NAME: ADEOYE MERCY FUNMILADE

MATRIC NO:220101020

LEVEL: 200 LEVEL

FACULTY: AGRICULTURAL SCIENCE

DEPARTMENT: AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS

AND EXTENSION SERVICES

COURSE CODE: SRE 211

QUESTION;
CLIMATE CHANGE PHENOMENON AND ITS
IMPACT ON RURAL INCOME LIVELIHOOD AND
HEALTH

LECTURER IN CHARGE:
Dr. Nurudeen O.O

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INTRODUCTION

Climate change has been identified as a leading human and environmental crisis of the 21st
century. Th e problem of understanding climate change (or global warming) is one of the major
challenges confronting African people, their governments and the African Union (AU).
Moreover, it has been argued that climate change leads to acute conflicts and it therefore
becomes imperative to achieve a proper understanding of the phenomenon in Africa. Great
public, political and academic attention is now being devoted to the issue of global warming and
climate change. A broad scientific and political consensus has been established that climate
change poses a considerable threat to Africa, its ecosystems and many of its species: ‘Th e
science has become more irrevocable than ever: climate change is happening. Th e evidence is
all around us. And unless we act, we will see catastrophic consequences including rising sea-
levels, droughts and famine, and the loss of up to a third of the world’s plant and animal
species.’1 A large number of reports and public statements have also suggested that climate
change in Africa is a security threat.2 Concern over the negative impact of climate change has
strengthened fears that environmental degradation and demographic pressures will displace
millions of people in Africa and create serious social upheaval. Most scientists studying the
potential impact of climate change have predicted that Africa is likely to experience higher
temperatures, rising sea levels, changing rainfall patterns and increased climate variability, all of
which could affect as much of its population. Th e actual and potential impacts of climate change
in Africa are large and wide ranging, affecting as many aspects of people’s everyday lives. Many
climate models predict negative impacts of climate change on agricultural production and food
security in large parts of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).3 Higher temperatures, the drying up of soils,
increased pest and disease pressure, shift s in suitable areas for growing crops and livestock,
increased desertification in the Sahara region, floods, deforestation, and erosion are all signs that
climate change is already happening and represents one of the greatest environmental, social and
economic threats facing Africa: ‘Th e impact of climate change will fall disproportionate on the
world’s poorest countries, many of them here in Africa. Poor people already live on the front
lines of pollution, disaster, and degradation of resources and land. For them, adaptation is a
matter of sheer survival.’4 Unfortunately, despite growing concern, no exact and reliable figures

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are available to quantify the economic costs of the negative impacts of climate change in Africa
for either individuals or society as a whole. As far as development is concerned, climate change
will have a strong impact on Africa’s ability to achieve the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs) and on its development policies in general, with increased pressure on agriculture, water
supply and demand, health, and political stability. Th is paper is concerned with the fact that
African nations are among the lightest polluters, but analysts say they will suffer the most from
climate change in their pursuit of water and food security, sustainable development, and political
and economic sustainability. Therefore, the paper reviews the relationships among climate
change, water and food security, conflicts and development. It also argues that there is a need for
climate change information in Africa and reviews the status of international climate agreements
related to adaptation, mitigation and compensation. In addition, the paper argues that even if
climate change by its nature may not necessarily lead to violent inter-state conflicts, scarcity of
water and food in Africa has, however, already nurtured political tensions among nations, thus
retarding eff orts towards sustainable development. The paper is divided into five parts: it begins
with a discussion of the need for climate information, followed by sections on the impact of
climate change on Africa’s water resources, the continent’s food security, Africa’s development
challenges due to climate change, security threats facing the continent, and the AU position on
climate change. Th e paper concludes with recommendations and a suggested way forward. Any
attempt to understand the impacts of climate change on Africa is fraught with difficulties. While
some of the impacts are known and relatively well understood, there is still great uncertainty
about the key climate processes and their consequences. Climate change is already having
substantial impacts on Africa. Successfully adapting to these impacts is crucial to achieving the
continent’s development objectives. Both observational records and climate projections provide
strong evidence that freshwater resources in particular are vulnerable and have the potential to be
strongly affected, leading to additional pressure on water availability, accessibility, supply and
demand in Africa.

THE NEED FOR CLIMATE INFORMATION

Th ere is no internationally agreed definition of the term ‘climate change’, which has resulted in
differences of opinion on the issue. Climate change can refer to long term changes in average
weather conditions covering all changes in the climate system, including the drivers of change,

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the changes themselves and their effects; or can refer only to human-induced change in the
climate system. Th ere is also no agreement on how to defi ne the term ‘climate variability’.
Climate has been in a constant state of change throughout the earth’s 4.5-billion-year history, but
most of these changes occur on astronomical or geological time scales, and are too slow to be
observed on a human scale.7 \On the other hand, it is known that the climate system is highly
complex and consists of:

■ The atmosphere: gaseous matter above the earth’s surface

■The hydrosphere: liquid on or below the earth’s surface

■ The cryosphere: snow and ice on or below the earth’s surface

■ The lithosphere: earth’s land surface (e.g. rock, soil and sediment)

