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 Rethinking Salafism
The Transnational Networks of Salafi ʿUlama
in Egypt, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia

R A I HA N I SM A I L

1
 3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2021

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
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above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

Names: Ismail, Raihan, author.
Title: Rethinking Salafism : the transnational networks of Salafi ʻulama in
Egypt, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia / Raihan Ismail.
Description: New York : Oxford University Press, 2021. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021012730 | ISBN 9780190948955 (hardback) |
ISBN 9780190948979 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Salafīyah—Political aspects. | Ulama—Political activity. |
Islam and politics—21st century.
Classification: LCC BP195.S18 I76 2021 | DDC 297.8/3—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021012730

DOI: 10.1093/​oso/​9780190948955.001.0001

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America
 Acknowledgments

I could not have completed this book without help. I thank the Australian
Research Council for awarding me a Discovery Early Career Researcher
Fellowship (DE190100230) to fund my completion of the project that
underlies much of the book. I would also like to acknowledge the Australian
National University for the support I have received in making the project
happen.
This book was written during a difficult time. There are many people whose
support during that period was crucial to keeping me on track to finish it.
There are various reasons why I cannot name all of those people, but I can and
must publish my gratitude to Huda al-​Tamimi, Penny Brew, Matthew Gray
(Waseda University), Liyana Kayali, Anita Mack, Michelle McGuinness,
France Meyer, Jessie Moritz, Kirill Nourzhanov, Katja Theodorakis, and
Stephanie Wright. I am also most appreciative for the guidance of Professor
William Christie, Professor George Lawson, and Professor Bronwen Neil.
I would also like to thank Aidan Parkes for his help as my research assis-
tant and the work he invested in this project.
I am grateful to Oxford University Press—​Cynthia Read and her team—​
for their assistance in bringing this work to publication. Thank you also to
the anonymous reviewers for their time and comments.
To my parents, Ustaz Ismail Din and Iman Ibrahim El-​Shenhab, my
eternal gratitude is in order. Their faith in me never fades and their sacrifices
shaped the person I am today.
I am thankful to Andrew Chapman, who is my rock, my best friend, and
my love. And to my daughter, Laila Ismail Chapman, who makes me proud
and inspires me with her resilience, wit, and passion to make this world a
better place.
 A Note on Conventions

I have employed a simplified transliteration system for Arabic words, with gh

for ghayn, dh for dhal, etc. I have used diacritical markings only for ayn and
hamzah, except for the word ʿulama, where hamzah is not added.
I have kept Anglicized spellings for names that are commonly found in the
English dictionary and non-​Arabic sources. For example, Mecca (instead of
“Makkah”) and Saddam Hussein (as opposed to “Saddam Husayn”) are used.
 Nouns and Adjectives

I have utilized the term “Shiʿa” freely, without differentiating between the
word as a noun (e.g., Bahraini Shiʿa) and an adjective (e.g., Shiʿa identity, in-
stead of Shiʿi identity). However, exemptions are made in quotations to en-
sure that other people’s words are not changed.
 Introduction

The first two decades of the twenty-​first century saw renewed political,
media, and academic focus on radical Islam and violent extremism. This
focus extended to the Salafi movement as the ideological foundation for
many radical and violent groups. There is now a significant corpus of litera-
ture discussing transnational jihadi networks and the radicalization of Salafi
thought by jihadi theoreticians and ʿulama. However, as scholars in the field
have noted, Salafism is not a monolith: it contains numerous streams, and an
examination of all such streams is crucial to understanding the sociopolit-
ical dynamics of the Muslim societies that Salafism influences. Besides jihadi
Salafis—​those who sanction violence—​there are two other broad trends of
Salafism: quietists and activists. Quietist Salafis endorse an apolitical tradi-
tion, believing that political activism is unacceptable in any form. Activist
Salafis, also known as harakis, advocate peaceful political change. Subject to
debate around where exactly to draw the lines between these categories, the
two groups have been identified as largely representative of the non-​jihadi
aspect of Salafism.1
The quietist and activist movements are each led by ʿulama, seen as the
preservers of Salafi traditions. Scholarly work examining the ʿulama tends
to be grounded in country-​specific research, including studies of Egypt,2
Kuwait,3 Lebanon,4 Saudi Arabia,5 and Yemen.6 These studies present ex-
tensive scholarship on the influence and the nature of Salafism. Some works
explore the development of Salafi movements, the religious institutions
that promote Salafi ascendancy in Muslim societies, and the transnational
activities of Salafism. However, more work is needed to assess the origins,
interactions, and dynamics of the transnational networks of Salafi clerics
in the region, and how quietist and activist ʿulama work across borders to
preserve and promote what they see as “authentic” Salafism. Similarly, the
competition and cooperation between the two streams are often explored
within the framework of domestic concerns rather than transnational
interactions.

