UNIT III

a. CHOLA ADMINISTRATION AND THE

LOCAL SELF GOVERNMENT

A brief chronology of the Chola kings:

1. Vijayalaya Chola (c. 850-871 CE):
o Considered the founder of the Imperial Chola dynasty, Vijayalaya captured the
region of Thanjavur from the Muttaraiyar rulers, establishing a Chola
stronghold in Tamil Nadu.
2. Aditya I (c. 871-907 CE):
o Son of Vijayalaya, he expanded the Chola kingdom significantly by defeating
the Pallavas, marking the rise of Chola power in South India.
3. Parantaka I (c. 907-955 CE):
o Strengthened the empire through victories, especially in the Pandyas' territory.
He extended the Chola kingdom’s boundaries but faced setbacks from the
Rashtrakutas.
4. Rajaraja Chola I (c. 985-1014 CE):
o One of the greatest Chola rulers, Rajaraja expanded the kingdom beyond South
India, into Sri Lanka and parts of the Maldives. His reign marked the peak of
Chola's military power and architectural achievements, including the
construction of the Brihadeshwara Temple at Thanjavur.
5. Rajendra Chola I (c. 1014-1044 CE):
o Son of Rajaraja I, he carried the empire's expansion further. He conducted
successful military campaigns in northern India and even led a naval expedition
to Southeast Asia, reaching Srivijaya (modern-day Indonesia), establishing
Chola's naval dominance.
6. Rajadhiraja Chola (c. 1044-1054 CE):
o He continued the empire’s military campaigns but faced resistance from the
Chalukyas. Rajadhiraja died in battle, fighting against the Western Chalukyas.
7. Rajendra Chola II (c. 1054-1063 CE):
o Took over after his brother’s death and managed to defend the Chola territories
from Chalukyan aggression. His reign marked a period of consolidation.
8. Kulottunga Chola I (c. 1070-1122 CE):
 o A significant ruler, Kulottunga unified parts of the Eastern Chalukya and Chola
territories through diplomacy and marriage alliances. His rule marked an era of
prosperity and stability for the Cholas.
9. Rajaraja Chola III (c. 1216-1246 CE):
o Under his rule, the Chola kingdom began to weaken due to internal conflicts
and external invasions, particularly from the Pandyas and Hoysalas.
10. Rajendra Chola III (c. 1246-1279 CE):
o The last prominent Chola ruler, who saw the gradual decline of the Chola
Empire as it lost power to the Pandyas and other emerging South Indian
kingdoms. His reign marked the end of Chola dominance in South India

CHOLA ADMINISTRATION
INTRODUCTION:
The Cholas emerged as a significant ruling power in the 9th century CE when Vijayalaya Chola
captured Tanjavur from the Muttarayas, a subordinate chiefdom of the Pallavas. This victory
enabled the Cholas to consolidate control over Pallava territories and subdue the Pandyas,
laying the foundation for a powerful Chola state. The Chola kingdom derived its strength and
stability from the fertile Kaveri Valley, a resource-rich region that became the economic
backbone of its empire.
The Cholas expanded their reach under Rajaraja I and his successors by subjugating various
feudatory chiefs. The administrative structure of the empire evolved, with smaller units called
Nadu being reorganized into larger divisions known as Valanadu, which were governed by the
subdued local chiefs. Prominent landowners, known as landed magnates, were integrated into
the state apparatus; they were granted prestigious titles and entrusted with important
administrative and military responsibilities. These responsibilities included collecting and
assessing land revenue, which became crucial to maintaining the prosperity and governance of
the Chola state.
CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION:
The Chola administration was highly centralized, with the king as the pivotal figure. The
Cholas traced their origin to Suryavamsha. Mythical traditions are mentioned in the
inscriptions, especially in the prashastis containing the genealogies (Tiruvalangad Copper
Plates, the Larger Leiden Plates, and the Anbil Plates, Kanya Kumari inscription of Vira
Rajendra, etc.) and these are interspersed with information about historical personages. It
appears that these served the purpose of legitimization of the rule of the Cholas. The prashastis
of the Cholas were based on the Itihaasa-Purana tradition. The dominance of the Sanskritic
and the Brahmanical traditions is well attested. The Cholas also ascribe to the legacy of the
Sangam period. The genealogies of the Cholas attribute eminent and prestigious lineage to the
king to legitimize his position as king. The period from the eighth year of Rajaraja onwards is
marked by the absence of a genealogical record in the Tamil Meykirtis. These compositions
narrate the military exploits of the kings, are inscribed on stone, and address the Tamil landed
magnates. The Cholas ascribe Kshatriya origin to themselves as is attested by the title
Kshatriyasikhamani of the king Rajaraja. The Varman suffix (Sanskritic) added to the names
of the kings was also a part of the process of claiming Kshatriya status e.g. Adityavarman (871-
906 CE) and Parantaka Varman (707-755 CE). The practice of assuming names during
coronation also existed under the Cholas e.g. Prakesarivarman, Rajakesarivarman, and
Arumolivarman (Tamil name with a Sanskrit suffix). The charters of the Cholas consist of the
prashastis and genealogies in Sanskrit and the details regarding the grant in Tamil.
Hiranyagarbha and Tulabhara ceremonies were conducted by the Chola kings. The anointment
ceremony was also a means to claim the Kshatriya position. A grant of Vira Chola points out
that the king was advised by a Brahmana moral preacher (dharmopadeshta) that bestowment
of land to Brahmanas would lead his forefathers to heaven. However, the actual motive for
making the grants was the redistribution of resources in the form of land, gold, cattle, etc. The
gifts were bestowed for meritorious service provided by the Brahmanas and to seek legitimacy
from them in the political sphere. We have proper records of land grants but the grants of gold,
cattle, etc. were merely stated in prashastis. Through the land- grants the kings tried to convert
unsettled areas into agrarian settlements. These grants did not simply serve a charitable
purpose. Rajaraja is regarded as Ulakalanda Perumel (the great one who measured the earth
like Trivikrama) and as Shiva who established control over the land of Bhargava Rama
Holding supreme authority, the king was assisted by a council of ministers known as
Udankuttam, who provided advice on governance matters.
Council and Court Officials
While there is limited evidence of a formal council of ministers, several officials played key
roles in governance:
1. Purohita (Dharmopadeshta): The Purohita provided spiritual guidance.
2. Rajagurus and Adhikaris: These figures served as advisors and administrative
officers in the king's court.
3. Tiru-mandira Olai Nayakam: This role was tied to record-keeping and official
documentation.
4. Vayilketpar: Responsible for recording royal directives, ensuring that the king’s orders
were documented and implemented.
5. Udan Kuttams: As M.G.S. Narayanan notes, these companions of honor were possibly
headed by an Adhikari, serving as close aides to the king.
6. Composition of the King’s Court: The court comprised brahmanical advisors,
Rajagurus, Adhikaris, Tiru-mandira Olai Nayakams, Vayilketpar, the head of the king’s
bodyguards, and Samantas (feudatory chiefs). These officials together ensured the
smooth functioning of the Chola administration.