■ The biosphere: earth’s plants and animal life, including humans There is still much to
understand about the African climate, its drivers and the links to global warming. Despite
considerable progress in African meteorological science, we are still not confident about the
major climate trends either at the continental level or for individual countries. Most analyses of
the impact of climate change that have influence United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC) agreements focus on medium- to long-term projections of carbon
emissions and forecasting models of global warming, and cover mainly countries and regions for
which relevant data is readily available. Th is leaves out most countries and regions within Africa
due to unavailable data and trajectories. Knowledge and access to information are essential for
the effective environmental management and have significant impacts on the economy and the
livelihood choices people make. If governments are to make informed and transformative
choices concerning climate change, they require the best and most up-to-date science. Climate
information exists that could improve decision making within these sectors, thereby mitigating
the effects of adverse climate. But at present this information is seldom incorporated in policy
formulation processes and development decisions. A recent study by the International Research
Institute for Climate and Society (IRI) found gaps in four main areas:

■ Integrating climate into policy

■ Integrating climate into practice

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■ Climate services

■Climate data9 IRI concluded that a major, continent-wide eff ort to integrate climate risk
management into climate-sensitive development processes at all levels is an urgent and top
priority requirement for Africa today. Moreover, during the IRI study, problems were also
identified in terms of a lack of evidence regarding both the impact of climate variability on
climate-sensitive development outcomes and the benefits of climate information to improve
these outcomes. Raising awareness of climate information and providing evidence of its value to
decision makers in climate-sensitive sectors are thus important challenges that must be met. In
the fi eld of climate change, there is still much uncertainty about the probabilities of various
possible changes occurring in specific locations. Th is can be dealt with by investing in improved
information to reduce the degree of local uncertainty or by spreading the uncertain risk through
some form of global network. Knowledge about the future will always be uncertain, but the
current high degree of uncertainty about the potential local impacts of climate change could be
reduced through improving the science. Other priorities include recognizing the need for
decision making in the face of uncertainty, and bridging the gap between scientific and
traditional perceptions of climate change.

Climate information
There are three types of climate information:

■ Historical data, which helps to elucidate trends, provides climate statistics, sets a context for
current data, and allows variability and the occurrence of extremes to be quantified

■ Real-time data, i.e. current climate observations, which aids short-term predictions of the
consequences of specific weather events, e.g. heavy rainfall leading to flooding

■ Climate forecasts, i.e. predictions of the climate, ranging from long-term weather forecasts,
through seasonal forecasts, to medium-term (10–30 years) and long-term climate change
projections

Most of the sectors on which development eff orts focus are climate sensitive, including
agriculture, health, energy, transport and water resources. Incorporating climate knowledge into
these eff orts could greatly enhance their eff ectiveness, yet the opportunities for doing this are
largely being missed in Africa. It is becoming clear that what is needed is an integrated approach

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that incorporates climate science into multidisciplinary development planning and projects. Th e
climate tools used in such an approach will enhance stakeholders’ decisions making by providing
relevant new information that they can incorporate into practice. Climate is aff ecting
development in Africa. Strengthening livelihoods by improving agricultural productivity,
diversifying on- and off -farm activities, providing better access to markets and market
information, and improving infrastructure will reduce poor people’s vulnerability to climate
variability and extremes.

THE IMPACT OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON AFRICA’S WATER RESOURCES

Water resources in particular comprise one sector that is highly dependent on and influenced, by
climate change. A number of countries in Africa already experience considerable water stress as
a result of insufficient and unreliable rainfall that changes rainfall patterns or causes flooding.
Climate change is real, and its impact is already being felt. As It has affected the people of Africa
and its food systems that are already vulnerable.

The population in SSA is expected to increase from 700 million in 2007 to 1 100 million in 2030
and 1 500 million by 2050, and populations will become increasingly urban.13 Overall water
demand can therefore be expected to more than double in the first half of the 21st century,
without considering rises in per capita demand for food and water. Agriculture, which provides a
livelihood for about three-quarters of Africa’s population, is mainly rain fed. Severe and
prolonged droughts, flooding, and loss of arable land due to desertification and soil erosion are
reducing agricultural yields and causing crop failure and loss of livestock, which endanger rural
and pastoralist populations. The Horn of Africa’s pastoralist areas (Ethiopia-Kenya-Somalia
border) have been severely impacted by recurrent droughts.

Favareto and Seifer (2012) point to the emergence of a new rural scenario at the turn of the 21st
century, where it is not possible to understand the rural as a static opposition to the urban. The
overcoming of this dichotomy in favor of an interconnected view of the two scenarios is done by
virtue of interactions that are at the same time contradictory and interdependent. This is due to
the influences of public policies promoting progressive investments and resources for
agribusiness in the countryside, which have brought about changes in local modes of production
and, consequently, new forms of interaction among the Brazilian regions. The argument of Leite
et al. (2013) that the rural scenario is a space with intense diversity in its configuration agrees

