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AUPHA
Health
HAP
Policymaking
in the
United States
Fourth Edition
Thomas Mcllwain
Medical University of South Carolina
Lydia Reed
AUPHA
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the Association of University Programs in Health Administration.
10 09 08 07 06 5 4 3 2 1
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Health policymaking in the United States / Beaufort B. Longest.— 4th ed.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-1-56793-245-4 (alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 1-56793-245-2 (alk. paper)
1. Medical policy—United States. 2. Health planning—United States. 3. Medical laws
and legislation—United States. 4. Policy sciences—Methodology. I. Title.
[DNLM: 1. Health Policy—United States. 2. Health Planning—legislation & jurispru-
dence—United States. 3. Policy Making—United States. WA 525 L852h 2005]
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National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library
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Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419
vii
DETAILED CONTENTS
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Discussion Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350
Discussion Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419
AcademyHealth www.academyhealth.org
Administration on Aging www.aoa.gov
Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality www.ahrq.gov or www.ahcpr.gov
Alliance of Independent Academic Medical Centers www.aiamc.org
Alliance for Retired Americans www.retiredamericans.org
America’s Health Insurance Plans www.ahip.org
American Academy of Family Physicians www.aafp.org
American Academy of Pediatrics www.aap.org
American Association of Homes and Services for the Aging www.aahsa.org
American Association of Retired Persons www.aarp.org
American Cancer Society www.cancer.org
American College of Healthcare Executives www.ache.org
American College of Physicians www.acponline.org
American College of Surgeons www.facs.org
American Dental Association www.ada.org
American Health Care Association www.ahca.org
American Heart Association www.americanheart.org
American Hospital Association www.aha.org
American Medical Association www.ama-assn.org
American Medical Women’s Association www.amwa-doc.org
American Nurses Association www.ana.org
Americans for Nonsmokers’ Rights Foundation www.no-smoke.org
Association of American Medical Colleges www.aamc.org
Association of University Programs in Health Administration www.aupha.org
T
he myriad decisions that constitute health policy are increasingly im-
portant. Health is a personal, high-priority goal of most people, and
the pursuit of health is of growing significance to the nation’s economy
and to its system of social justice. Thus, it should surprise no one that health
policy receives a great deal of attention from government.
Health policy is defined in this textbook as the set of authoritative
decisions made within government that pertain to health and to the pur-
suit of health. The phrase authoritative decisions is crucial in the definition
and refers to decisions that are made anywhere within the three branches
of government—at any level of government—and are within the legitimate
purview (i.e., within the official roles, responsibilities, and authorities) of those
making the decisions.
Through a long history of incremental and modest steps, an extensive
array of authoritative decisions that comprise health policy has evolved in
the United States. Although this history has been punctuated occasionally by
dramatic developments in health policy, especially the emergence of Medicare
and Medicaid in 1965, health policymaking is mostly a story of slow but
persistent evolution and modification.
Health policy’s role in the pursuit of health is played out across many
fronts because health is determined by many variables: the physical environ-
ment in which people live and work, their biology and behavior, social factors,
and access to health services. The effects of health policies are seen in each of
these determinants of health.
Whether at the federal, state, or local level, governments formulate,
implement, and constantly modify health policies within an intricately chore-
ographed policymaking process. The central and unifying purpose of this book
is to provide a comprehensive model of this process for those who have an
interest in or a curiosity about health policy and the policymaking process.
An understanding of this process is essential to policy competency. For typical
health professionals, policy competency is at most a secondary interest. How-
ever, a degree of policy competency sufficient to permit one to effectively
analyze the public policy environment that affects them and their work—and
to exert influence in that environment—is an increasingly important attribute
for those whose professional lives are devoted to the pursuit of better health
for society.
xxi
xxii Preface
Acknowledgments
Health Defined
Health is a universally important aspect of human life. Years ago, the World
Health Organization (WHO) (www.who.int) defined health as the “state of
complete physical, mental, and social well-being, and not merely the ab-
sence of disease or infirmity” (WHO 1948). A more contemporary version
of this definition, with an important expansion, is provided by David Byrne
(2004), the European commissioner for health and consumer protection, who
views good health as “a state of physical and mental well-being necessary to
live a meaningful, pleasant and productive life. Good health is also an in-
tegral part of thriving modern societies, a cornerstone of well performing
economies, and a shared principle of European democracies,” which can read-
ily be extended to all democracies. In fact, health is a priority in all nations,
although the resources available for the pursuit of health vary widely across
nations (Reinhardt, Hussey, and Anderson 2004). The reader can find current 1
2 Health Policymaking in the United States
Health Determinants
Both for individuals and for a population of individuals, health determinants
include the physical environments in which people live and work; their behav-
iors; their biology (genetic makeup, family history, and physical and mental
health problems acquired during life); a host of social factors that include
economic circumstances, socioeconomic position, and income distribution;
discrimination based on factors such as race/ethnicity, gender, or sexual ori-
entation and on the availability of social networks or social support; and the
health services to which they have access (Blum 1983; Evans, Barer, and Mar-
mor 1994; Berkman and Kawachi 2000).