Rethinking Salafism. Raihan Ismail, Oxford University Press. © Oxford University Press 2021.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190948955.003.0001
2 Rethinking Salafism

Why Egypt, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia?

This book explores the transnational networks of Salafi ʿulama in and

involving the clerics of three countries: Egypt, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia.
Although Salafi ʿulama from other countries will occasionally appear in this
book, greater emphasis will be given to ʿulama from these countries. The
Salafi ʿulama in these countries are more prominent than those of others. On
one popular Salafi website, Islamway, which stores the works of ʿulama and
preachers, Salafi ʿulama of both activist and quietist persuasions are classified
according to their country of origin. Saudi Arabia is ranked first with 617
ʿulama, followed by Egypt with 441 clerics. Kuwait, a country much smaller
in population, has 53 clerics consulted. A study of transnational Salafism that
extended too broadly beyond the movement’s core would risk being falsely
representative.
Saudi Arabia is obviously the central country. Its regime has long been
an advocate of Salafism and is responsible for the spread of Salafi ideals
throughout the Muslim world. Egypt is different: Salafism enjoys no state
sponsorship or even significant social influence; however, the movement’s
clerics are widely respected in the region, especially among their fellow Salafis,
as the statistics mentioned in the preceding paragraph illustrate. Finally, Salafi
ʿulama in Kuwait, although fewer in number, are highly active in the region
and are known for their financial support for other Salafi movements, in-
cluding in Lebanon.7 The selected countries are the centers of Salafism in the
region and thus important loci for a study of transnational Salafism.

Transnationalism in Discussion: Rethinking Salafism

The purpose of this book is threefold. First, it examines the nature of

the transnational networks of Salafi ʿulama in the selected countries.
Transnationalism has many definitions, but it generally refers to “exchanges,
connections and practices across borders, thus transcending the national
space as the primary reference point for activities and identities.”8 Based on
this definition, this book describes transnational networks as formal or in-
formal, incorporating material and ideational ties between the Salafi clerics,
developed through traveling, various forms of communications, religious
education, international conferences, and shared resources.9 Although these
networks are vibrant and long-​standing, and remain strong contemporarily,
 Introduction 3

there remains limited research about them. What makes the contemporary
manifestations of transnational networks different, articulated by Madawi
Al-​Rasheed, “is the increasing speed, intensity and time-​space compression
brought about by post-​modernity.”10 Quoting Hannerz, “in the transnational
arena, the actors may now be individuals, groups, movements, business
enterprises, and in no small part it is this diversity of organisation that we
need to consider.”11 Salafi ʿulama are actors who foster Salafi ideals (theolog-
ical, political, and social) that transcend national boundaries in their attempt
to sustain an imagined Salafi community.
A second concern of this book is the impact of changing local and regional
circumstances on the attitudes of Salafi ʿulama toward various issues. It
looks at how the clerics are influenced by local conditions, as well as external
circumstances, in their interpretations of Salafism, theologically, socially,
and politically. It further examines the recalibration of their views toward
Salafi thought as they respond to these conditions. Transnational theory
goes far toward emphasizing connectedness across borders, but in many
of its formulations the domestic context retreats into the background.12 It
cannot be denied that transnational networks are affected by local circum-
stances: transnational actors, despite pursuing values that transcend national
boundaries and engaging in transnational activities, are also local actors
who are influenced by local concerns. The literature on the interconnected-
ness of the “local and global”13 will be utilized to understand the attitudes of
Salafi ʿulama (quietists and harakis) on sociopolitical issues and the extent to
which they are influenced by ever-​changing local and external conditions.
This in turn influences the way Salafi ʿulama interact with each other.
Finally, this book looks to reassess critically existing Salafi typology,
arguing that the categorization of quietists and activists reflects accurately
the attitudes of the ʿulama toward the state but not concerning other issues,
including the Sunni-​Shiʿa divide or social issues.
Four broad themes will be examined to achieve the purposes set out here: po-
litical Islam; Sunni-​Shiʿa relations; jihad and Salafism; and social issues.