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with this thought. There is a process of heterogeneity in the rural context and in the establishment
of rurality (Leite, 2015; Landini, 2015), in the plural sense that this term implies. The diversity of
environments in the countryside is the result of the social trajectory of Brazilian history
(Wanderley & Favareto, 2013), which bearsthe adverse environmental effects caused by climate
change as one of its features. However, the impact of these variations is not expressed equally.
On the contrary, climate change affects impoverished populations more severely (Barbier, &
Hochard, 2018), as it evidences the extent to which individuals are being granted the necessary
conditions to overcome the adverse effects of climate change. It is relevant that psychology,
which has historically focused on research and interventions in urban contexts (Leite et al., 2013;
Dantas et al., 2018; Vasquez, 2009), can address this rural reality, markedly influenced by
climate change. In addition, conceiving the rural environment from the perspective of urban
lenses limits the possibilities of psychological interventions, which requires the development of
specific studies on the psychological processes rural * Faculty Ari de Sá, Brazil ** University of
International Integration of the Afro-Brazilian Lusophony, Brazil *** Federal University of
Ceará, Brazil 126 residents go through (Landini, 2015). Pizzinato et al. (2015) corroborate the
validity of the still unexplored rural subjectivity as a potential and relevant space for analysis and
intervention. Moreover, life in impoverished rural areas poses unique and diverse implications,
which are unknown to those from the urban contexts. Such fact reinforces the premise that
research in this area should not adopt an urban-centered psychology as a reference (Dantas et al.,
2018). Thus, the objective of this study is to analyze the impacts of climate change on the quality
of life of poor residents of communities in the backlands of Northeastern and Southern Brazil. In
this article, we will argue the point that, although located in different geographic locations, rural
areas in Brazil are more vulnerable to the impacts of climate change when compared to the urban
scenario. This is because there is a history of neglect in government policies in order to at least
mitigate the impacts of poverty in the countryside and to come up with strategies to address the
side effects of climate change. The study referential includes the Community Psychology
propositions on rural contexts and the implications of life under impoverished rural conditions,
the Capabilities Approach, and Human Geography studies focused on the occupation of Brazilian
rural lands and the consequences of climate change on deprivation experiences. The debate on
rural poverty involves the consideration that, in the countryside, there are factors responsible for
both the intensification of the experience of deprivation and the perpetuation of its expression.

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Among the factors, it is possible to list the ways land is used and managed, socio-spatial
inequality, and precarious access to public policies. These factors of rural poverty are
constituents of marked social inequality in Brazilian society. According to Martín-Baró (1998), it
is necessary to recover the historical memory of the phenomena, using critical realism. Thus, to
understand rural poverty it is necessary to understand the macrosocial structure that constitutes
the reality of the Brazilian poor population. The modes of land use and management are
thermometers of the historical denial of the right of access to land. In Brazil, family agriculture
employs 80% of the workforce in the countryside and is responsible for half of all the Brazilian
agricultural production cultivated on 25% of the country's total territory. The remaining 75% is
under the domain of 500,000 establishments considered employers. (Lustosa, 2012). Although
the populational contingent involved in family agriculture is significant, the production model,
characterized by low production complexity and restricted territorial size of cultivable land,
which generates highly valuable products and makes it difficult for small farmers to compete
with large landowners. As a result, the activity that employs most in the countryside ends up
being the one that suffers most from capitalist competition. Low profits and the risks of
production loss due to climate change contribute to the indebtedness of farming families, who
end up having to sell or lease their cultivable territories. Thus, land, characterized as a production
factor (Ramos, 2007), is becoming increasingly in the hands of small groups. Helfand and
Pereira (2012) observed that the divergence between the access to land and profitability achieved
by means of agricultural practice is a determinant of poverty among agricultural producers. In
turn, the significant increase in technical and monetary investment in the countryside does not
mean its conversion into better living conditions for rural populations. On the contrary, what
occurs is the forced removal of the of residents to other rural territories or to the urban scenario,
or even their permanence under precarious conditions (Castillo et al., 2016). The decrease in
productivity and the forced migration of people from their homelands have been indisputably
caused by climate change (Levy, & Patz, 2015), but in Brazil they are already part of the
historical picture of rural poverty and social inequalities, especially concerning the ownership of
land. The advance of capitalism in the countryside, with agribusiness as its main exponent, has
resulted in the worsening of socioeconomic inequalities (Campos, 2011), legitimized the
latifundium, and impacted the division of labor. Data from Buainain et al. (2012) show that 67%
of people in extreme rural poverty in Brazil, considering monetary indicators, live in the 127

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Northeastern and Northern regions. In the rural Northeast, poverty is approximately four times
higher than in Southern rural areas (Helfand & Pereira, 2012). The level of poverty in the rural
area, which is higher than in the urban population, and the unequal distribution of income
throughout the Brazilian territory are serious obstacles to human development (Heltberg, 2002).
In the rural scenario, the multiple daily social aggravations that lead to the maintenance of
poverty combined with unsatisfactory access to public policies (Mikulewicz, 2018) are
highlighted. Maluf and Mattei (2011) included, as historical determinants of poverty, the
precariousness of basic services, infrastructure, and job opportunities. We are talking about the
need to guarantee the supply, access and quality of housing, education, health, transportation,
culture, jobs, and income-generating policies for rural populations. The discussions on rural
poverty, even those that focus on a multidimensional analysis (Dedecca et al., 2012), consider
economic and social factors, but present limitations in their understanding of the influence of
poverty on the subjective constitution of individuals. An alternative to improve the rather fragile
analysis of poverty impact, for Moura Jr, Almeida and Barbosa (2019), is the use of a
multidimensional approach that contemplates the dimensions of housing, education, work,
income, and health in addition to the subjective aspects of poverty, allowing its measurement to
grasp as much as possible of the social reality of deprivation. These dimensions are also the most
affected by climate change in the most vulnerable groups and the result is an intensification of
their state of deprivation (Otto et al., 2017). In that sense, it is understood that the approach on
poverty must go beyond its association with material deprivation (Accorssi, 2011). The
Capability Approach (Sen, 2011) has taken an important step in understanding that there are
variations in people's opportunities to convert general resources, such as income and wealth, into
capacities, which represent what they can or cannot actually do to achieve well-being and
happiness. According to this multidimensional perspective, the difficulty of converting income
and resources into well-being is the primary cause for the maintenance of poverty, since the
presence of such assets reflects the huge differences in people’s personal characteristics and
social circumstances (Sen, 2011). Not only does poverty expose individuals to inequalities in
terms of living conditions (such as income, housing, educational opportunities, health promotion,
etc.,), it also makes them more vulnerable to global risks inherent the climate change effects on
the environment. The rising temperatures and sea levels, the periodicity and/or the length of
droughts, tropical hurricane activities, and strong rainfalls are some of the effects that, although

