing orders as he thinks fit; or perhaps he allows the whole
to become a dead letter. A matter of such importance as this should
not be left to whim or caprice; but a simple, uniform, and sufficiently
comprehensive system should be established for the whole army, for
the guidance of regiments in barracks and quarters at home and
abroad; upon a march, or when on board ship, or in any situation,
but especially when employed in the field. If this were done, and
positive orders given, that there should not be the slightest deviation
from the system laid down, on the part of commanding officers, we
should hear less of corps being more annoyed and teazed by one
commander than another; and we should not be able to observe
that remarkable difference to be met with amongst them, both in
appearance and discipline.
There could not be much difficulty in effecting this most important
object. The standing orders of some corps, though in general too
diffuse and complicated, and requiring too many returns or reports
from companies, &c., would afford ample ground-work for all useful
purposes, except in what is essential for the field; in which respect,
all those I have seen were totally defective; but uniformity in every
point is as necessary in this as it is in military movements; and if
judiciously adopted, would be found as strikingly beneficial, as the
changes were from the fancies of every commanding officer to the
well known "eighteen manœuvres."
Having proposed to do away with regimental pioneers, to make up
efficiently for them, two men of good character should be enlisted—
but that only for service in the field, to take charge of and lead a
bat-horse each, to carry on well fitted pack-saddles a few of such
useful tools as might be required for ordinary military purposes. The
surgeon, at such times, also requires a man and a horse of this kind
for his instruments and medicines; and so do the pay-master and
adjutant, for the conveyance of money, books, and various
indispensable papers and returns. These ought always to march in
the rear of the corps to which they belong. Thus, by doing away
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