Transnational Networks of Salafi ʿUlama:

The Politics of Islamism

Salafi ʿulama have long fostered transnational connections. Rashid Rida

(d. 1935) and ʿAbd al-​ʿAziz Ibn Muhammad Al Saud, also known as Ibn Saud
4 Rethinking Salafism

(d. 1953), formed a foundational transnational relationship that encouraged

the development of the cross-​border networks of the ʿulama in Saudi Arabia
and Egypt. Egyptian ʿulama were employed in Saudi Arabia as imams and
teachers while maintaining their links to Salafis back home. Rida’s maga-
zine, Al-​Manar (est. 1898), circulated the works of Saudi Salafi ʿulama. The
later Egyptian magazine Al-​Tawhid (est. 1973) became a vehicle for the dis-
tribution of the rulings of Saudi ʿulama and helped foster a collective Salafi
identity in Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
The first Gulf War, the result of Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, contributed to
the fragmentation of Salafism. Some Saudi ʿulama opposed the Saudi state’s
decision to allow US troops to be stationed in the kingdom. These ʿulama
became identified as harakis. Salafi ʿulama in Kuwait were divided along sim-
ilar lines: some maintained support for the Saudi state, while others were
critical of the presence of US troops in the land of tawhid (monotheism).
The quietist ʿulama questioned political activism, arguing that “authentic”
Salafi norms found it disruptive, that it propagated dissension, and that it was
ideologically motivated by the Muslim Brotherhood. Haraki ʿulama, on the
other hand, questioned the commitment of Muslim rulers to implementing
Islamic law and doubted the loyalty of quietist ʿulama to Islamic ideals, con-
sidering them stooges of un-​Islamic rulers. The quietist/​haraki dichotomy in
relation to the state transcends national boundaries. The Egyptian quietist
ʿulama, through Ansar al-​Sunnah al-​Muhammadiyyah, a Salafi association
established in 1926, endorsed the Saudi religious establishment for its sup-
port of Saudi policy during the first Gulf War.14 The Qatar crisis in 2017 wit-
nessed quietist ʿulama supporting a Saudi-​led regional coalition’s decision to
isolate Qatar. The quietist Kuwaiti, Salim al-​Tawil, retweeted a lecture given
by the Egyptian quietist Said Raslan, denouncing Qatar and supporting the
economic boycotts imposed on Qatar, led by Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates.15
The ʿulama utilize Twitter, Salafi satellite channels, and other modes of
communication to publicize their views, to support ʿulama of similar polit-
ical outlook and to network with other ʿulama. However, as this book con-
tests, local circumstances of the ʿulama place limits on transnationalism. For
example, the 2011 Egyptian revolution saw some Egyptian Salafi ʿulama,
who previously promoted political quietism, embrace the post-Mubarak
Egypt by participating in elections. The shift attracted criticism from Saudi
and Kuwaiti quietist ʿulama. Here, the “local” complicates cross-​border
solidarity, although in the political sphere, existing Salafi typology, which
 Introduction 5

broadly divides the ʿulama along quietist and haraki lines, remains accurate
and useful.

Sunni-​Shiʿa Relations

Salafi ʿulama are known for their anti-​Shiʿa rhetoric. This rhetoric is grounded
in core Salafi doctrine. According to most Salafi ʿulama, the Shiʿa sect adheres
to a deviant understanding of Islam, such as the belief that the leadership
of the Muslim community should be confined within Muhammad’s family,
with ʿAli as the first imam. These ʿulama often criticize Shiʿa believers for
accepting the infallibility of Shiʿa imams and accuse Shiʿa of engaging in acts
that amount to infidelity. These acts include intercession and shrine visita-
tions. The narratives are long-​standing, extending back to Ibn Taymiyyah
(d. 1328) and Muhammad Ibn ʿAbd al-​Wahhab (d. 1792). The transnational
networks of Salafi ʿulama enabled these ideas to be fostered, shared, and rein-
forced on an international scale. Rashid Rida’s close relations with Ibn Saud,
and his mission to legitimize the Wahhabis as Salafis, saw Rida republishing
the works of Najdi ʿulama in his magazine, Al-​Manar. Rida and his ʿulama
defended the Najdi ʿulama against Shiʿa detractors.
The frequent sectarian crises in the Middle East, following the Iranian rev-
olution, in post-​Saddam Iraq, and during the Syrian uprising, caused Salafi
ʿulama in Egypt, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia to invest significant efforts to
highlight Shiʿa “deviance” and “treachery.” Salafi websites, personal YouTube
accounts, official rulings, Salafi magazines, international conferences, and
Salafi satellite channels have all been used to bring attention to the “Shiʿa
question.”
Despite the perceived uniformity of attitudes toward the Shiʿa “other,”
Salafi ʿulama on Sunni-​Shiʿa matters are also governed by domestic limita-
tions and pressures. When the Saudi government initiated rapprochement
efforts with its Shiʿa population in the early 1990s, the Saudi Grand Mufti
ʿAbd al-​ʿAziz Ibn Baz participated in dialogue with Shiʿa leaders, reversing
years of sectarian invective. The local and regional circumstances of the
ʿulama equally influence the intensity and frequency of the anti-​Shiʿa
discourse that they propagate. Contentious geopolitical events, including
the Syrian civil war, tend to see increasing numbers of articles, religious
rulings (fatawa), sermons, conferences, and lectures discussing the Shiʿa
threat.
6 Rethinking Salafism