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occurring in a global scale, disproportionately affect certain social groups, especially those living
under poor conditions, triggering severe backlashes as to the guarantee of human rights and
social justice (Levy & Patz, 2015). Another issue, repeatedly disregarded in poverty studies, is
the psychosocial aspects that contribute to the maintenance of the poverty phenomenon, as a
strategy of oppression and domination that uses subjective, cultural, and ideological issues, as
much as or more than income deprivation, to perpetuate itself. Poverty exposes individuals to
limited access to goods and services, social vulnerability, through risk exposure, precarious
schooling, and insecurity about income and the future. In addition, it is common for poor
individuals to face moral trials, which result in their victimization, villainization, (Accorssi,
2011) and stigmatization (Moura Jr et al., 2019). Confrontation is repeatedly discussed in texts
that address this issue as the provision of resources to instrumentalize those individuals to
respond to poverty (IPEA, 2015) and climate change (Nash et al., 2019). However, as Montaño
(2012) rightly states, "any confrontation of poverty based on the provision of goods and services
is merely palliative" (p.280) because, in the author's understanding, including the individual in
the logic of economic development without questioning the accumulation of wealth is not
enough to alter it. This means that the 128 way individuals deal with adverse situations arising
from poverty is not unified and indisputable, especially in rural areas, in which daily life is
characterized by "(...) an intense heterogeneity that allows for a variety of interlocutions" (p.49)
according to Leite et al (2013). The discussion on how individuals signify and stand up to the
reality they experience, as questions that directly interfere in their developed confrontations, is
then inserted. When somebody in a situation of poverty is held responsible for his or her
situation, the responsibility of those with political and economic power for the existence of
poverty and global climate change is disregarded, and the poverty the phenomenon is seen as
nonhistorical, focused, and restricted to individual issues. It is possible, and necessary, to talk
about the ways subjectivation is developed in contexts of poverty in order to understand that they
are influenced by forms of affection management that diminish the power to act for the common
good and, consequently, social resistance (Sawaia, 2009). The psychosocial implications of
poverty are precisely the result of the interconnection between the social, cultural, political,
ideological and psychological components that reinforce and maintain it by means of the use of
the consequences of ethical-political suffering, hopelessness, oppression, submission, and
resignation. Responses to poverty are not only about manipulating practical content and concrete

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interventions in reality. Before exploring the relationship between individuals and poverty as one
based on a combat, as something that aims at tackling the existence of the phenomenon, it is
worth considering the paths found by individuals to live with it and psychosocially overcome the
adversities without implying apathy in the face of the possibility of altering the source of
discomfort. Thus, it is necessary to analyze in depth the impacts of climate change on rural
poverty in Brazil, because there are specific characteristics in the daily lives of people inserted in
the Global South with the combination of violence and historical inequalities (Souza, 2018). 2.
Methods 2.1 Methodological approach The research used the qualitative approach, which is
dedicated to understanding the intensity of the phenomenon (Minayo & Minayo-Gómez, 2003)
by means of an appreciation of the interaction between researcher and participants. As the
objective of the study is to analyze the impacts of climate change on impoverished residents of
rural communities in the countryside of Northeastern and Southern Brazil, its qualitative
emphasis favors studying, in real life conditions, the meanings, opinions, and beliefs (Yin, 2016)
regarding daily life in the countryside, deprivation experiences, and the perceived repercussions
of climate change. 2.2 Participants Since this research aims to discuss different ways of rural
living in the Brazilian context, the research development took place in Northeastern and
Southern Brazil’s rural areas. Guerra et al. (2014) concluded that, although there has been a
decrease in poverty and regional inequality in Brazil between 2000 and 2010, the Northeastern
part of the country is still one of the regions with a high concentration of municipalities with the
worst Social Exclusion Index (SEI). While the national average is 21.0% of municipalities per
region with a high degree of social exclusion, in the Northeast, this Index reaches 48.8%. The
Southern region presents significantly more attenuated values, with a number of municipalities
with high SEI equal to 0.3%. Considering the group of people with per capita family income
below ¼ minimum wage in Brazil (equivalent to $ 252.87 dollars in the period of the field
survey), a value designated 129 as belonging to poverty, the distribution of poverty in the
Northeast and South is also heterogenous. It reaches 54% of the whole rural population in the
Northeast and 27, 4% in the South (Dedecca et al., 2012). The data ratifies the statement of Maia
and Buainain (2015) when they demonstrate that the Southern region of Brazil traditionally
presents good indicators of human development, with emphasis on good indices on the rural
population. In contrast, the Brazilian Northeast is a region with high levels of inactivity per rural
household, which would reflect the low dynamism of agricultural work. These divergences