The power and prestige of the Chola monarchy grew significantly with the empire's expansion
and resource acquisition, symbolized by the grandeur of capital cities like Tanjore and
Gangaikondacholapuram, the opulence of royal courts, and substantial temple endowments.
The principle of primogeniture generally guided succession, with the king often appointing his
Yuvaraja (heir) during his reign. These heirs engaged in royal tours, which helped maintain
administrative efficiency across the empire.
The Chola bureaucracy was extensive and complex, comprising officials of various ranks.
These officials were divided into two main categories: the Perundanam (higher officials) and
the Sirudanam (lower officials). The highest-ranking officers, known as Adigarigal, held
significant influence, while officers of all ranks commonly carried the titles Karumigal and
Panimakkal. Instead of fixed salaries, these officials were typically remunerated through jivitas
(land assignments) that matched their rank and position.
The Chola Empire was organized into a hierarchical structure of divisions to ensure effective
governance. It was divided into principalities, governed by vassal chiefs, and mandalams
(provinces) under the control of viceroys, who were often royal princes. These provinces were
further divided into valanadus (larger divisions), nadus (districts), and kurrams (villages). This
administrative structure allowed the Cholas to govern their vast empire efficiently, integrating
local chiefs and prominent landowners into the system to maintain control and ensure local
cooperation in administration and revenue collection.
PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION:
The provincial administration of the Chola Empire was organized into a hierarchical structure,
with each level carefully managed to ensure local governance and effective control. The empire
was divided into large administrative units called mandalams (provinces), which were further
divided into valanadus (sub-divisions) and then into nadus (districts). Within each nadu,
numerous autonomous villages managed their own local affairs.
The mandalams were overseen by royal princes or appointed officers, who were responsible
for ensuring order and implementing the king’s policies. The Chola bureaucracy at this level
consisted of two main ranks: Perundaram, the higher officials, and Sirudanam, the lower
officials. These officials were remunerated with land grants called jivitas, the size and value of
which were based on their rank and responsibilities.
At the district level, the heads of the nadus were known as Nattars, who played a central role
in managing local affairs. They were supported by a council known as nattavai, which
facilitated governance and addressed issues at the district level, fostering autonomy while
maintaining alignment with the central administration.
This multi-tiered system of provincial administration allowed the Cholas to govern a vast and
diverse empire effectively by integrating local leadership and utilizing a structured
bureaucracy, contributing to the empire’s stability and administrative efficiency.
LOCAL ADMINISTRATION: UR AND NADU
The Chola empire’s local self-government was a well-structured and sophisticated system,
marked by a range of roles and hierarchies within village and regional governance. The Cholas
recognized different social, religious, and economic groups that participated in the
administration of local territories, notably through the nadu (locality) and its representative
structure.
In this system, the Nattars served as the key representatives of the nadu, overseeing a group
of villages within a specified locality. They were often significant landholders and wielded
influence over local administrative and economic matters. Y. Subbarayalu highlights that the
nattars were analogous to the vellanvagai urars, representatives of vellanvagai (peasant
villages). A group of urs (villages) collectively formed a nadu, with each ur being a fractional
part of this larger administrative structure. As such, the nadu was integral to the Chola
administrative hierarchy, overseeing multiple vellanvagai villages.
Apart from the nattars, other groups also held distinct roles. The Brahmadeyakkilavars were
Brahmana landholders, benefiting from brahmadeya lands—grants specifically allocated to
Brahmanas, often exempt from taxes. Additionally, Nagarattars represented the merchant
community within nagaram settlements, which were trading hubs of the Chola state. This
trading community played a pivotal role in the economic vitality of the Chola empire,
especially as the Cholas were engaged in extensive inland and overseas trade.
The Chola administration also recognized tax-exempt villages such as devadana (villages
donated to temples), palliccanda (monastery land grants), kavimurruttu, and vettaperu.
These exemptions allowed religious and cultural institutions to flourish without the financial
obligations typical for other villages.
The Chola inscriptions, however, largely come from temple records, which indicates that
literacy and record-keeping were predominantly associated with temple and elite
administrative circles. The ur or common villages, representing the general populace, are
scarcely mentioned in inscriptions, suggesting a primarily agrarian, possibly non-literate
population within these regions.

The Chola dynasty was marked by a highly organized and democratic local self-government
system, especially evident in village autonomy. This system, reaching its peak during the Chola
period, had its structure meticulously recorded in inscriptions, notably those found at
Uttaramerur, which date back to around 920 A.D. These inscriptions provide a detailed account
of how village governance was organized, forming a unique "written constitution" for a
thousand-year-old local self-governance model.
Village Assemblies and Committees
The Chola villages were administered through assemblies, namely the Sabhas, Urs, and
Nagaram, each catering to different types of villages or urban areas. These assemblies managed
the affairs of the village through various committees known as Variyams. Each committee had
a designated focus, such as managing irrigation, maintaining roads, providing relief during
droughts, testing gold, and overseeing agricultural development. The most prominent
committees included the "Annual Committee," "Garden Committee," "Tank Committee," and
"Gold Committee."
Democratic Election Process
The inscriptions at Uttaramerur offer a glimpse into the democratic procedures employed for
selecting members of these committees. The village assembly of Uttaramerur elected its
representatives based on specific eligibility criteria and disqualification norms. Each ward
within the village had representation, with members chosen annually to ensure rotation and
accountability. Elections were held in a highly inclusive manner; all villagers, including infants,
were expected to be present in the assembly mandap, while exemptions were given only to the
sick or those on pilgrimage. This active participation underscored the democratic spirit
embedded in Chola governance.
Right to Recall and Accountability
One of the most notable aspects of the Chola local self-government was the right to recall
elected representatives. If a representative failed to perform their duties, the villagers had the
power to remove them from office, emphasizing the high level of accountability expected from
public officials. This provision ensured that representatives remained loyal and committed to
the interests of the community.
Functions and Respect from the Chola Emperors
The Chola village assemblies were responsible for a wide range of local administrative and
civic tasks, including temple maintenance, agricultural management, irrigation system upkeep,
tax collection, and infrastructure development like road construction. The Chola emperors not
only respected the decisions made by these assemblies but also empowered them to function
independently, making the village councils a robust example of decentralized governance in
Indian history.
The Uttaramerur inscriptions provide an insightful account of the election process and
democratic framework in the village assembly of Uttaramerur, Tamil Nadu, during the Chola
period. These inscriptions outline the constitution for elections, with significant provisions to
ensure a fair, transparent, and accountable local government. Here’s an overview of the main
elements:
Division of Wards:
The village was divided into 30 wards, with one representative elected from each.
Qualifications for Candidates:
To ensure capable representatives, strict qualifications were set:
1. Land Ownership: Candidates had to own more than a quarter veli of tax-paying land.
2. Residence: Candidates were required to live in houses built on their own land.
3. Age: Candidates had to be between 35 and 70 years of age.
4. Education in Mantras: Knowledge of the Mantrabrahmana was essential,
demonstrating the candidate’s learning and ability to teach others.
5. Knowledge of Vedas: Those who owned at least one-eighth veli of land and had
mastered one Veda along with its commentaries (bhasyas) were eligible.
6. Character and Competence: Candidates had to be virtuous, knowledgeable in
business, honest, and possess a pure mind. Additionally, they should not have served
on any committees in the last three years.
Disqualifications:
The system excluded individuals and their close relatives under certain conditions:
 1. Defaulters: Those who served on committees without submitting accounts were
disqualified, along with their family members (e.g., sons, brothers).
2. Criminals and Relatives: Anyone who had committed a crime or was related to a
criminal was barred from participation.
3. Previous Committee Members: Those who had served on any committee within the
last three years were ineligible.
4. Corrupt Officials: Any elected official guilty of bribery, misappropriation, incest, or
betrayal of public trust faced disqualification.
Election Process (Pot-Ticket System):
The election was conducted using a unique pot-ticket (KudavOlai) system. In each of the 30
wards, names were written on tickets and placed in pots. A young boy would draw a ticket
from the pot, and the arbitrator (madhyastha) would read the name aloud. This name was
accepted, and similarly, one representative was selected for each ward.
Committee Tenure and Accountability:
Elected members served a one-year term (360 days). If any committee member was found
guilty of misconduct, they were removed immediately. The system also stipulated that
accountants submit their records and receive approval from a larger committee to be eligible
for reappointment.
Royal Endorsement and Oversight:
A royal decree mandated that elections would always be conducted through pot-tickets. An
officer from the Chola emperor was present to ensure the process adhered to these rules.
Purpose and Impact on Local Governance:
The villagers of Uttaramerur framed this system for the well-being and order of the community,
aiming to eliminate corruption and empower virtuous governance. Through this democratic
assembly, villagers could voice their concerns, addressing issues and grievances at the local
level, thus enhancing democratic principles and self-governance in the community.
The Uttaramerur inscriptions serve as a testament to the democratic practices and political
consciousness that thrived in medieval South India, illustrating a well-structured, accountable
local government system.