This study questions the usefulness of the existing Salafi typology of qui-
etist/​haraki in relation to the Sunni-​Shiʿa divide (perceived or real). Some
ʿulama take a more compromising approach when dealing with the Shiʿa
sect, and these ʿulama are not necessarily divided along quietist/​haraki lines.
The Saudi quietist Sulayman al-​Maniʿ is a member of the Board of Senior
ʿUlama, and has been for many years relatively more tolerant in his views
regarding the Shiʿa. His approach is similar to that of the Kuwaiti haraki,
Hakim al-​Mutayri. On the other hand, the ardent Kuwaiti quietist ʿUthman
al-​Khamis is very similar to the Saudi haraki, Safar al-​Hawali, in his abhor-
rence of the Shiʿa. This study proposes a new categorization, which is bor-
rowed from my previous research on the Saudi ʿulama and their attitudes
toward the Shiʿa: traditionalists versus progressives. Salafi ʿulama are divided
into two categories: traditionalists and progressives. Traditionalists can fur-
ther be understood as either mild or passive rhetoricians, or as aggressive.
As an example of the sub-​classification within traditionalists, Ibn Baz and
Shaykh Nasir al-​ʿUmar are of almost identical opinions on Sunni-​Shiʿa mat-
ters, but the latter is far more provocative in his rhetoric. The progressive
ʿulama are more accommodating toward some Shiʿa communities and de-
sist from demonizing Shiʿa believers as well as Shiʿa religious traditions. This
is not to suggest that the progressives are accepting of Iranian interferences
(real or imagined) in the region, or that they are sympathetic toward the
Assad regime. These ʿulama simply refuse to utilize inflammatory sectarian
rhetoric, unlike their traditionalist colleagues.

Engaging and Countering Jihadi Ideals

Salafi ʿulama, quietist and haraki, struggle to disassociate themselves from

jihadi Salafism. Salafism is often blamed for providing the ideological and
theological justification for a violent struggle in the name of Islam and its
community of believers. Yet quietist and haraki ʿulama largely denounce ji-
hadi associations, including those that claim themselves to be Salafi. This
denunciation is transnational in nature. The siege of the Grand Mosque of
Mecca in 1979, orchestrated by Juhayman al-​ʿUtaybi and his followers, was
unequivocally condemned by Saudi ʿulama. The Egyptian Salafi magazine
Al-​Tawhid also condemned the siege and in particular questioned the the-
ological justification for killing Muslim bystanders and bringing weapons
into the holy mosque.16 Kuwaiti Salafis offered their disapproval as well. The
 Introduction 7

ʿulama are governed by the circumstances of the region as well as conditions

at home. The Saudi state encouraged jihad in Afghanistan against the Soviet
army. Saudi clerics were then free to consider it a legitimate jihad. Kuwaiti
Salafis similarly encouraged jihad with the endorsement of the Kuwaiti
government.
These collective efforts turned in the other direction with the later ji-
hadi exploits of al-​Qaeda and ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). Quietist
and activist Salafi ʿulama utilized social media outlets, Salafi satellite televi-
sion, and other means to undermine the ideological foundations of jihadi
Salafism and absolve themselves of blame for jihadi groups. Salafis have been
on the defense concerning twenty-​first-​century terrorism given the claims
of terrorist groups to be propagating authentic Salafi creed. This defense
has spawned an internal Salafi blame game. Quietist ʿulama accuse harakis
of subscribing to Islamist ideals alien to Salafi creed that cause dissension.
A particular accusation is that haraki ʿulama adopt Sayyid Qutub’s ideology
of takfir, which involves declaring fellow Muslims apostates and which is en-
thusiastically embraced, even if distorted, by terrorist groups.17
This book finds that the Salafi quietist/​haraki categorization is reinforced
when dealing with the subjects of jihad and jihadi Salafism. The ʿulama of
both persuasions emphasize their manhaj (method of action) as different
from that of jihadi Salafis, who endorse a violent struggle and the overthrow
of corrupt and un-​Islamic rulers. Salafi-​based concepts such as al-​walaʾ wal
baraʾ (approval and disavowal) and tawhid al-​hakimiyyah (God’s sovereignty
on earth), which jihadi groups deploy, are discussed, reassessed, and con-
tested. Transnational relations between quietist and haraki ʿulama on this
subject involve cooperation as well as contestation. But local circumstances
of the ʿulama limit their transnational interactions as the ʿulama navigate
treacherous geopolitical fields.