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reflect the historical Brazilian regional inequality (Santos et al., 2014). A comparative study
between the two regions may help verify whether or not subjective aspects of life under poor
conditions present similarities in the two territories, despite their different socioeconomic and
political contexts. In the Northeastern region, the city investigated is Pentecoste, in Ceará. In the
Southern region, the researched municipality is Cascavel, located in the State of Paraná.
Pentecoste is considered a small town. Its population is estimated at 37,751 inhabitants (IBGE,
2019a). Data from IBGE (2011) showed that 21,394 community members (60.44%) lived in the
urban area and 14,006 people (39.56%) were residents of the municipality’s rural area. Among
the people living in the countryside, 7,414 are men and 6,592 are women. In 2010, the rate of
vulnerability to poverty reached 71.69% of the city's residents (PNUD, 2013). Cascavel has
328,454 inhabitants (IBGE, 2019b) and is considered a large city. The local rural population was
estimated at 16,156 community members, 5.64% of the total number of inhabitants (IBGE,
2011), 8,958 of whom are men and 7,198, women. The percentage of households vulnerable to
poverty, considering the total aggregate, is 13.68% (PNUD, 2013). The qualitative study was
developed in two communities in each of the cities investigated. As we can see in Table 1, there
were 79 research participants aged between 18 and 79 years (M=49.64) in the focus groups. 40
of them were residents of the rural area of Pentecoste, and 39 were residents of the rural area of
Cascavel. The majority of the qualitative sample was composed of women (77.21%). In the
municipality of Pentecoste, a higher participation of men (N=14) was obtained when compared
to the same public in Cascavel (N = 04). Table 1. General Profile of Focus Group Participants
City N Women Men Average time living in the community (years) N % N % Pentecoste (CE) 40
26 65% 14 35% 33,55 Cascavel (PR) 39 35 89,74% 04 10,26% 24,18 Total 79 61 77,21% 18
22,79% 28,92 2.3 Data collection The focus group is a group interview (Minayo et al., 2010),
where individuals are gathered around the discussion of a common theme or focus with the
presence of a moderator. Flick (2009) argues that group interviews help overcome the limits of
responses of only one interviewee, gathering, as main advantages, the richness of the data
produced, the stimulus for the elaboration of contents, and the remembrance of events. During
the survey, three focus groups were conducted in Cascavel and four in Pentecoste between
October 2016 and January 130 2017. The sessions lasted one hour in average. The Topic Guide
for conducting the focus groups covered the themes: rural population lifestyles, perceptions of
poverty, and confronting local adversities, which included the effects of climate change on the

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perpetuation of the deprivation experience. The criteria for selecting the participants were: to
reside in one of the two rural areas selected in each region for further research; to be 18 years of
age or older; to express consent regarding the conditions of the research after reading the Free
and Informed Consent Term; and to be available to stay throughout the whole group session, the
approximate duration of which was previously informed. 2.4 Procedures The groups’ facilitation
was ensured by the support offered by local public policy representatives. The communities were
chosen because they were close to the projects of intervention in Community Psychology
developed by the universities. In Cascavel, the research was carried out in a Settlement of the
Landless Workers Movement (MST in Portuguese). In Pentecoste, the focus groups were
facilitated at the local Healthcare Center and School with people who were not part of any
specific social movement. In the research, information derived from group activities is presented
using the acronym FG, indicative of focal group, followed by the initial letter of the name of the
municipality and its sequence of facilitation on the spot. Thus, for example, GFP1 refers to the
first focus group held at Pentecoste. Fictitious names were assigned to all group participants in
accordance with the principle of confidentiality as the ethical foundation of research with human
beings. 2.5 Data analysis The data were analyzed from the perspective of Bardin's Thematic
Content Analysis (2011) with the help of Atlas Ti 8.4 qualitative analysis software. Atlas.ti acts
as a tool for organizing data analysis and it has no automatic commands. In the study, all
inferences and categorizations were performed by the researcher based on the theoretical
reference of the investigation. The focus groups had the audios recorded and then transcribed.
Then the transcriptions were read preliminarily. A new fluent reading of the material was
performed to elect preliminary analytical categories based on the objective of this study. Excerpts
of the transcriptions were linked with these categories. Finally, relationships between these
categories were established. 3. Results and discussion 3.1. Rural poverty The experiences of
deprivation narrated by residents provide an overview of the social problems with which they
have lived historically. They are deprivations related to food availability and its quality, housing
structure, and the provision of free leisure areas in the community. These problems are
intensified in more vulnerable populations by climate change (Otto et al., 2017). Food and
nutrition security implies the guarantee of continuous access to sufficient, quality food, without
compromising the access to other essential needs, by socially acceptable means. When social
inequality, an ethically unfair condition, affects the possibility of accessing food and healthy