The functions of the ur included: supervision of village lands viz. activities related to sale,
purchase, and gift. An important prerequisite for becoming a member of the ur was to be a
holder of land. From the inscriptional evidence we come to know that the members of the ur
also possessed the titles like:
• Udaiyan, • Kilan (kilavan), • Velan, and • Peraraiyan. All these titles point to landholding.
Thus, the epigraphical testimony enables us to infer that ur was the group/assembly of non-
brahmana landholders of a village.
Nadu was the smallest unit for revenue administration. Nattup-puravu, nattu-vari (land
revenue) and nattukkanakku: all refer to revenue of nadu. Nattuk-kanakku was the personnel
responsible for the revenue administration of Nadu. The collection and fixation of the revenue
of a village were carried out within the context of nadu where the village was located. When
ur exempted from taxes this gets reflected in Nadu accounts. The king’s decision to transfer the
funds of the temple for a specific purpose in the temple was reflected in:
• the Variyilarkanakku (revenue register of royal authority) and
• the Nattuk-kanakku (revenue register of nadu).
This testifies to the relevance of nadu as an important part of the administrative system of the
Cholas despite its locally independent character. Nadu-vagai-ceyvar, Nadu-kurk-ceyvar, Nadu-
kankani-nayagam, and Nadu-kankatci were the personnel who represented royal power in
nadu. Nadu Kuru is mentioned in an inscription of Kulottunga I (1116 CE) who managed the
functioning of the new devadana. These personnel were given the role of maintaining the
accounts of temples in localities. Nadu vagai is mentioned as participating in the assembly of
brahmadeya (sabha). In an inscription, Nadu-kankani-nayagam is placed below Senapati.
These posts of Nadu officers were transferable. Some officers were entrusted with
administrative responsibility in more than one nadu. Thus, they worked as part of royal
administrative machinery.
The administrative structure of the Chola kingdom was complex, with several officers
responsible for various duties and an intricate hierarchy. The kingdom’s governance involved
multiple levels, from village to provincial administration, with no clear evidence of a council
of ministers. However, the Uddan-kottam possibly served a similar purpose. Below is a
summary of the key features of the Chola administrative system.
The administrative structure of the Chola kingdom was complex, with several officers
responsible for various duties and an intricate hierarchy. The kingdom’s governance involved
multiple levels, from village to provincial administration, with no clear evidence of a council
of ministers. However, the Uddan-kottam possibly served a similar purpose. Below is a
summary of the key features of the Chola administrative system.
1. Hierarchy of Officials
• Higher and Lower Officials: According to traditional historiography, Perundanan
were higher officials, while Sirutaram were lower-ranking officials. Senapatis
(commanders of troops) held a middle rank referred to as Sirudanattup Perundaram.
• Judges (Nyayattar): Judges were found in both higher and lower categories, reflecting
a flexible administrative hierarchy.
• Modern Reinterpretation: Recent historians argue that the division between higher
and lower officials is not conclusively supported by evidence.
2. Payment and Land Rights
• Land Allocation as Payment: Officials were compensated through land allotments,
granting them land rights.
• Titles of Landholders: These officials held titles such as Udaiyan (landholder) and
Kilan (landlord) and could sub-assign or sell their land.
 • Village Ownership and Rights: Communal ownership was prevalent, and the
customary rights of villagers were acknowledged.
3. Administrative Divisions
• Mandalam (Province): Several Valanadus together formed a Mandalam, equivalent
to a province.
• Taniyur: This was a distinct village or settlement site.
• Nadu and Valanadu: Villages combined to form a Nadu. A few Nadus made up a
Valanadu.
• Village (Lowest Unit): The village was the smallest administrative unit.

4. Types of Officers
• Karumigal and Panimpkkal: These terms referred to officers and servants.
• Adhikaris: Adhikaris were high-ranking royal officers holding titles like Udaiyan,
Kilan/Kilavan, Velan, Muvendavelan, Brahma, Pallavaraiyan, and Vilupparaiyan.
They sometimes used the king’s title or epithet as a prefix.
• Naduvirukkai: Often Brahmana officials (titles like Bhatta, Brahmadhirajan),
Naduvirukkai acted as intermediaries between royal authority and the bureaucracy.
5. Local Governance and Documentation
• Process of Land-Grant Bestowment: The king issued oral orders (Triuvaykkelvi)
regarding land grants, which were documented through a letter (Sri-mukham) by
Anatti (executive officer).
• Local Verification: Local magnates, such as Nattukkon, Nadukilavan, and
Urudaiyan, oversaw the completion of the process.
• Record-Keeping Officials:
o Puravuvari-tinaikkalam: Land revenue department.
o Varipottagam: Land rights records.
o Kankanis: Audit officers.
o Mugavettis and Pattolais: Junior functionaries in the land revenue department.
6. Military and Justice Administration
• Senapati: Responsible for military affairs, with titles like Udaiyan, Brahma, and
Araiyan. The position was similar to Dandanayakam (military commander).
• Justice Administration: Justice was primarily handled by village assemblies and their
committees of Nyayattar (judges).
o Dharmasana: The central court of justice, which operated through
Dharamasana Bhattas (Brahmanas proficient in law).
 o Punishments: Penalties ranged from fines to capital punishment for serious
offences affecting the king or ruling dynasty.
7. Titles and Roles of Specific Officials
• Temple Administration: The title Srikaryam was given to officials responsible for
temple administration, though they did not manage ritual aspects.
• Mandira Olai and Naduvirukkai:
o Mandira Olai: Officer responsible for drafting royal orders (Tirumugam).
o Naduvirukkai: Acted as petitioners and intermediaries between the king and
the officers.
• Document Verification:
o Olai Nayagam: Verified royal letters.
o Vidaiyil Adigari: Recorded and listed orders.
o Tittu: Official document, while Aravolai referred to a charity deed.
The Chola administrative system was a sophisticated hierarchy involving structured roles
across revenue, military, and judicial domains. Each role ensured efficient governance across
village, Nadu, and Mandalam levels, creating a distinctive and well-organized system.
Administration and Titles in the Chola Empire
Key Administrative Roles
1. Tiru-mandira Olai Nayakam: This was a significant office involved in the preparation
of land-grant documents, highlighting the importance of land management in the Chola
Empire. Officers holding this role bore titles such as Muvendavelan and Brahma,
indicating their high status in society.
2. Nadu Vagai: These officers served as revenue assessors at the local level (Nadu) under
the king’s directive. A similar role was performed by Kottam-Vagai, who operated
specifically in the Tondaimandalam area, showing the regional reach of revenue
officers.
3. Nadukankaninayakam: This title referred to officials who held control over multiple
Nadus, thus having a higher status than Nadu Vagai. Titles associated with Nadu Vagai
officers included Araiyan and Udaiyan, indicating authority in land assessment.
Chola Titles and Land Association
1. Titles Signifying Land Ownership: Titles such as Udaiyan, Kilan, Kilavan, Velan, and
Muvendavelan were common among those closely associated with landholding. The
title Muvendavelan was prestigious, dating back to Parantaka's reign, and suggested
significant influence as it was conferred by the Chola king.
2. Role of Vellalars: As noted by historian K. Veluthat, those holding titles like
Muvendavelan were often high-ranking Vellalar landowners integrated into the state
 administration. These landholders were influential figures, playing vital roles in the
Chola bureaucracy.
3. Title of Araiyan: Originally used by chiefs and their families, this title eventually
extended to other elite individuals. Despite the decline in chiefly rule under Rajaraja I,
the title of Araiyan retained a prestigious status, potentially indicating a shift in the role
of chiefs to landholding magnates or cultivators.
Other Occupational Titles
1. Cattle Herders (Manradi): Manradi were responsible for overseeing grants for temple
lamps, reflecting the Chola emphasis on temple maintenance and religious
endowments.
2. Merchants: Merchants bore titles such as Cetti, Mayilatti, and Palan. They
occasionally held key positions like Senapati (general) and accountant, which
underscores their economic and administrative contributions.
3. Artisans: The artisan titles Peruntaccan and Perunkollan were associated with the
royal palace and temple-related duties, illustrating the role of skilled workers in Chola
society, albeit mainly within confined domains.
MILITARY STRENGTH AND STRUCTURE
The Cholas demonstrated substantial military prowess through campaigns in Sri Lanka
(Rajaraja I) and the Srivijaya Empire (Rajendra I), showcasing the might of their state.
1. Composition of the Military: The military consisted of cavalrymen (kudiraiccevagar),
elephant warriors (Anaiyatkal), and archers (villigal, anukkar). Additionally, soldiers
came from two groups: the Valangai (right hand), mainly peasant recruits, and Idangai
(left hand), recruited from artisans, thus highlighting the mercenary nature of the Chola
military.
2. Military Education: References to Kantalur Salai in Chola Meykkirttis suggest a
military education center in the Chera kingdom. This institution may have trained
Brahmins in military skills, while also marking the site where the Chola king defeated
the Chera fleet, further proving the strength of the Chola navy.
Conclusion
The Chola administration was a remarkable example of a highly structured and efficient
governance system in medieval India, balancing centralized authority with a sophisticated local
self-governance network. The Chola kings maintained strong control over central and
provincial administration through various high-ranking officials, including Adhikaris, Nadu
Vagai, and Nadukankaninayakams, who were responsible for revenue assessment, land
management, and military organization. Titles like Muvendavelan and Araiyan reflect the close
ties between the state and powerful landholders, who were integrated into the administration,
thereby strengthening the king's authority and ensuring loyalty among local elites.
At the local level, the Cholas established a distinctive system of self-governance that allowed
villages to manage their affairs, particularly in matters of resource allocation, land grants, and
temple administration. Local assemblies, known as sabhas (for Brahmin villages) and ur (for
non-Brahmin villages), were empowered to handle community concerns and maintain local
infrastructure. This system of village councils fostered a sense of responsibility and
accountability among residents, enabling efficient governance at the grassroots level and
reducing the need for direct royal intervention.
In combining a robust centralized administration with local self-governance, the Chola Empire
created a sustainable model of rule that promoted social cohesion, economic prosperity, and
cultural development. This dual framework not only ensured effective governance across a vast
territory but also helped preserve local traditions and autonomy. The Chola administration
remains an influential example of balanced governance, demonstrating the potential of
integrating centralized authority with empowered local communities.
 UNIT 3
B. DELHI SULTANATE AND IQTA SYSTEM