Social Issues: Salafi Theology and Jurisprudence

Salafi ʿulama are known for their social conservatism and actively promote
it on a transnational basis. There is a determination to establish a collec-
tive Salafi identity, resulting in an intense focus on appropriate clothing
for men and women, the status of women in Islam, perceived social ills
due to westernization and the permissibility of social engagement with
non-​Muslims.
8 Rethinking Salafism

The Kuwaiti Salafi magazine Al-​Furqan has long incorporated the views
of Salafi ʿulama on social issues. These ʿulama include Ishaq al-​Huweiny
from Egypt and the Saudi ʿalim, Salih al-​Fawzan. In more recent times, so-
cial media and Salafi satellite channels have become tools for the purposes of
proselytization of a collective Salafi religious identity. For example, although
only Saudi Arabia of the selected countries banned women from driving
until recently, Salafi ʿulama in Egypt and Kuwait actively supported the ban,
resulting in an example of transnationalism trumping affiliation to domestic
government policy.
Despite the efforts by many Salafi ʿulama to perfect religious practices and
preserve the purity of Islam according to their understanding, a minority of
ʿulama destabilize Salafi norms in promotion of a more progressive position
on Islam. The Saudi Hatem al-​ʿAwni challenges existing interpretations of
Salafi thought, taking the view that women should be able to drive, and that
all Muslims should be able to listen to music and participate in non-​Muslim
celebrations.
The Salafi dichotomy of quietist/​haraki has almost no relevance to the
social sphere. This book proposes a new category for social matters, just as
it does for sectarian matters: progressives and conservatives. Socially pro-
gressive ʿulama take a more liberal position on some social, creedal, and ju-
risprudential matters. The socially conservative ʿulama, who are very much
the majority, maintain a traditionalist outlook. Although socially progressive
ʿulama are small in number, their views have not been ignored by conser-
vative ʿulama. The determination of conservatives to promote a consistent
Salafi identity causes them to engage in often heated attempts to rebut
their progressive counterparts. These debates destabilize the quietist/​ac-
tivist typology; socially progressive ʿulama hail from both trends, as do the
conservatives.

Research Approach

For the origins of the transnational networks of Salafi clerics, I have re-
ferred to Salafi magazines and publications and compilations of religious
rulings. Official and unofficial biographies of Salafi ʿulama are also ana-
lyzed to examine the transnational connections of Salafi clerics, including
their education and employment backgrounds. For example, one key way
in which Egyptian and Kuwaiti Salafi clerics have established transnational
 Introduction 9

connections is by receiving funding from the Saudi government and Salafi

institutions in Saudi Arabia to pursue their higher education in the kingdom.
Cyber-​ethnography is the most effective form of research into Salafi trends
in recent years. Nearly all prominent Salafi clerics have their own Twitter and
Facebook accounts to promote themselves and build networks with other
clerics of similar political persuasions. They comment and retweet the works
of other clerics with whom they align politically, while clerics of opposing
political views are criticized. Many clerics have their own YouTube accounts
to which sermons, lectures, and television interviews are uploaded instanta-
neously. Other clerics will then comment on, endorse, or upload these videos
as a demonstration of solidarity. Many have their own websites to store their
own publications, sermons, lectures, and religious rulings. Those who do
not, especially clerics of older generations, have their works stored on Salafi
websites, often sponsored by their respective governments, Salafi associ-
ations, or former students.
This book examines specific fatawa, lectures, sermons, social media posts,
and publications in a manner that draws from approaches taken by other
scholars. Kate Zebiri looked at the works of Mahmud Shaltut by analyzing
his utilization of the Qurʾan, the Sunnah, and the classical sources of fiqh. She
also analyzed Shaltut’s exercise of ijtihad (independent reasoning) and ijmaʿ
(consensus).18 According to Jakob Skovgaard-​Petersen, the work of Andreas
Kemke, who examined the fatawa produced by Muhammad ʿAbduh on
awqaf (endowments), is comparable to the approach used by Zebiri, though
it is focused solely on one mufti, one issue, and within a six-​year period.19
Similarly, Muhammad Al Atawneh examined the fatawa and other works
produced by Dar al-​Iftaʾ in Saudi Arabia, specifically the research conducted
by the Board of Senior ʿUlama (BSU) and the Permanent Committee for
Scientific Research and Iftaʾ (Al-​Lajnah al-​Daʾimah lil Buhuth al-​ʿIlmiyyah
wal-​Iftaʾ) . He grouped the fatawa according to their subject matter: “(1) tra-
ditional social and religious norms; and (2) modern innovations.” He ana-
lyzed the sociopolitical circumstances in which these fatawa were published.
As he argues, “texts have no inherent meaning in and of themselves, but
must be approached in context, in light of the ongoing ideological debate.”20
This method was initially used by Skovgaard-​Petersen in his study of Dar
al-​Iftaʾ in Egypt, with an emphasis on contextualizing the fatawa. He fur-
ther explored other issues that need to be considered when analyzing a fatwa,
including the particular ʿalim’s worldview, motivations, approaches, and the
strains inflicted on him by various actors.21
10 Rethinking Salafism