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eating, we have inequity in food security (Panigassi et al., 2008). Food insecurity, manifested by
means of experiences of deprivation of access to food, has been presented as a phenomenon
experienced in childhood, but still shared in the recent history of the interviewees, being one of
the possible consequences of climate change. However, it is 131 important to point out that there
is generally no association of these situations with climate change (Nash et al., 2019). Karla
(FGP4) states: The situation was so harsh that mom told me that, when I was little, she had me
go to Deca, the only shopkeeper around Providência […] I cried, asking for a banana to eat, and
there was none. She had me go to Deca and ask him. He was the only person who could provide
that. So, he would wrap up two bananas and give them to me to bring home. He wrapped them so
no one could see how poor we were. He would wrap two little bananas in paper and when I got
home, mom would make a banana shake with water for me, we didn’t have the means to buy
food […]. Paulo (FGP2) narrates an experience of food deprivation experienced in childhood
that is interconnected with another deprivation: poor access to education policies. According to
him: "[...] to finish high school, we had to leave early, sometimes we didn't have breakfast,
sometimes we didn't have lunch, maybe you don't believe it, sometimes my lunch at home was
coffee and flour. Coffee and flour!" (Paulo, FGP2). Food insecurity, therefore, reflects the
already established denial of basic human rights (Panigassi et al., 2008), such as the right to be
well=nourished, but which are linked to other indicators that delimit groups in situations of
social vulnerability. The food-deprivation experience is not only related to the lack of financial
resources to purchase what is needed. It is important to mention that the deprivation experience
in rural poverty may be intensified by climate change, as food insecurity and decreased
productivity are consonances of this global phenomenon (Levy, & Patz, 2015). The experience of
deprivation is also related to not offering the product in their locality, because "[...] If you have
the fruit, you do not have the money. If you have the money, you don't have the fruit" (Joana,
FGP1). This speech contributes to the concept that deprivations are not experienced in isolation,
but are interconnected in a cyclical arrangement, since living in a rural area would mean fewer
job opportunities, which would generate less financial power, weakening local commerce and
reducing the availability of food items in the locality. Hence, not only is the conceptualization of
poverty a complex task (Crespo & Gurovitz, 2002), but its analysis and the identification of the
relationships among the factors that constitute it are also complex. The participants suffer from
what Comim et al. (2016) identified in the research participants of his studies and entitled

14
"multiple material and psychological deprivations" (p.40), a characteristic of experiences of
intense poverty. Climate change also affects the mental health of affected populations, again
becoming more intense for more vulnerable populations (Nash et al, 2019). Thus, it is necessary
to mention the overlapping of deprivations, which is one of the most serious phenomena
contributing to poverty perpetuation. In order to deal with an issue, we must understand its
structural dynamics. This perspective of analysis disrupts the thought of poverty as a
consequence of the direct manifestation of a set of privations, since it is necessary to understand
it in a complex, multicausal, and interconnected system, in which subjective components are
interconnected to material living conditions at the same time that they constitute such conditions.
Sebastiana (FGC2), in reporting on her arrival at the MST (In Portuguese) settlement, allows us
to identify the concomitant expression of these questions: When we got here, that was misery.
Nobody cared about us. Nobody wanted to give us even odd job. Nobody cared about anything.
Nobody gave anything to anybody. I lived with my sons on twenty-five Real [$ 5,00 dollars] of
Bolsa Família, you know, and working for day payment. Eight Real [$ 1,60 dollars] a day. So,
we started eating cakes and flour and water and that was life and we struggled on. 132 In this
speech, deprivation of access to housing is identified, as Sebastiana joined the Movement as an
attempt to obtain housing. However, in addition to this, there is the experience of helplessness,
single parenting, fragility of access to income, food deprivation, and insecurity about the future
all coexisting. Allied to the co-existence with the overlapping deprivations is the recognition that
precarious housing conditions persist over time and interfere with schooling. It is also something
experienced by a larger number of people than just those belonging to the household. According
to Zelda (FGC2), It took long before my mom could lay the tile floor in the little shack we lived
on Primeiro de Maio settlement. That was the first time. Before that, we lived on the dirt and rain
water dripped off the canvas on our heads. At the bar, we would brawl for cardboard boxes to at
least cover the head, you know?! I had to wake up early to go to school and it looked like I’d
showered. In cold days, the canvas would sweat and drip all over the place. Alberta adds
"Because you have to pay for lunch, you want to eat, you have to pay for everything [...] Many
times we don't go out because we don't have a pension". It can be affirmed that the most perverse
effects of the deprivation experiences lived by rural populations concern their overlapping,
continuous, and collective character. The overlapping points out that the interviewees live
concomitantly varied types of deprivation in the form of multiple insufficiencies related to food,