OVERALL ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE SULTANATE

Introduction:
• Mode of Political Control: Administrative and institutional structures are the
extensions of the 'state' in all political formations. It is through these structures that
political control is extended from a core area such as the political capital of a kingdom
to the outer reaches of the kingdom or empire.
• New System of Administration: With the establishment of the Delhi sultanate a new
ruling class emerged in India. This new class introduced a new administrative system
and new institutions.
• Roots and Origin: A few of the administrative institutions had their roots in Arab and
Central Asia from where the new ruling group came. While some others were of Indian
origin. A significant feature of these was that many of these got transformed and in due
course of time developed as suitable to the Indian context.
• Challenges in Initial Phase: Political control of the kingdom, especially in the early
phases of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, was often tenuous, and uprisings
and challenges to royal authority were a frequent occurrence.
• Stabilization of Structure: The political foundation of the sultanate stabilized after
more than 100 years and the important instrument of political control over the outlying
areas of the sultanate were the various administrative structures introduced and
maintained by the central government.
o Extension of Political Control: After the armies of the rulers had annexed a
particular territory, it would often be difficult to retain control over these newly
conquered domains; it was here that the administrative structures of the center,
once introduced, would help in maintaining political control.
• Consolidation of the New Dynasty: The new administrative system and institutions
contributed to the consolidation of the Sultanate. The rulers from time to time included
people from various social classes in the administrative apparatus in order to have
social harmony. It was natural on the part of these social classes to stake a claim in the
system of governance.
• Containing Social Conflict: In this sense these institutions also emerged as a tool to
contain any kind of social conflict in the society, though there were various other
measures that were used by the rulers for this purpose.

CALIPHATE AND DELHI SULTAN:

Origin of the Institution: The institution of the Caliphate came into existence after the death
of Prophet Muhammad when Abu Bakr became the new head (Khalifa) of the Muslim
community (Umma or Ummat).
Position of Caliphate: In the Islamic world, the Caliph was regarded as the guardian of
religion and the upholder of political order. He was the leader of the entire community. Muslims
could not have set up an independent state, big or small, without procuring permission from
the Caliph, or else its legitimacy could become suspect amongst the masses. This was nothing
more than a formality that could be dispensed with impunity.
Symbols of Recognition: The recognition of a Caliph by the Delhi Sultans seen in the granting
of robes of honour, letters of investiture, bestowing of titles, having the name of the Caliph
inscribed on coins and reading of khutba in his name in the Friday prayer symbolized an
acceptance and a link with the Islamic world.
Informality of Relationship: The Sultans of Delhi maintained the fiction of the acceptance
of the position of the Caliph. Under the Sayyids (1414-1451) and the Lodis (1451-1526), the
legends on the coins continued in the sense of a tradition being maintained but it was purely a
nominal allegiance. In actual effect, the Caliphate, weakened and far removed as it was, had
little direct role to play in the Delhi Sultanate.
NATURE OF ADMINISTRATION UNDER DELHI SULTANATE:
Lack of Resources: The early Muslim Turkish State established itself in north India by
conquests. Since the Turks were far fewer in number than the indigenous population over whom
they sought to govern and since they also lacked resources, they, of necessity, had to control
the resources of the country. This had an important bearing on the nature of the Turkish State.
Islamic State: In a theoretical and formal sense, the Delhi Sultans recognized the supremacy
of the Islamic law (shariah) and tried to prevent its open violation.
Elements of Secularism: They had to supplement the Islamic Nature by framing secular
regulations (zawabit), too. A point of view is that the Turkish State was a theocracy; in practice,
however, it was the product of expediency and necessity wherein the needs of the young state
assumed paramount importance.
Shaping of Policies: The needs of the emergent State shaped many policies and practices not
always consistent with Islamic fundamentalism. Example: During the reign of Sultan Iltutmish
(1211-1236), a sectarian group (shafai) of Muslim divines approached the Sultan and asked
him to enforce the Islamic law strictly, that is, giving the Hindus the option of Islam or Death.
On behalf of the Sultan, the wazir, Junaidi, replied that this could not be done for the moment
as the Muslims were like salt in a dish of food.
Not a Fully Theocratic State: These instances show that, in practice, the Turkish State was
not theocratic but evolved according to its special needs and circumstances although the main
ruling class professed Islam.

CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION:
Composition: The central administrative machinery of the Sultanate consisted of the nobles
and controlling various offices with the Sultan at the helm of affairs.

The Sultan:
❖ Supreme Position: The sultan's office was the most important in the Sultanate and
supreme political, military, and even legal authority was vested in him. He was
responsible for the safety and security of the state.
❖ Commander in Chief: As such, he was responsible for administration and was also the
commander-in-chief of the military forces.
❖ Head of Judiciary: He was also responsible for the maintenance of law and justice. He
appointed judges but the sultan acted as a court of appeal from the judges. The
dispensation of justice was regarded as a very important function of any ruler. o
Example: Balban dispensed justice in a ruthless manner, not sparing even his relations
or high officers of state. Muhammad Tughlaq applied this even to the religious classes
(ulama) who had previously been exempted from harsh punishments.
❖ Rule of Succession: No clear law of succession developed among Muslim rulers. The
Islamic theory adhered to the idea of the election of the ruler but accepted in practice
the succession of any son of a successful ruler. However, all the sons of a ruler were
considered to have an equal claim to the throne. Iltutmish even nominated a daughter
in preference to his sons. But it was for the nobles to accept such a nomination.
❖ Legitimate Rule: While the Muslim opinion generally adhered to the idea of legitimacy,
there was no safeguard against the usurpation of the throne by a successful military
leader, as happened more than once in the Delhi Sultanate.
❖ Role of Military Strength: Military strength was the main factor in succession to the
throne. However, public opinion could not be ignored. For fear of public opinion, the
Khaljis could not dare to enter Delhi for a long time after deposing the successors of
Balban, but built a new town called Siri.
❖ Divinity: Barani says that Balban stressed the special position of the Sultan as the
'shadow of God' (zil al Allah) on earth which reflects the divine nature of the Sultan.
Balban emphasized courtly splendor, decorum, and etiquette to emphasize the High
Status of the Sultan.
❖ Relation with Nobility: The Sultan, or a contender to the throne, could only keep
himself in power with the support of the nobles who were themselves divided into
numerous groups.
• Threat from Ambitious Nobles: Balban believed in severe exemplary punishments
even to the nobles. All this bore relevance to a situation where the throne was never
safe from the ambitions of the nobles, many of whom felt that they had an equal
right to rule.