The methodological approaches utilized by Al Atawneh and Skovgaard-​

Petersen are also used in this book. However, it should be noted that these
academics examined Dar al-​Iftaʾ in general in Saudi Arabia and Egypt, re-
spectively, and their research included fatawa on different topics. Therefore,
their methodology did not incorporate the collection of related fatawa and
how they were produced. On this subject, another method is taken. The pri-
mary sources of the Salafi ʿulama (inclusive of fatawa, publications, sermons,
and lectures) are compiled based on the title and relevance to the research.
The sources are analyzed in their sociopolitical context; however, unlike
other works of fatawa, this work provides no analysis of the technical elem-
ents of the sources. Zebiri, Atawneh, and Skovgaard have all critically exam-
ined this, looking at the employment of the Qurʾan, the Sunnah, the ijmaʿ,
and so on, in explaining fatawa decisions. This study strictly focuses on the
substance of the sources, with limited analysis of the proof or material used
by the ʿulama to justify them.

Chapter Overview

Chapter 1 of this book discusses, for background purposes, the emergence

of Salafi ideals and their historical evolution. It analyzes the various trends
within the movement, and traces those trends through to contemporary
Muslim societies. Chapter 2 examines the history of transnational networks
of Salafi ʿulama. It looks at the emergence of Salafi cross-​border connec-
tions, which began as apolitical but later encompassed the development
of the overtly political haraki trend. The chapter then examines how both
haraki and quietist ʿulama forged regional alliances to endorse other ʿulama
of similar views. These interactions cross national boundaries and take place
within the framework of domestic, regional, and global political circum-
stances. Chapter 3 examines the transnational networks of ʿulama with re-
spect to Sunni-​Shiʿa matters. The chapter examines how local and external
circumstances influence the intensity and frequency of the anti-​Shiʿa posi-
tions propagated by the ʿulama, and the cooperation between the ʿulama in
the promotion of their interpretations of Shiʿa theology and activities. It asks
whether the haraki/​quietist dichotomy is relevant to understanding the posi-
tions of the Salafi ʿulama on Sunni-​Shiʿa matters.
Chapter 4 shifts to an issue of great contemporary significance in the
development of the networks of Salafi ʿulama: jihadi Salafism. It examines
Other documents randomly have
different content
and must adapt his methods to the idiosyncrasies and limitations of
his audience, very much as he probably refrains from addressing his
cook in the heightened and consummated English of San Cristóbal
de la Habana.
The danger is not that Joseph Hergesheimer will lower his ideals,
nor in anything alter what he wishes to communicate; but is the fact
that he must attempt to transmit these things into the vernacular and
into the orbits of thought of his enormous audience, with the
immaculate motive of making his ideas comprehensible. He cannot,
being rational and human, but by and by be tempted yet further to
endeavor—as he has flagrantly endeavored in the tale called
Tol’able David—to convey his wayside apprehensions of life via
some such always acceptable vehicle as the prehistoric fairy-tale
cliché of the scorned and ultimately victorious third champion. This is
with a vengeance the pouring of new wine into a usage-battered and
always brazen cup which spoils the brew....
Six of these stories, then, are beautifully written moral tales:
although, to be sure, there is an alleviating seventh, in The Flower of
Spain, which is a well-nigh perfect and a profoundly immoral work of
art. I therefore put aside this volume with discomfort....
But I suspect that here the axiomatic mutual jealousy of all authors
should be discounted. As an “outsider” in letters, I cannot be
expected quite to view with equanimity the recent installation of Mr.
Hergesheimer in the National Institute of Arts and Letters, that
august body wherein the other representatives of creative literature
are such approved masters as Mr. Nelson Lloyd and Mr. Robert W.
Chambers and Mr. L. Frank Tooker. At this port, with appropriate
ceremony, has the skipper of The Happy End “arrived.” The fact has
been formally recognized, by our most “solid” cultural element, that
in artistic achievement Joseph Hergesheimer has but fifty living
superiors, and only a hundred and ninety-nine equals at this moment
resident in the United States: and I, who have not been tendered any
such accolade, cannot but be aware of human twinges when Mr.
Hergesheimer as a matter of course accepts this distinction.
 So it is quite conceivably the impurest sort of envy and low-
mindedness which causes me here to suspect alarming symptoms. I,
in any event, put aside The Happy End with very real discomfort; and
turn to the reflection that Mr. Hergesheimer has since written Linda
Condon, which discomforts me quite as poignantly by exposing to
me my poverty in phrases sufficiently noble to apply to this wholly
admirable book.
 SEVEN