15
housing structure, and the existence of leisure areas in the community. The experiences of
deprivation are also continuous, as they persist over time and are related to climate change that
also exist. 3.2. Climate change impacts on rural poverty Climate vulnerability, according to
Valverde (2017), is related to extreme climate changes such as floods, prolonged droughts, heat
waves, typhoons and tornadoes. It can become a potential threat to certain social groups. Climate
extremes are part of natural climate variability, and rainfall alone, for example, is not responsible
for a threatening situation. What provides extreme events with the characteristic of a disaster is,
according to Favero, Sarriera and Trindade (2014), the vulnerable situation in which certain
populations already find themselves. "More than an acute event, a disaster is the acute expression
of vulnerability in its different dimensions (physical, social, environmental, etc.)" (p.207).
Climate variability is a natural physical phenomenon that is related to how large economic
conglomerates use the planet's natural resources. These changes in climate impact in different
ways the lives of the research participants. Their consequences are not experienced with the same
intensity by everyone (Barbier & Hochard, 2018). This is because access to resources and
conditions to mitigate exposure to climate risks are not distributed in society in a way that serves
the most vulnerable groups (Thomas et al., 2019). Thus, having their living and working
conditions organized in a relationship of dependence on climate variations, as is the case of part
of the rural population, represents a thermometer indicating the many vulnerabilities, in the
plural sense of the term, with which they need to live daily. In the research, the effects of climate
change on climate variables are presented as a relevant issue of rural livelihoods. In the
Northeastern context, the impacts of drought as factors that accentuate the vulnerabilities already
expressed in the territories were more recurrent when compared to the Southern region. Climate
change tends to intensify these vulnerabilities and cause a process of further impoverishment of
the population (Otto et al, 2017). The latter region has other climatic and productive
characteristics, with greater rainfall and greater availability of paid jobs in agribusiness and non-
agricultural activities. It is also worth mentioning that 133 during the survey period, the residents
counted a sequence of years with low rainfall in Pentecoste in the Northeast. Paulo (FGP2) says:
‘We have not had winter for 5 years.’ Although droughts, as a weather event, are more frequent
in the Northeastern region, in Cascavel, Alberta (FGC2) reports her experience of production
losses: "[...] then came those years of drought, no crops. And you had to pay to plant and still
owe the others". A possible characteristic of differentiation of what it means to lose production in

16
both territories refers to the recurrence with which this happens and its impact on the generation
of financial and food resources for families, causing the content produced to be used only for
subsistence and not for trading. Regarding this, Juvenal (FGP2) clarifies that "I alone have been
planting for 5 years and we only provide food for ourselves". Climate change can make this
cycle of difficulties in production even more serious, generating forced migrations because of the
climate (Levy & Paty, 2015). Directly linked to the losses in production is the reduction of job
opportunities, because the absence of rainfall impacts on the decrease of people dedicated to
planting on their own land, as day laborers or sharecroppers. Cloves (FGP1) speaks of the
interdependence between rainy periods and the cultivation of agricultural products: "And we,
who live by ploughing, without water we cannot cultivate". The relationship between rainfall,
agricultural production, and income is thus constituted. The first element is decisive for the
occurrence of others, which further strengthens the evidence that there is a low productive
variability shared by residents. Karla (FGP4) states that the absence of rainy periods
compromises even the permanence of the population in the place: "[...] family income here
comes from agriculture. And with the lack of water, it is not possible to have this income, so it is
very difficult to live here". For João (FGP2), the drought directly impacts the exercise of his
occupation, resulting in an adverse situation: "I'm a fisherman, how am I going to fish in a dam
that doesn't even have water? It is difficult". This information highlights the fact that, in the
semi-arid context, productions that depend on rainfall predominate while generating restricted
monetary resources (Vidal, 2003). In addition, the losses in production culminate, in convergence
with the data pointed out by the investigations of Favero (2012) and Camurça et al. (2016), with
debt situations that further intensify the situation of being vulnerable to climate conditions,
falling into another cyclical point of rural poverty perpetuation. Unfortunately, it is perceived in
the daily lives of the residents that the drought industry still remains vivid as a force of
subordination of the northeastern rural populations. Even though projects for mitigating drought
effects, mentioned by Celso Furtado (2003), have brought important gains, they effectively lack
greater expressiveness in the daily lives of residents. "[...] Droughts mistreat northeasterners a
lot. And the hope of this year is to have a good winter so Ceará can be wealthy again. Business is
very bad" (Amadeu, FGP4). To be dependent on a natural phenomenon is to live in
unpredictability and permanent expectation, where rain is understood as a guarantee of better
living conditions for all: "Everyone is going to be fine if we have a good winter" (Valdomiro,

17
FGP1). At a certain time, when the issue of the consequences of drought for the community was
being debated in FGP2, the following conversation took place, which contributes to the
understanding that there is a socially shared thought that the dignity of the community residents
is under the control of weather conditions, whose variables themselves are uncontrollable and
unpredictable: Ernesto: I am a farmer. I've lost everything, I've lost [...] João: It's all connected.
The water is gone, everything is gone. Paulo: Without water, there's no life. Everything is dry.
[...] The work stopped. It's stopped. 134 One of the strategies to deal with the adversities is the
formulation of magical explanations about the origin of the effects of climate change. In other
words, fatalism can be considered as a strategy to survive the scenario of climate change and
intensification of rural poverty. MartínBaró (1998) points out that the reproduction of an unequal
structure of society can develop fatalistic attitudes due to the lack of existing opportunities for
change. These are contents that refer to the idea of drought as a phenomenon that is in the
domain of faith in a deity. It will show itself to be kind and welcoming, guaranteeing some
intervention to benefit the population through the rains. In the words of Juvenal (FGP2), whose
content was similarly presented by other residents: "Here there is drought and lack of water,
right? So, we have to wait for God's will [...]". Edna (FGP2) also explains her belief in God's
will: "But we have faith that this will still come back here, right? It depends on the good winter.
If God wills, the school will have its vegetable garden again". It is not a question, however, of
affirming that the inhabitants of rural areas who experience drought are apathetic and satisfied
with the situations of instability with which they live, but rather that they are urgent "(...) the
subjective risks and the harmful psychosocial effects that underlie the daily life of deprivation in
rural contexts marked by drought" (Camurça et al., 2016). Among these deprivations, it is worth
remembering, is the issue of precarious access to water as a basic need not only for agricultural
production, but mainly for human consumption. However, precarious access to water was a
recurrent content in the qualitative account of the Pentecoste residents, and it was not considered
in the focus groups as an issue lived in Cascavel. In Letice's (FGP1) speech, the difficulties in
access to water put in question the evaluation of the quality of life in the community. She says:
"[...] in Providence, housing is good, water is difficult to get". Even when there is piped water,
one characteristic is that its supply is episodic and discontinuous, leading residents to acquire it
by other means of concession than the supply by the public agency: "[...] water, here, every other
day. Sometimes people have to pay for water, you see?" (Joana, FGP1). In Pentecoste, the