NOBILITY: IMPORTANT FUNCTIONARIES:

The nobles were the most important functionaries of the state and enjoyed high social status.
In the initial stage, they were those commanders who came with the victorious army.
 Evolution: Over a period of time their descendants formed the main strength and some Indian
groups also emerged. The position and power of the nobility varied from time to time.
Heterogeneity: The nobility was not a homogeneous class. There were different groups within
the nobility and often there were inter-group clashes and rivalries.
• Example: The clash between Turkish and Tajik nobles started during the time of
Iltutmish and became intense after his death. The group of chahalgan (group of 40
nobles), which was created by Iltutmish, also emerged as very powerful.
The subjugation of Nobility: Balban was the first Sultan to bring the nobility firmly under his
control (interestingly, he had been a part of Chalalgan earlier). Qutubuddin Aibak and Iltutmish
had considered the nobles at par with themselves.
Balban's Relationship with Nobles: Balban maintained distance from the nobility and enforced
a strict code of conduct for himself and the nobility. No loose talk or laughter was allowed in
the court. He also emphasized high blood and made it a criterion for occupying high positions
and offices.
Expansion of Nobility: With the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate there were also attempts on
the part of different sections of the society to join the nobility. Initially, it was the preserve of
the Turks only.
During the Khilji-Tughlaq Period: During the rule of the Khilji and Tughlags the doors of the
nobility were opened to people of diverse backgrounds. The low caste people, both Hindus and
Muslims, joined the nobility and could rise to high positions especially under Muhammad Bin
Tughlaq.
Concept of Equality: During the Lodi period the Afghan concept of equality became important
when the Sultan was considered "first among equals". Thus the nobles enjoyed equal status
with the Sultan.
Resistance of Nobles: Some of the Lodi Sultans like Sikandar Lodi and Ibrahim Lodi found
the concept of equality with nobles uncomfortable and tried to bring the nobles under their
control. The nobles resisted this which resulted in trouble for both the Sultans.
Ulema:
Functions Assigned: The religious intellectual group of Muslims was collectively referred to
as Ulema. People of this group managed religious matters and interpreted religious regulations
for the Sultan.
Judicial Functions: They were also incharge of judicial matters and worked as Qazis at various
levels. It was quite an influential group and commanded respect from the Sultan and nobility.
Religious Check: They also had influence among Muslim masses. This group used to pressurize
the sultan to run the Sultanate as per the religious laws of Islam.
Relation with Sultan: The Sultan and nobles generally tried to run the administrative affairs as
per the need of the state rather than religious laws. Sultanas like Alauddin Khalji could ignore
the opinions of Ulema on a number of issues while Firoz Shah Tughlaq took many steps to
appease them.
The Wizarat:
Departmental Head: The wazir, as the head of the diwan-i wizarat, was the most important
figure in the central administration. Though he was one of the four important departmental
heads, he exercised a general supervisory authority over others.
Important Functions: The wizarat organized the collection of revenue, exercised control over
expenditure, kept accounts, disbursed salaries and allotted revenue assignments (iqta) at
Sultan's order.
Assistance: There were several officials who helped the wizarat such as the mushrif-i mumalik
or the accountant-general and the mustaufi-i mumalik or the auditor general. During the reign
of Alauddin Khalji, the diwan-i mustakhraj was made responsible for the collection of arrears
of revenue while Diwan-i-Amir Kohi (to bring uncultivated land into cultivation through state
support) during Muhammad Bin Tughlaq.

Diwan-i-Arz:
Military Department: The diwan-i Arz or military department was headed by the ariz-i
mumalik. He was responsible for the administration of military affairs. He inspected the troops
maintained by the iqta-holders.
Other Important Functions: He also supervised the commissariat duties (supply and transport)
of the Sultan's army. During the reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 AD), some measures
were introduced to maintain a check on recruitment and quality.
• Example: He ordered a descriptive roll (huliya Administrative Structure) of every soldier to
be kept and also ordered the branding (dagh) of horses to be done so that horses of poor quality
were not brought by the amirs or iqta-holders to the muster. It seems that the branding of horses
was strictly maintained till the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq.
The contingent stationed at Delhi was called hasham-i-qalb and Provincial contingents were
called hasham-i-atraf.
Other Departments:
The Diwan-I-Insha: It looked after State correspondence. It was headed by dabir-i mumalik.
This department dealt with all correspondence between the Sultan and other rulers, and
between the Sultan and provincial governments. It issued farmans and received letters from
subordinate officials.
The Barid-i Mumalik: He was the head of the State news-agency. He had to keep information
of all that was happening in the Sultanate. The administrative subdivisions had local barids
who sent regular news letters to the central office. The barids reported matters of state wars,
rebellions, local affairs, finances, the state of agriculture, etc. Apart from the barids, another set
of reporters existed, who were known as munhiyan.
The Diwan-i-Risalat: It was headed by the Sadr-us sudur. He was the highest religious officer.
He took care of the ecclesiastical affairs and appointed qazis.
Approval of Grants: He approved various grants like waqf for religious and educational
institutions, wazifa and idrar to the learned and the poor.
Judicial Officers: The Sultan headed the judiciary and was the final court of appeal in both
civil and criminal matters. Next to him was the qazi-ul mumalik (or qazi-ul quzzat), the chief
judge of the Sultanate. Often, the offices of the sadr-us sudur and qazi-ul mumalik were held
by the same person. The chief qazi headed the legal system and heard appeals from the lower
courts.
The muhatsibs (public censors) assisted the judicial department. Their task was to see that there
was no public infringement.

Slaves and Karkhanas:

Important Feature: Slaves were an important feature of the royal household. Alauddin Khalji
owned 50,000 slaves, while Firuz Tughlaq is reputed to have had 1,80,000 slaves. During his
reign, a separate department of slaves (diwan-i bandagan) was set up.
Employment of Slaves: The slaves were used for personal service and acted as body-guards
(the latter numbering 40,000). Afif also records that a large number of Firuz's slaves (12,000)
worked as artisans (kasibs). Barani describes a large slave market at Delhi, but by the first
quarter of the 16th century there is no mention of slave markets.
Karkhanas: .
Function: The needs of the royal household were met through karkhanas which were broadly
of two types:
❖ Manufactories.
❖ Store houses. Even the royal library (kitab khana) was considered as a karkhana.
Supervision: Under Firuz Tughlaq, there were 36 karkhanas. Each karkhana was supervised
by a noble who had the rank of a malik or khan, and a mutasarrif who was responsible for the
accounts and acted as the immediate supervisor. A separate diwan or accounts office existed
for the karkhanas.
Items Manufactured: The karkhanas manufactured articles for the Imperial household as well
as for military purposes. It is said that Muhammad Tughlaq (1325-1351 AD) had employed
about five hundred workers in gold brocade and four thousand weavers to manufacture cloth
required by the court and for making robes of honour to be given in gift to the favoured ones.
Not for Sale Products: It must be remembered, however, that articles produced in the royal
karkhanas were not commodities, i.e. not for sale in the market. Nobles, too, maintained their
own karkhanas.

PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION:
 Administration Outside Core Areas: Administration in areas, which were outside the core
political area, was conducted in a number of ways, depending on the degree of political control
which was exercised over the area.