ET Mr. Hergesheimer, even in the least worthy of his

magazine stories, writes really well. The phrase has an
inadequate ring: but when you have applied it without any grave
reservation to Mr. Tarkington and Mr. Hergesheimer, and have given
Mrs. Wharton a deservedly high rating for as many merits as seem
possible to a woman writer, of what other American novelists can this
pardonably be said by anybody save their publishers? No: the
remainder of us, whatever and however weighty may be our other
merits, can manage, in this matter of sheer writing, to select and
arrange our adjectives and verbs and other literary ingredients
acceptably enough every now and then: and that is the utmost which
honesty can assert.
But Mr. Hergesheimer always writes really well, once you have
licensed his queer (and quite inexcusable) habit of so constantly
interjecting proper names to explain to whom his, Hergesheimer’s,
pronoun refers.... Perhaps I here drift too remotely into technicalities,
and tend to substitute for a consideration of architecture a treatise
upon brick-making. Even so, I cannot but note in this place how
discriminatingly Mr. Hergesheimer avoids the hurdles most
commonly taken with strained leaps by the “stylist,” through Mr.
Hergesheimer’s parsimony in the employment of similes; and how
inexplicably he renders “anything from a chimneypot to the shoulders
of a duchess” by—somehow—communicating the exact appearance
of the thing described without evading the whole issue by telling you
it is like something else.
 EIGHT

OW this non-employment of time-approved devices seems

even the more remarkable when you consider how intensely
Joseph Hergesheimer realizes the sensuous world of his characters
and, in particular, the optic world. He is the most insistently
superficial of all writers known to me, in his emphasis upon shapes
and textures and pigments.
His people are rendered from complexion to coat-tail buttons, and
the reader is given precisely the creasing of each forehead and the
pleating of their under-linen. Mr. Hergesheimer’s books contain
whole warehousefuls of the most carefully finished furniture in
literature; and at quaint bric-à-brac he has no English equal. It is all
visioned, moreover, very minutely. Joseph Hergesheimer makes you
observe his chairs and panelings and wall-papers and window-
curtains with an abnormal scrutiny. The scenery and the weather,
too, are “done” quite as painstakingly, but these are indigenous to
ordinary novels.
Now of course, like virtually every other practise of “realism,” this
is untrue to life: nobody does in living regard adjacent objects as
attentively as the reader of a Hergesheimer story is compelled to
note them. For one, I cannot quite ignore this fact, even when I read
with most delight: and I sometimes wonder if Mr. Hergesheimer
premeditatedly sits down to study an andiron or a fan for literary use,
or whether his personal existence is actually given over to this
concentration upon externals and inanimate things. But he was once
a painter; and large residuals of the put-by art survive.
All this results, of course, in a “style” to which the reader is never
quite oblivious. The Hergesheimer dramas—dramas wherein each of
the players has a slight touch of fever—are enacted, with a refining
hint of remoteness, behind the pellucid crystal of this “style,” which
sharpens outlines, and makes colors more telling than they appear
to everyday observation, and brings out unsuspected details (seen
now for the first time by the reader, with a pleasurable shock of
delight), and just noticeably glazes all.
The Hergesheimerian panorama is, if I may plagiarize, a little truer
than truth: and to turn from actual life to Joseph Hergesheimer’s
pages arouses a sensation somewhat akin to that sustained by a
myopic person when he puts on spectacles...
And thus is a quite inoffensive tropic town foredoomed to be a
perennial source of disappointment to all tourists who have
previously read San Cristóbal de la Habana,—that multi-colored
sorcerous volume, with which we have here no immediate concern,
—and who, being magic-haunted, will over-rashly bring to bear upon
a duly incorporated city, thriftily engaged in the tobacco and liquor-
business, their eyes unre-enforced.
 NINE