Healthy People 2010 (www.healthypeople.gov) is a report that details
comprehensive national health promotion and disease prevention agendas.
The following list of health determinants is adapted from its identification
and definition of determinants (U.S. DHHS 2000):
but also health information and services received through other venues
in the community.
Background
About 1 in 3 residents of the United States self-identify as either African
American, American Indian/Alaska Native, Asian/Pacific American, or Latino. Few
would disagree that for most of this nation’s history, race was a major factor in
determining if you got care, where that care was obtained, and the quality of
medical care. However, the influence of race today is more subtle. Public policy
efforts, most notably the enactment of Medicaid and Medicare in 1965, along
with enforcement of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, have made an enormous difference
in reducing the health care divides in the U.S. So much progress has been
achieved that many think that the disparities that remain are inconsequential,
but they are not.
The Institute of Medicine (IOM) landmark report Unequal Treatment:
Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Care provides compelling evidence
that racial/ethnic disparities persist in medical care for a number of health
conditions and services.2 These disparities exist even when comparing individuals
of similar income and insurance. Evidence of racial/ethnic disparities among
patients with comparable insurance and the same illness has been the most
troubling since health insurance coverage is widely considered the “great
equalizer” in the health system.
The momentum to address health care disparities has grown largely in
response to the step taken by the Department of Health and Human Services
(DHHS) in 1999, establishing a national goal of eliminating health disparities
by the end of this decade. Disparities between racial/ethnic groups and
geographic areas were of major concern.3 The decision for the U.S. to have
one set of goals for all Americans, rather than separate goals for the health of
whites and minority populations, has helped to focus public and private sector
attention on racial/ethnic disparities in the nation’s health and thus, health care
system.
patient, provider, and health care system. The recommendations point to four
broad areas of policy challenges:
NOTES:
1. Disparities in “health care” and in “health” are often discussed as if they are one in the same. A
health care disparity refers to differences in, for example, coverage, access, or quality of care that is
not due to health needs. A health disparity refers to a higher burden of illness, injury, disability, or
mortality experienced by one population group in relation to another. The two concepts are related
in that disparities in health care can contribute to health disparities, and the goal of the use of health
services is to maintain and improve a population’s health. However, other factors (e.g., genetics,
personal behavior, and socio-economic factors) also are major determinants of a population’s health.
2. Institute of Medicine. 2002. Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in
Health Care. Washington, DC: National Academies Press.
3. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Healthy People 2010. pp.11–16.
4. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2003. 2003 National Healthcare Disparities
Report. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
SOURCE: Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. 2004. “Health Care & the 2004 Elections: Race,
Ethnicity and Health Care.” October, Report no. 7187. This information was reprinted with per-
mission of The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. The Kaiser Family Foundation, based in Menlo
Park, California, is a nonprofit, independent national healthcare philanthropy and is not associated
with Kaiser Permanente or Kaiser Industries.
Figure 1.1
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authoritative decisions
t
n
of the federal government, as well as information about state and local govern-
ments, is www.firstgov.gov. FirstGov is an official U.S. government web site.
In the United States, public policies, whether they pertain to health or
to other policy domains such as defense, education, transportation, or com-
merce, are made through a dynamic public policymaking process. This process,
which is modeled in Chapter 3, involves many interactive participants in three
interconnected phases of activities.
When public policies pertain to health or influence the pursuit of health,
they are health policies. Health policies are established at federal, state, and lo-
cal levels of government, although usually for different purposes. Generally,
health policies affect or influence groups or classes of individuals (e.g., physi-
cians, the poor, the elderly, children) or types or categories of organizations
(e.g., medical schools, health plans, integrated healthcare systems, pharma-
ceutical manufacturers, employers).
At any given time, the entire set of health-related policies, or author-
itative decisions that pertain to health, made at any level of government can
be said to constitute that level’s health policy. Thus, health policy is a very
large set of decisions reached through the public policymaking process. Some
countries, Canada and Great Britain most notably, have developed expansive,
well-integrated policies to help shape their society’s pursuit of health in fun-
damental ways. The United States, in contrast, has a few large health-related
policies, such as its Medicare program or its regulation of pharmaceuticals,
but the U.S. government takes a more incremental or piecemeal approach to
health policy. The net result is a very large number of policies, but few of them
deal with the pursuit of health in any broad, comprehensive, or integrated way.