Independence of Governors: In the initial years of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate,
especially after the accession of Shamsuddin Iltutmish (1211-1236 AD), many other slave-
governors (Bahauddin Tughril in Bayana, Nasiruddin Qabacha in Multan) asserted their
independence.
Focus on Central Administration: The political turmoil that followed (and which continued for
the better part of the next 30 years after the death of Iltutmish) meant that the sultan's attention
was concentrated on stabilizing the political base of the Sultanate.
Expansion of the Empire: As the empire expanded, newly annexed areas became loosely
affiliated with the politico-administrative structure, often through nominal recognition of the
political supremacy of the sultan/center.
Appointment of Officials: A few officials were appointed by the center to these areas as a
symbol of imperial presence, but everyday administration most often remained in local hands.
The interest of the center in these areas was mostly economic, i.e., collection of revenue to
sustain the larger imperial edifice.

POSITION OF GOVERNOR OF THE PROVINCE:

❖ Governors: The Sultanate comprised provinces placed in charge of governors called wali
or muqti. In the 14th century with the consolidation of the sultanate, the provinces became
unmanageable and were therefore partitioned into shiqs for administrative convenience.
They were administered by the shiqdars.
❖ Transformation: Subsequently the shiqs were transformed into sarkars in the Afghan
period. The sarkar as a territorial unit comprised many parganas.
❖ Function of Governors: The sultan appointed a governor as his deputy, who was responsible
for the overall administration of the area. This involved ensuring the collection of revenue,
maintaining law and order, and keeping opposition to central authority under control.
❖ Other Important Function: It was in the interest of the governor to ensure the proper and
timely collection of revenue. A part of it was sent to the central treasury. In such cases, land
was allotted to the governor as his 'Iqta', and the governor was variously called 'malik, amir,
muqti or iqtadar.
❖ Military Functions: A significant component of the 'iqtadar's duties was the maintenance of
a military unit under his command. The governor was helped in these military duties by the
Ariz who looked after the military contingents under the supervision of the governor. The
Ariz was placed under the Ariz-i-Mumalik.
❖ Rebellious Activities by Governors: The governor and the local power blocs worked in
close association with each other, which, consequently, generated other problems for the
sultan at the center. Being at a distance from the center allowed these governors to liaise
with the local power groups and rise in rebellion against the sultan at the center. This was
a frequent occurrence, and on such occasions the sultan himself or some trusted official
 from the center was sent to suppress the rebellion. Example: The historian Barani informs
us that when Zafar Khan became very renowned as the governor of Samana, Sultan
Alauddin Khalaji began to think of transferring him to Lakhnauti (Bengal) to uproot him
from his power base and thereby weaken his growing strength.

Local Administration:
Pargana: Several villages formed a pargana (this term became common in the 14th century and
is Indian in origin). The villages were under the administrative supervision of the following set
of officials:
❖ Muqaddam: The village headman.
❖ Patwari: Village Accountant.
❖ Khut: Village headman.
Independent Units: It is important to note that the village and pargana were independent units
of administration, and yet interrelated areas over which officials commanded administrative
powers.
Officials: The important pargana officials were chaudhary (highest local rural magnate
accountable to the government for land revenue collection), mutasarrif or amil (revenue
collector) and karkun (accountant).
Functions: Khot, Muqaddam, Patwari and Choudhary were the local officials who worked in
conjunction with the governor in the collection of revenue and maintaining law and order, etc.
Local Ruler: In certain cases, the province also had a local ruler (rai, rana, rawat, raja) who
supported the governor in his duties. In such instances, the local rulers were usually recognised
by the sultan at the center as being his subordinate, albeit the local rulers were allowed to act
as sovereign powers in conducting the administrative affairs of the region.
Importance of Local Institutions: This practice was adopted in the Delhi sultanate because it
allowed the sultanate to expand geographically on the basis of nominal sovereignty, coupled
with an assured financial contribution to the central treasury.

OTHER OFFICERS: SHIQDAR, FAUJDAR, AMIL, ETC.

Barids: The other important officers in the provinces, those who had direct access to the sultan
were the barids (intelligence officers and reporters). They played a very significant role in the
reporting of local developments to the sultan, and were usually appointed directly by the sultan.
These officers were the sültan's 'eyes and ears' in the outer realms, and acted as an important
check on the governors.
Shiqdar and Faujdar: Ziya Barani mentions two other officers, the shiqdar and the faujdar at
the provincial level. Shiqdar is mentioned during Alauddin Khalji's (1296-1316 AD) period.
Barani also refers to shiqdar and faujdar during Mohammad Tughlaq's reign (1325-1351 AD).
Departmental Incharge: The shiqdar was in charge of a shiq, and assisted the governor in the
maintenance of law and order (particularly criminal justice) and provided military assistance,
especially if it was required in the collection of land revenue, or the suppression of local
rebellions.
Other Functions: The shiqdar's duties also included supervising the functioning of the smaller
administrative units such as the pargana. The duties of the faujdar were much similar to that of
the shiqdar, yet they seem to have existed simultaneously.
In most cases, the shiqdar was superior to the faujdar though this seems to have been reversed
in the period of the Sayyids. In the Tughlaq period in the Deccan, shiq was bigger than a district.
Smaller shiqs are also mentioned under the Tughlaqs.
• Shiqdar was assisted by the faujdars in maintaining law and order during the
Tughlaq period. The kotwal was placed under the faujdar. Under the Lodis the
shiqdar was the pargana or city officer who were responsible for both civil and
military administration.
Assistance of Other Officials: The shiqdar and faujdar were helped in carrying out their duties
by a host of other local officials including:
• The Qazi: Dealt mostly with civil cases and acted as a jurisconsult since he was
educated in the Quran.
• Amil: Primarily responsible for the collection of revenue.
• Amin: Measured land in the reign of Sikandar Lodi.
• Kotwal: An office of varying importance, he was under the shiqdar/faujdar, and
helped in the maintenance of law and order.
Provincial Financial Account: The financial accounts of the provincial income and expenditure
were maintained by the Sahib-i-Diwan, who was appointed by the sultan on the
recommendation of the wazir.
Function: He was the book-keeper of provincial revenue, and was assisted in his task by
mutassarifs and karkuns.
Assistant Officials: The Nazir and waquf were officers who looked after the collection of the
revenue and expenditure respectively.
Office of Khwaja: We also find mention of the office of the Khwaja (probably the same as
Sahib-i-Diwan), who kept a record of the income of the iqta, based on which the sultan was
able to make his revenue demands.
Appointment and Function: The Khwaja was also appointed by the sultan on the
recommendation of the wazir. This office was important because the agricultural produce of
the entire sultanate was never uniform, and so the taxation system and demand were different
for different parts of the sultanate depending on the yield of different areas.
GRANTS (IQTA, MILK, IDRAR):
Iqta System:
Displacement of Local Chiefs: The initial Turkish conquests in the early 13th century
displaced many local chiefs (whom the contemporary sources refer to as rai and rana) and a
new system was introduced to keep control over the conquered areas after initial establishment
of the Sultanate.
Process of Consolidation: To consolidate, the Turkish rulers made revenue assignments
(iqta), instead of cash to their nobles (umara). The assignees (known as muqti and wali)
collected revenue from these areas, defrayed their expenses, paid the troops maintained by
them, and sent the surplus (fawazil) to the center.
Origin of Iqta System: Iqta is an Arabic word and the institution had been in force in the early
Islamic world as a form of reward for services to the State. It was used in the Caliphate
administration as a way of financing operations and paying civil and military officers.
Instrument of Administration: In essence, this was a system of payment to the officers and
maintenance of the army by them. Gradually rules and regulations were laid down to organize
the whole system. Through the years it became the main instrument of administering the
Sultanate.
Nature of Grant: The grant of iqta did not imply a right to the land nor was it hereditary
though the holders of iqta tended to acquire hereditary rights in Firuz Tughlaq's reign (1351-
1388 AD).
Transferable: These revenue assignments were transferable; the iqta-holder was transferred
from one region to another every three or four years. Therefore, iqta should not be equated with
the fief of medieval feudal Europe, which were hereditary and non-transferable.
Functions of Assignee: The assignments could be large (a whole province or a part) and when
given to nobles carried administrative, military, and revenue-collecting responsibilities. Thus,
the provincial administration was headed by the muqti or wall. He had to maintain an army
composed of horsemen and foot soldiers.
Rights of Muqti: The muqti was entitled to collect in a proper manner the land tax and other
taxes due to the Sultan, he had no further claims on the person, women and children, land or
other possessions of the cultivators. The muqti had certain obligations to the Sultan, the chief
being the maintenance of troops and furnishing them at call to the Sultan.
Mode of Payment: Iltutmish (1210-36) is reported to have assigned in lieu of salaries "small
iqtas" in the Doab to the soldiers of the Sultan's army (hashm qalb). Balban (1266-86) made a
half-hearted attempt at their resumption without success. It was Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316)
who firmly established the practice of payment of salaries in cash to the soldiers.
Change in Policy: A practice that was again altered by Firuz Tughlaq (1351-1388 AD) who
began to assign villages to soldiers instead of their salaries. These assignments were called
wajh and the holders wajhdars. These assignments tended to be not only permanent but
hereditary.