UCH, then, are this artist’s materials: in a world of

extraordinary vividness a drama of high questing foiled, a
tragedy of beauty sought, with many blunders but single-mindedly,
by monomaniacs,—in fine, a performance suggestively allied, in its
essentials, to the smaller-scaled and unaudienced drama of the
young man with the percipient eyes of a painter, who throughout
fourteen years was striving to visualize in words his vision of beauty,
and who was striving to communicate that vision, and who—the
tastes of the average man being that queer slovenly aggregation
which makes the popular periodical popular, and the ostensible
leaders of men being regular subscribers to the slatternly driveling
host—was striving in vain.
These things are but the raw materials, I repeat,—the bricks and
mortar and the scantlings,—for, of course, there is in Joseph
Hergesheimer’s books far more than plot or thought, or even “style”:
there is that indescribable transfiguring element which is magic.
When Linda Condon came to look closely at Pleydon’s statue, you
may remember, she noted in chief the statue’s haunting eyes, and
marveled to find them “nothing but shadows over two depressions.”
Very much the equivalent of that is the utmost to which one can lay a
crude finger in appraising Mr. Hergesheimer’s books. They are like
other books in that they contain nothing more prodigious than words
from the nearest dictionary put together upon quite ordinary paper...
But the eyes of Pleydon’s statue—you may remember, too—for all
that they were only indentations in wet clay, “gazed fixed and
aspiring into a hidden dream perfectly created by his desire.” And
viewing the statue, you were conscious of that dream, not of wet
clay: and you were moved by the dream’s loveliness as it was
communicated, incommunicably, by Pleydon’s art.
Now, at its purest, the art of the real Hergesheimer, the
fundamental and essential thing about Joseph Hergesheimer, is just
that intangible magic which he ascribes to his fictitious Pleydon. And
the dream that Joseph Hergesheimer, too, has perfectly created by
his desire, and seeks to communicate in well-nigh every line he has
thus far published, I take to be “the old gesture toward the stars ... a
faith spiritual, because, here, it is never to be won, never to be
realized.”
It is, I think, the “gesture” of the materially unproductive fourteen
years: and its logic, either then or now, is clearly indefensible. Still,
one agrees with Cyrano, Mais quel geste! and one is conscious of “a
warm indiscriminate thrill about the heart” and of a treacherous
sympathy, which abhors reason.... Yes, one is conscious of a most
beguiling sympathy, that urges one already to invest blind. Faith in
what is to come very soon, but stays as yet unrevealed,—in The
Bright Shawl, and in the retempered Steel, and in Cythera, and even
more particularly in The Meeker Ritual, which promises, to me at
least, to reveal upon completion an especial prodigality of perturbing
magics.
 TEN

T is through distrust of this beguiling sympathy that I have

spoken throughout with self-restraint, and have hedged so
often with “I think” and “I believe” and “it seems to me,” and have
niggled over Hergesheimerian faults that are certainly tiny and
possibly non-existent: because of my private suspicion that all my
private notions about Joseph Hergesheimer are probably incorrect.
To me, I confess, he appears a phenomenon a little too soul-
satisfying to be entirely credible.
Pure reason does not brevet it as humanly possible that the
Hergesheimer I privately find in the pages of the Hergesheimer
books should flourish in any land wherein the self-respecting author
is usually restricted to choose between becoming the butt or the
buttress of mediocrity: so that I cautiously refrain from quite believing
in this Joseph Hergesheimer as a physical manifestation in actual
trousers.... Indeed, his corporeal existence cannot well be conceded
except upon the hypothesis that America has produced, and is even
nourishing, a literary artist who may endure in the first rank. Which is
absurd, of course, and a contention not to be supported this side of
Bedlam, and, none the less, is my firm private belief to-day.
None the less, also, must I to-day speak with very self-conscious
self-restraint, because for the judicious any more thoroughgoing
dicta are checked by the probability, and the ardent hope, that Mr.
Hergesheimer’s work is barely begun. Nobody born of a generation
which has witnessed the beginnings and the æsthetic endings of Mr.
Hewlett and Mr. Le Gallienne would be so rash as to predict the
upshot of any author’s career with no ampler data to “go on” than the
initial chapters, however fine. Rather must it perforce content me to
believe that the Joseph Hergesheimer who has made head against
the fourteen years of neglect and apparent failure, without ever
arranging any very serious compromise with human
dunderheadedness and self-complacency, is now in train to weather
unarithmeticable decades of public success by virtue of the same
wholesome egoism. And I can see besetting him just one lean
danger,—a feline peril that hunts subtly, with sheathed claws and
amicable purrings,—in the circumstance that the well-meaning
Philistia which yesterday was Mr. Hergesheimer’s adversary, so far
as it noted him at all, will be henceforward affording him quite
sensible and friendly and sincere advice.
Well, the results should, at the worst, be interesting.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOSEPH
HERGESHEIMER, AN ESSAY IN INTERPRETATION ***

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