Policies made through the public policymaking process are distin-
guished from policies established in the private sector. Although discussing
private-sector health policies in any depth is beyond the scope of this book,
authoritative decisions made in the private sector by executives of health-
care organizations about such issues as their product lines, pricing, and mar-
keting strategies, for example, are policies. Similarly, authoritative decisions
made within such organizations as the Joint Commission on Accreditation
of Healthcare Organizations (JCAHO) (www.jcaho.org), a private accred-
iting body for health-related organizations, or by the National Committee
for Quality Assurance (NCQA) (www.ncqa.org), a private organization in-
volved in assessing and reporting on the quality of managed care plans, are
also private-sector health policies.
This book focuses on the public policymaking process and on the
public-sector health policies that result from this process. Private-sector health
policies also play a vitally important role in the ways society pursues health.
The rich and complex blend of public policies and private-sector policies and
actions that shape the American pursuit of health is a reflection of the fact
that Americans have been extraordinarily reluctant to yield control of the
Health and Health Policy 9
At the heart of American politics lies a dread and a yearning. The dread is no-
torious. Americans fear public power as a threat to liberty. Their government is
weak and fragmented, designed to prevent action more easily than to produce it.
The yearning is an alternative faith in direct, communal democracy. Even after the
loose collection of agrarian colonies had evolved into a dense industrial society,
the urge remained: the people would, somehow, put aside their government and
rule themselves directly.
Health policies, which were defined earlier as authoritative decisions, take one
of several basic forms. Some policies are the decisions made by legislators that
are codified in the statutory language of specific pieces of enacted legislation.
These are laws. Other policies are the rules and regulations established to
implement laws or to operate government and its various programs. Still
others are the judicial branch’s decisions related to health. Examples of health
policies include
• the 1965 federal public law (P.L. 89-97)1 that established the Medicare
and Medicaid programs;
• an executive order regarding operation of federally funded health centers;
• a federal court’s ruling that an integrated delivery system’s acquisition of
yet another hospital violates federal antitrust laws;
• a state government’s procedures for licensing physicians;
10 Health Policymaking in the United States
Thus, health policies may take any of several specific forms, and each
form is an authoritative decision made within government. These forms of
policy are described in the following sections, with examples of each.
Laws
Laws enacted at any level of government are policies. One example of a fed-
eral law that is also a health policy is the Breast and Cervical Cancer Preven-
tion and Treatment Act of 2000 (P.L. 106-354), which created an optional
Medicaid category for low-income women diagnosed with cancer through
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (www.cdc.gov) breast and
cervical cancer early detection screening program. State examples include state
laws that govern the licensure of health-related practitioners and institutions.
Laws, when they are “more or less freestanding legislative enactments aimed
to achieve specific objectives” (Brown 1992, 21), are sometimes called pro-
grams. The Medicare program is a federal-level example; many laws, most
being amendments to prior laws, govern this vast program. The National In-
stitute of Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering Establishment Act of 2000
is reproduced in The Real World of Health Policy: P.L. 106-580 to provide
an example of an actual federal law. Although the reading is lengthy (actually
quite short when compared to many laws, which can run into the hundreds of
pages), it will be useful to see a federal law in written form. Electronic versions
of this and other federal laws dating back to 1973, the 93rd Congress, can be
found at http://thomas.loc.gov/, a web site maintained by the Library of
Congress to make federal laws readily accessible.
106th Congress
An Act
To amend the Public Health Service Act to establish the National Institute of
Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering.
Health and Health Policy 11
This Act may be cited as the “National Institute of Biomedical Imaging and
Bioengineering Establishment Act”.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
(5) A number of Federal departments and agencies support imaging and en-
gineering research with potential medical applications, but a central coordinating
body, preferably housed at the NIH, is needed to coordinate these disparate
efforts and facilitate the transfer of technologies with medical applications.
(a) In General.—Part C of title IV of the Public Health Service Act (42 U.S.C.
285 et seq.) is amended by adding at the end the following subpart:
Sec. 464z. (a) The general purpose of the National Institute of Biomedical
Imaging and Bioengineering (in this section referred to as the “Institute”)
is the conduct and support of research, training, the dissemination of
health information, and other programs with respect to biomedical imaging,
biomedical engineering, and associated technologies and modalities with
biomedical applications (in this section referred to as “biomedical imaging and
bioengineering”).