Iqta System under different Sultans:

Balban Period (1266-86 AD): In the early years of the foundation of the Sultanate, neither the
revenue income of these assignments was known nor the size of the contingent of the assignee
was fixed. Certain modifications and mild attempts at introducing central control to some
extent were made by Balban (1266-86) when he appointed a khwaja (accountant) with each
muqti.
Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 AD): The real intervention in the iqta administration came under
Alauddin Khalji. The central finance department (diwan-i wizarat) perhaps prepared some sort
of an estimated revenue income from each iqta.
• Stringent Control: The audit was stringent, punishments severe, transfers frequent,
and enhancements (taufir) were often made in the estimated revenue income of the
iqta on various pretexts.
Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq (1320-25 AD): He introduced some moderation. The enhancements in
the estimated revenue income by the central finance ministry was not to be more than 1/10 or
1/11th annually. The muqtis were allowed to keep 1/10th to 1/20th over their sanctioned
salaries.
Muhammad Tughlaq (1325-51 AD): The attempt at central intervention reached its climax
during the time of Muhammad Tughlaq (1325-51). In several cases, a wali and an amir were
appointed to the same territory.
• The wali was to collect revenue and, after deducting his pay, to send the rest to the
treasury.
• The amir or commander had nothing to do with revenue realization and received
his salary and the salary of his troops in cash, presumably from the local treasury.
• Resentment: During Muhammad Tughlaq's reign the troops of the iqta holders were
paid in cash by the state's treasury. This possibility infuriated the commanders and
created political problems for Muhammad Tughlaq.
Firuz Tughlaq (1351-1388 AD): He decided to make concessions to consolidate his position.
He enhanced the cash salaries of the nobles and gat new estimates of revenue (mahsul) prepared
which was designated jama. He also made the iqta system hereditary which was a significant
departure from his predecessors. There was no attempt to restore central control by the
successors of Firuz.
Lodi's (1451-1426): Under the Lodis, the administrative charges and revenue assignments
were combined together and these were no longer called iqta but were simply called sarkars
and parganas. A system of sub-assignments came in vogue particularly under Sikandar Lodi
(1489-1517). The main assignees used to sub-assign portions of their assignment to their
subordinates who in turn made sub-assignments to their soldiers.

Iqta as an Instrument of Centralisation:

Source of Revenue: The income of the Sultanate was primarily and largely derived from land
revenue. Khalisa was the term for the land whose revenue was exclusively meant for the
Sultan.
• Consolidation of Provincial Administration: The revenue from the land, called iqta,
was assigned by the state to the nobles. The muqtis or iqta-holders were required to
furnish military assistance to the Sultan in times of need, apart from maintaining
 law and order and collecting the revenue from their iqta. All these led to increasing
control of the Sultan over provinces directly.
• Nature of Iqta Grants: These revenue assignments were generally non-hereditary
and transferable.
• Control of Nobles: It was through the institution of iqta that the Sultan was able to
control the nobles. The muqti collected land revenue from the peasants of his
territory and defrayed therefrom his own salary as well as that of his soldiers.
Centralization: The demand to send the excess amounts (fawazil) to the diwan-i wizarat was
symbolic of the trend towards centralization. The muqti had to submit accounts of their
realization and expenditure to the treasury. Auditing was severe to prevent fraud.
Increase in Centralisation: Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 AD) also took other measures to
control his nobility.
Barids: Regular reports from the barids (intelligence officers) kept him posted on the actions
of the nobles.
Prohibition on Socialization: A check was kept on their socializing, and marriages between
them could not take place without the permission of the Sultan.
• These measures have to be seen against the background of recurrent incidents of
rebellions in which the muqtis utilized and appropriated the resources of their areas, to
rebel or to make a bid for the throne. This explains the principle of transfer also.
Tughlaq Period: Under Muhammad Tughlaq (1325-1351 AD), the nobles were given iqta in
lieu of cash salary but their troops were paid in cash by the treasury in contrast to the earlier
period.
• Greater Control: These new fiscal arrangements and the greater control over
assignments possibly contributed to the conflict between the Sultan and the
nobles since they were deprived of the gains of the iqta management.
• Retreat in Policy: During the reign of Firuz Tughlaq there was a general retreat
from the practice of increased central authority over iqta.
• Beginning of Decentralisation: Firuz started granting iqta to the sons and heirs of iqta-
holders. The long reign of Firuz Tughlaq comparatively witnessed few rebellions but it
also saw the beginning of the disintegration and decentralization.

No Constant Transfers: By the time of the Lodis (1451-1526), the iqtadars (now called
wajhdars) do not seem to have been subject to constant transfers.