18
residents live with the issue of water within a polarized system. At one end, there is no rainfall
and at the other, there is abundance. When there is no rain, the low water supply ends up
contributing to the indebtedness of the population, who needs to buy it for basic actions like
drinking, cooking and personal hygiene. Carmem (FGP4) talks about the difficulties in
maintaining the basic care necessary for her home and her two young children: Here, the
situation is so serious that, at least in my case, in my household, I have to buy water…there is
this boy who has a well, he sells water. A one-thousand-liter water tank costs R$ 20 [$ 4,00
dollars]. I have to buy it so that I can do the laundry, the dishes, and I don’t have water. I have to
buy it, R$ 20 [$ 4,00 dollars] a water tank and it is far from enough. There are situations where
the purchase of water competes with the acquisition of food. Madalena (FGP4) says that "[...]
many families take it out of their mouths to buy the water. You have to use the little money you
have for buying food to buy the water". With the decrease in the incidence of rain, the water
supplied to the region is of low quality, being, in certain cases, improper for human consumption.
On the price of drinking water, Marluce (FGP3) reveals his concern: "Water is very pricy, that is
the worst. I'm paying R$ 3.50 [$ 0.70] for a bottle of water and that is a lot of money". On the
other hand, when there is rain in excess, especially in Providencia, the absence of paved roads
and, therefore, of an infrastructure that connects the community to the municipal headquarters,
results in the isolation of the district and the impossibility for residents to come and go.
According to Joana (FGP1), "[...] it rains a lot here, we get stranded, right?". 135 The death of
vegetation and the alteration of the landscape in the periods of absence of rainfall are indicators
of the impacts of drought on the lives of residents. The residents of the Serrota (Pentecoste)
community had the habit of planting flowers and vegetables in their homes and collective
gardens, such as the local school. However, Neide (FGP2) says "Now there are no more flowers,
but in the past, there was a lot. But because of the drought [...]". The residents expressed sorrow
at the change in the vegetation, which seems to disfigure the meaning of life in the countryside:
"I took this image because ... just ... nature, right? Green. But here in the countryside there is no
place like this anymore" (André, FGP2). The way residents of rural areas experience the impacts
of climate variables reveals the set of socioeconomic vulnerabilities with which they live. Thus,
the picture of the deprivation experienced in the rural context still remains and has been
intensified by climate change, such as global warming. It is important to discuss the political,
economic, and ideological interests of holding only the poor responsible for their context and the

19
impacts experienced by climate change. The naturalization of drought among residents shows
how much people's well-being and lack of mobilization is being affected by their lack of
capabilities to the point of interfering with the recognition of the precariousness in which they
live (Edwards, Reid, & Hunter, 2015). Actions of confrontation and political mobilization
require, previously, that strategies of awareness be worked on the affected communities about the
condition of injustice that prevents them from adapting to climate change. 4. Conclusion
Understanding the impacts of climate change on rural poverty allows for the understanding of
objective and subjective conditions for the perpetuation of poverty. Thus, this psychosocial view
of rural poverty is necessary to avoid the invisibility of asymmetric relations of access to income,
public policies, and participation in economic and political decision-making. Thus, the social
significance of poverty can be questioned as something natural, not capable of concrete
transformation, intrinsic to its daily experiences and rural life. And finally, it provides society
with the possibility of understanding the specificities of rural poverty and its macrosocial and
microsocial relations, while critically questioning climate change and its impacts on everyday
life. Although records have been made of the impacts of climate change in northeastern and
southern Brazil, participants from the rural area have highlighted how these implications impact
their daily lives more intensely. In the research, the territory with the highest expression of
poverty was the most vulnerable to the effects of climate change. Community Psychology
attempts to problematize the historical roots of collective suffering, playing a relevant role in
denouncing social inequalities in the countryside. Moreover, it must be able to act on the
development of psychosocial interventions that contribute to the disruption of the conception of
the effects of climate change as something natural and immutable. In addition, it should propose
local groups with emphasis on popular and political mobilization aimed at mitigating the effects
of climate change and multidisciplinary intervention in order to reduce the implications of these
effects on the public health of the population living in rural areas. One of the main limitations of
this study is that it did not create focus groups with people in extreme poverty. Research
participants had minimal support from social movements or public policies. It is known that the
reality of poverty deprivation is be more intense for populations without any social support
whatsoever, living in remote rural areas, and who are more vulnerable to the impact of climate
change.

20
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