(b)(1) The Director of the Institute, with the advice of the Institute’s advisory
council, shall establish a National Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering
Program (in this section referred to as the “Program”).
(2) Activities under the Program shall include the following with respect to
biomedical imaging and bioengineering:
(H) The development of new techniques and devices for more effective
interventional procedures (such as image-guided interventions).
(3)(A) With respect to the Program, the Director of the Institute shall
prepare and transmit to the Secretary and the Director of NIH a plan to initiate,
expand, intensify, and coordinate activities of the Institute with respect to
biomedical imaging and bioengineering. The plan shall include such comments
and recommendations as the Director of the Institute determines appropriate.
The Director of the Institute shall periodically review and revise the plan and
shall transmit any revisions of the plan to the Secretary and the Director of NIH.
(B) The plan under subparagraph (A) shall include the recommendations of
the Director of the Institute with respect to the following:
(ii) The coordination of the activities of the Institute with related activities of
the other agencies of the National Institutes of Health and with related activities
of other Federal agencies.
(c) The establishment under section 406 of an advisory council for the
Institute is subject to the following:
(B) six members shall be scientists, engineers, physicians, and other health
professionals who represent other disciplines and are knowledgeable about the
applications of biomedical imaging and bioengineering in medicine, and who are
not officers or employees of the United States.
14 Health Policymaking in the United States
(d)(1) Subject to paragraph (2), for the purpose of carrying out this section:
(B) For each of the fiscal years 2002 and 2003, there is authorized to be
appropriated an amount equal to the amount appropriated under subparagraph
(A) for fiscal year 2001, except that such amount shall be adjusted for the fiscal
year involved to offset any inflation occurring after October 1, 2000.
(2) The authorization of appropriations for a fiscal year under paragraph (1)
is hereby reduced by the amount of any appropriation made for such year for the
conduct or support by any other national research institute of any program with
respect to biomedical imaging and bioengineering.
(2) may, for quarters for such Institute, utilize such facilities of NIH as the
Director determines to be appropriate; and
(3) may obtain administrative support for the Institute from the other
agencies of NIH, including the other national research institutes.
This Act takes effect October 1, 2000, or upon the date of the enactment of
this Act, whichever occurs later.
42 CFR Parts 403, 412, 413, 418, 460, 480, 482, 483, 485, and 489
40 CFR Part 81
SUMMARY: This rule sets forth the initial air quality designations and
classifications for all areas in the United States, including Indian country, for the
fine particles (PM2.5) National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS). The EPA
is issuing this rule so that citizens will know whether the air quality where they
live and work is healthful or unhealthful. Health studies have shown significant
associations between exposure to PM2.5 and premature death from heart or lung
disease. Fine particles can also aggravate heart and lung diseases and have been
linked to effects such as cardiovascular symptoms, cardiac arrhythmias, heart
attacks, respiratory symptoms, asthma attacks, and bronchitis. These effects can
result in increased hospital admissions, emergency room visits, absences from
school or work, and restricted activity days.
Individuals that may be particularly sensitive to PM2.5 exposure include
people with heart or lung disease, older adults, and children. This rule establishes
the boundaries for areas designated as nonattainment, unclassifiable, or
attainment/unclassifiable. This rule does not establish or address State
and Tribal obligations for planning and control requirements that apply to
nonattainment areas for the PM2.5 standards. The EPA will publish a separate
rule which will set forth the planning and control requirements that apply to
nonattainment areas for the PM2.5 standards.
Operational Decisions
When organizations or agencies in the executive branch of a government,
regardless of level, implement laws, they invariably must make many opera-
tional decisions as implementation proceeds. These decisions, which are dif-
ferent from the formal rules that also influence implementation, are policies
as well. For example, in implementing the Water Quality Improvement Act
(P.L. 91-224), the several federal agencies with implementation responsibili-
ties establish operational protocols and procedures that help them deal with
those affected by the provisions of this law. These protocols and procedures
are a form of policies because they are authoritative decisions. The Real World
of Health Policy: The FDA Issues a Press Release illustrates ongoing op-
erational decisions made within the federal Food and Drug Administration
(FDA) (www.fda.gov).
18 Health Policymaking in the United States
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) today issued a Public Health Advisory
(available at www.fda.gov/cder/drug/advisory/nsaids.htm) summarizing the
agency’s recent recommendations concerning the use of non-steroidal anti-
inflammatory drug products (NSAIDs), including those known as COX-2 selective
agents. The public health advisory is an interim measure, pending further review
of data that continue to be collected.