Other Grants:
• Different Grants: Assignments of revenue of villages or lands for a lifetime to the
religious intelligentsia were categorized as milk (proprietary rights given by the state),
idrar (pension) and inam (gift).
• Religious Endowments: Grants made for the support of religious institutions like
madrasas, Khanqahs, were called waqf (endowments). These grants were made by the
 Sultan both within Iqta and Khalisa through a farman. Economically these grants did
not have much implication.
ASSESSMENT OF DELHI SULTANATE ADMINISTRATION:
1. Area of Influence: The sultan's presence was felt most strongly over core areas, and was
visible not only through his physical presence but also through the complex network of
officers and military retinues which worked towards maintaining sovereign royal
power.
2. Concrete Authority: The authority of the sultan also acquired more concrete forms,
especially in the construction activities which were initiated at his behest. These
included architectural constructions of various types but, especially in the early phases,
the building of mosques which brought the community (ummah) together for prayer.
3. Gradual Expansion: The expansion of the Sultanate was possible through the large army
it had mustered, and whose military prowess and efficiency was kept to a level through
particular offices created for the purpose.
4. Obedient Population: The administrative structure, along with the religious discourse
of the ulema, therefore allowed for the creation of an obedient population upon whom
sovereign political authority was exercised. This structure was kept in place through the
system of the bureaucratic network established.
5. Provincial System: The same system was at work in the provinces of the sultanate, but
with one important difference. Here, the central authority was exercised by a handful
of officers.
6. System of Check and Balances: The internal cohesion of this body of officers was
weakened by the fact that each was appointed as a check on the other, so that they may
not turn recalcitrant given that they were so far removed from the center.
7. Large Bureaucracy: The two rungs of administration, at the center and at the provinces,
included a host of officers who worked to maintain imperial power and sovereignty.
8. Well Structured System: It was a system which worked well to provide a cohesion to
the political structure. This was significant because at a time when there were no other
common binding factors within the disparate sections and regions of the entire Delhi
sultanate, administrative measures and officers provided a common imperial reference
point, an imperial scaffolding which held together the entire political edifice.
9. Intense and Integrative Bureaucratic System: The various offices and posts, the land
measurement and revenue assignments and the relationship with the local power
brokers, etc. laid the foundation for a more intensive and integrative bureaucratic
system that was to become a defining feature of the Mughal empire from the middle of
the 16th century. The administrative efficiency of the Mughals would not have been
possible without the foundation of it having been laid by the Delhi Sultanate in difficult
conditions.
 VIJAYANAGAR EMPIRE
The central administration of the Vijayanagar Empire was structured around a hereditary
monarchy, where the king held supreme authority, embodying the state's political and military
leadership. Given the empire's dynamic internal and external challenges, rulers were expected
to excel in diplomacy and warfare to safeguard and expand their dominion. While a council of
ministers assisted the king, their role was advisory, and the monarch retained the discretion to
accept or reject their counsel. This authority extended to disciplining even the most powerful
ministers, as when Krishnadevaraya punished Saluva Timma for his lapses. To ensure
continuity and administrative efficiency, royal princes were often appointed to key positions,
allowing them to gain experience in governance and statecraft. This practice produced capable
leaders who were well-prepared to handle the empire's complex affairs, strengthening the
central administration.
The Vijayanagara Empire boasted a well-organized and diverse military structure
complemented by a robust system of law and justice. The army was composed of infantry,
cavalry, elephantry, and artillery, with additional forces supplied by the Amarnayakas.
Recruitment was inclusive, drawing soldiers from all castes and creeds. Devaraya I employed
10,000 Muslim soldiers, while Devaraya II enlisted 2,000 Muslim instructors to train Hindus
in archery. To enhance cavalry strength, horses were imported from Hormuz through
Portuguese merchants. The military department, known as Kandachira, was overseen by the
Dandanayaka, and forts played a strategic role in defense. Military parades, such as those
during the Maharnavami festival, showcased the empire's might, with Krishnadevaraya
rewarding outstanding participants. In matters of justice, the king was the supreme authority,
delivering final and binding judgments. Hindu law and traditions formed the legal foundation,
with a trial-by-jury system in place. However, criminal justice was strict, and local authorities
like the Nayakas and Gaundas were empowered to resolve cases within their jurisdiction. This
combination of military prowess and legal order ensured stability and security across the
empire.
Local Government in the Vijayanagara Empire
The local governance of the Vijayanagara Empire was intricately organized, reflecting a blend
of central oversight and decentralized administration. It evolved into a robust system that
incorporated existing regional divisions and ensured effective management of the vast territory.
Provinces or Rajyas
The empire was divided into administrative units known as rajyas or provinces, forming the
foundational structure of local governance. These rajyas were established from the very
beginning of the empire's formation, ensuring administrative efficiency and regional control.
Each rajya integrated pre-existing local divisions such as nadu and parru, which were
prominent in the Tamil region, providing continuity to traditional governance practices.
Leadership of Provinces
The pradhanis, a superior category of officers, were appointed as heads of these rajyas.
Initially, the pradhanis were members of the royal family, specifically princes of the royal line,
ensuring direct control by the monarchy. However, over time, this practice shifted, and
experienced military officers were entrusted with these roles. This transition ensured that the
leadership possessed administrative as well as strategic acumen to manage both civil affairs
and defense.
Administrative Headquarters
Historian Y. Subbarayalu identifies the uccavadi, or simply cavadi, as the administrative
headquarters of each rajya. These centres were pivotal for governance and denoted the
provincial hub of power and administration. The incorporation of existing regional divisions
into the rajyas highlighted the Vijayanagara rulers' ability to adapt local traditions to their
administrative framework.
Integration of Regional Divisions
The Rajyas' structure incorporated smaller divisions like nadu and parru, emphasizing the
importance of local governance within the overarching provincial framework. This integration
facilitated efficient communication between the central authority and local regions, while also
preserving the unique administrative and cultural identity of various areas within the empire.

Nayaka System of the Vijayanagara Empire

The Nayaka System, introduced during the reign of Krishnadevaraya (1509–1529 AD),
represented a pivotal shift in the administrative and military organization of the Vijayanagara
Empire. This system evolved as a response to the changing needs of governance and state
control, altering the role of traditional provinces or rajyas and emphasizing a decentralized yet
militarily robust structure.

Emergence and Structure

By the time of Krishnadevaraya, the rajyas had ceased to function as the primary
administrative units. Their headquarters were transformed into fortified garrisons, managed by
military officers known as amara nayakas. The nayakas were appointed by the king and
granted rights over specific territories, known as nayakattanam. These territories were further
divided into smaller units such as sime, sthala, and nadu, with some records using rajya and
sime interchangeably. This system matured in the later period of the empire and introduced a
hierarchical relationship among various categories of officers, such as dannayakas (military
officials), durga-dannayakas (fort commanders, often Brahmans), and amara nayakas.

Responsibilities and Land Tenure

The nayakas held significant control over the territories assigned to them. They were
responsible for:
 1. Revenue Management: Nayakas collected revenue and remitted a portion to the
central authority.
2. Military Service: They maintained and supplied troops for the empire’s defense and
warfare.
3. Economic Development: Nayakas encouraged settlers, including cultivators and
artisans, to promote production in their territories, often granting tax concessions.
The land tenure under the Nayaka system was categorized into three distinct forms:
• Amaram: Land granted to subordinates like amaranayakas, who maintained troops
and paid fixed revenue.
• Bhandaravada: Land directly cultivated by the nayaka using intermediaries called
kaniyalar and kudi (primary cultivators).
• Manya: Tax-free grants given to religious institutions and temples, cultivated by the
kudi.

Military and Administrative Functions

The Nayaka system was fundamentally a military arrangement under a centralized
authority, distinct from European feudalism. Land grants were conditional on military service,
and nayakas were required to be present at the royal headquarters. Their territories were
managed by agents or karyakartas in their absence. Portuguese chronicler Domingo Paes
noted the presence of approximately 200 nayakas during Krishnadevaraya’s reign, highlighting
their extensive role in sustaining the empire's military and economic framework.

European Accounts and Historical Significance

Contemporary European observers like Domingo Paes and Fernao Nuniz provided detailed
descriptions of the Nayaka system. These accounts emphasize the system’s military orientation
and its role in consolidating Vijayanagara’s power. Although it bore some resemblance to
feudalism, the Nayaka system was unique in its focus on military service rather than fealty or
homage, reinforcing the empire's centralized control.

The Nayaka system was a defining feature of Vijayanagara’s administrative ingenuity, blending
decentralization with a strong military backbone. It not only ensured efficient governance and
revenue collection but also bolstered the empire’s defense, enabling it to thrive as one of the
most powerful states of its time.
Local Administration and the Ayagar System in the Vijayanagara Empire
The local administration during the Vijayanagara Empire underwent significant changes,
particularly with the widespread implementation of the Ayagar system, a distinctive feature of
the period's governance. This system not only redefined village-level administration but also
played a crucial role in the socio-economic framework of the empire.
Autonomy of Local Institutions
During the Vijayanagara period, autonomous local institutions, especially in the Tamil region,
experienced a decline. In contrast, regions like Karnataka and Andhra, which had lesser
autonomy in earlier times, saw the ayagar system become widely established. The decline of
nadu and nattar institutions in the Tamil country during the 15th and 16th centuries further
facilitated the spread of the ayagar system across the empire.
Composition of the Ayagar System
The ayagar system was centered around a group of 12 families, who served as village
functionaries or servants. These included the headman (reddi or gauda), the accountant
(karnam or senabhova), and the watchman (talaiyari). Other essential roles, such as priests,
washermen, leather workers, potters, blacksmiths, and carpenters, supported the community
with goods and services. These individuals were indispensable to the functioning of village life
and irrigation systems, with watermen (niranikkar) overseeing the maintenance of channels and
financial transactions.
Land Grants and Payments
The ayagars were compensated for their services through land grants, often tax-free manya
plots. These grants were either revenue-free or required minimal fixed rent. In some cases,
ayagars received direct payments in kind for their services. This allocation of income and
land marked a shift, as it institutionalized cash payments and specific resource assignments for
village servants holding designated offices.
Significance of the Ayagar System
The Ayagar system's most notable feature was its comprehensive approach to administrative
and economic integration at the village level. By institutionalizing payments and land
allocations, it ensured that essential services, from irrigation to leather production, were
systematically organized. The system's spread across the macro-region reflected the decline in
traditional local autonomy and heralded a centralized yet locally effective administrative
structure.
The Ayagar system exemplifies how the Vijayanagara Empire harmonized local governance
with its broader administrative needs, fostering stability and sustainability at the grassroots
level. This system played a pivotal role in the empire's longevity and adaptability in managing
diverse regional dynamics.