In addition, FDA today announced that it is requiring evaluation of all
prevention studies that involve the Cox-2 selective agents Celebrex (celecoxib)
and Bextra (valdecoxib) to ensure that adequate precautions are implemented in
the studies and that local Institutional Review Boards reevaluate them in light
of the new evidence that these drugs may increase the risk of heart attack and
stroke. A prevention trial is one in which healthy people are given medicine to
prevent a disease or condition (such as colon polyps or Alzheimer’s disease).
FDA is issuing an advisory because of recently released data from controlled
clinical trials showing that the COX-2 selective agents (Vioxx, Celebrex, and
Bextra) may be associated with an increased risk of serious cardiovascular events
(heart attack and stroke) especially when they are used for long periods of time
or in very high risk settings (immediately after heart surgery).
Also, as FDA announced earlier this week, preliminary results from a
long-term clinical trial (up to three years) suggest that long-term use of a
non-selective NSAID, naproxen (sold as Aleve, Naprosyn and other trade name
and generic products), may be associated with an increased cardiovascular (CV)
risk compared to placebo.
Although the results of these studies are preliminary and conflict with
other data from studies of the same drugs, FDA is making the following interim
recommendations:
directions. If use of an (OTC) NSAID is needed for longer than ten days, a
physician should be consulted.
Judicial Decisions
Judicial decisions are another form of policies. An example is the U.S. Supreme
Court’s ruling in 2000 (by a 5–4 vote) that the FDA cannot regulate tobacco.
Another example is the Supreme Court’s decision on January 10, 2005, not to
hear an appeal filed by six health insurers in a bid to stop a class-action lawsuit
brought by more than 600,000 doctors who claim the companies underpaid
them for treating patients. This decision allowed a lower court’s ruling to
stand, meaning that a class-action suit could proceed in federal court. Both
decisions are policies because they are authoritative decisions that have the
effect of directing or influencing the actions, behaviors, or decisions of others.
The Real World of Health Policy: Connecticut Supreme Court Decides a Case
contains an example of how court decisions are authoritative decisions that
affect others, often in dramatic ways.
Hartford Courant
Diane Levick
January 4 2005
20 Health Policymaking in the United States
The Connecticut State Medical Society has lost an attempt to revive lawsuits
against two health insurers that accused them of deceptively denying, shrinking,
and delaying claim payments to doctors.
In an opinion released online Monday, the state Supreme Court affirmed
a trial court’s dismissal of the 2001 suits against Oxford Health Plans and
ConnectiCare.
The Supreme Court agreed with the lower court that the medical society—a
federation of eight county medical associations with a total of more than 7,000
physicians—did not have proper standing to bring the cases.
“We’re naturally disappointed and will look at what options we have,” said
Timothy B. Norbeck, the medical society’s executive director.
The society, alleging violations of Connecticut’s unfair trade practices
law, brought suits against seven insurers in 2001 including Farmington-based
ConnectiCare and Trumbull-based Oxford. Oxford was acquired last July by
UnitedHealth Group.
The society settled its legal actions against Aetna and CIGNA, and Norbeck
says the other litigation against UnitedHealth, Anthem, and Health Net is still
pending.
In its opinion Monday in the Oxford case, the Supreme Court agreed with the
company’s argument that the society lacked standing because its alleged injury
was too indirect or “remote.”
Use of this illustration is restricted.
The medical society had brought the suit on behalf of its member physicians
and itself. However, the doctors who were allegedly hurt by Oxford were free to
sue on their own, though their contracts required them to try to arbitrate their
claims first, the court noted.
Allowing the society to sue Oxford “would be to countenance an end run
around those arbitration provisions,” the court said.
The society had claimed direct injury, saying the actions by Oxford and
ConnectiCare forced it to spend significant time and money helping physicians
deal with the allegedly unfair practices.
The society, for instance, said it had to counsel physicians about the
problems, communicate with the state attorney general’s office and insurance
department, lobby state legislators, and hire outside counsel to assist in
legislative reform efforts.
The doctors’ group also said insurers’ failure to adequately reimburse
physicians meant the society would not be able to increase its dues, even though
it was operating at a deficit.
The Supreme Court Monday rejected the society’s appeal in the ConnectiCare
case, saying the society made a claim that was identical to what it argued in the
Oxford matter.
NOTE: The opinions of the Connecticut Supreme Court can be read on the web site of the State
of Connecticut, Judicial Branch, http://www.jud.state.ct.us/.
SOURCE: Levick, D. 2005. “High Court Deals Doctors Setback: Affirms Dismissal of Lawsuits
Against Two Health Insurers.” Hartford Courant, January 4. © 2004, Hartford Courant. Reprinted
with permission.
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