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 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 1

Test Bank for Psychological Testing: A

Practical Introduction, 3rd Edition by
Hogan
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✓
✓ Chapter 1: The World of Testing

1. Which is NOT one of the major categories of tests used by the textbook to
organize the field of psychological testing?

A. achievement
B. neuropsychological
C. medical
D. mental ability
1-C

2. Within the major category of personality tests, two major subdivisions of tests
are ___.

A. objective and subjective

B. objective and projective
C. valid and reliable
D. valid and invalid
2-B

3. In the term “objective personality test,” the word “objective” refers mainly to
how the test is ___.

A. scored
B. interpreted
C. constructed
D. administered
3-A

4. Neuropsychological tests are designed primarily to yield information about

functioning of the ___.
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 2

A. peripheral nervous system

B. central nervous system
C. physiological systems
D. midbrain
4-B

5. The textbook contrasts “paper-and-pencil” tests with ________ tests.

A. computer
B. power
C. hands-on
D. performance
5-D

6. The textbook contrasts “speed” tests with ________ tests.

A. power
B. performance
C. maximum
D. norm-referenced
6-A

7. The textbook contrasts “norm-referenced” tests with ________ tests.

A. individual
B. group-referenced
C. criterion-referenced
D. un-normed
7-C

8. A power test usually will have ___.

A. a very generous time limit

B. many items
C. machine scoring
D. at least some essays
8-A

9. Some test interpretation compares performance to an external standard rather

than to a set of norms. This type of interpretation is called ________
interpretation.

A. non-normative
B. criterion-referenced
C. test-referenced
D. non-test-based
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 3

9-B

10. Which is NOT one of the major categories of test usage identified in the text?

A. research
B. clinical
C. commercial
D. personnel
10-C

11. The text identifies two major uses of tests in educational settings. One is to
measure achievement. The other is to –

A. predict success in academic work

B. identify problem children
C. reduce teachers’ paperwork
D. evaluate school administrators
11-A

12. According to the textbook, the primary users of tests for purposes of
personnel selection are ___.

A. colleges and universities

B. businesses and the military
C. non-profit agencies
D. government offices
12-B

13. Which is one of the crucial assumptions we make in the field of testing?

A. Traits are quite unstable.

B. There are relatively few traits.
C. There are a nearly infinite number of traits.
D. Traits are reasonably stable.
13-D

14. Which is one of the crucial assumptions we make in the field of testing?

A. It is very difficult to quantify human traits.

B. We can quantify human traits.
C. Qualitative analysis of human traits is the best approach.
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 4

D. Qualitative analysis of human traits often conflicts with quantitative

analysis.
14-B

15. What technical term do we use to refer to the stability of test performance?

A. validity
B. norms
C. development
D. reliability
15-D

16. What technical term do we use to refer to whether a test measures what it
purports to measure?

A. validity
B. norms
C. development
D. reliability
16-A

17. We interpret someone’s performance on a test in terms of how other people

have performed on the test. Other people’s performance is the basis for the
test’s ____.

A. reliability
B. norms
C. validity
D. items
17-B

18. In many areas of psychology, we seek to establish general laws about

behavior. Another approach is to study how people vary. This second
approach is called the ________ perspective.

A. non-general
B. differential
C. standard deviation
D. average
18-B

19. The dominant interest regarding human behavior of such writers as Aristotle
and Plato was ___.
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 5

A. how humans differed

B. personality traits
C. what was common to humans
D. spiritual matters
19-C

20. Very early (e.g., around 200 BC) versions of civil service examinations have
been found in what culture?

A. American
B. African
C. British
D. Chinese
20-D

21. Who was primarily responsible for the transmission of Darwinian ideas of
evolution into the emerging field of psychology?

A. Cattell
B. Wundt
C. Binet
D. Galton
21-D

22. Darwin’s theory of evolution was important to early work on testing primarily
because the theory got people thinking about –

A. development of species
B. differences between individuals
C. long term trends
D. personality traits
22-B

23. Experimental psychology’s emergence in the late 1800s influenced the

development of testing primarily by emphasizing the need for –

A. the use of calculus

B. standardized conditions
C. the use of animals in research
D. qualitative analysis
23-B

24. Wundt’s laboratory at Leipzig, Germany was very influential because –

A. so many people went there for training

 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 6

B. Wundt had a very powerful personality

C. it had an ideal geographic location
E. wars destroyed most other laboratories
24-A

25. Which set of schools established in the 1500s had strict guidelines for
administration of exams?

A. Benedictine
B. European
C. Jesuit
D. American
25-C

26. The central interest in Galton’s work was the study of –

A. psychopathology
B. mental retardation
C. hereditary genius
D. interaction of personality and intelligence

26-C
27. Who is credited with inventing the bivariate distribution?

A. Cattell
B. Binet
C. Wundt
D. Galton
27-D

28. Which of these persons was a key American contributor to establishing the
field of testing?

A. Ebbinghaus
B. Binet
C. Cattell
D. Spearman
28-C

29. What term did Cattell coin in an 1890 article to describe the field of testing?

A. psychometrics
B. mental test
C. psychoquantification
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 7

D. diagnostic procedures
29-B

30. Who is credited with creating the first intelligence test for practical use?

A. Pearson
B. Galton
C. Terman
D. Binet
30-D

31. Who is credited with creating the first modern theory of intelligence?

A. Galton
B. Spearman
C. Ebbinghaus
D. Cattell
31-B

32. Binet’s early work on measuring intelligence was undertaken in connection

with the needs of –

A. Paris’ public schools

B. the steel industry
C. the German government
D. local asylums
32-A

33. One of the forces leading to the establishment of the field of testing in the
early 1900s was the interest in making education more ________.

A. profitable
B. scientific
C. enjoyable
D. affordable
33-B

34. A principal concern of authors creating the “new-type” achievement tests

was to make tests that were –

A. less expensive
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 8

B. machine-scorable
C. more reliable
D. less dependent on reading
34-C

35. Binet’s test became available in America around what time?

A. 1860
B. 1895
C. 1915
D. 1960
35-C

36. Who worked on converting the Binet-type test into a group administered test
as part of his doctoral studies?

A. Otis
B. Cattell
C. Galton
D. Spearman
36-A

37. What event provided the context for the first large-scale application of a
group administered mental ability test?

A. the Vietnam conflict

B. the first World’s Fair
C. World War I
D. the opening of HarvardUniversity
37-C

38. The first truly national standardized achievement battery was the ___.

A. Iowa
B. Metropolitan
C. New York
D. Stanford
38-D

39. Which was a prototype of today’s objective personality tests that was used to
help screen recruits into the U. S. military for World War I?

A. Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory

B. Rorschach Inkblot Test
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 9

C. Stanford-Binet Personality Form

D. Woodworth Personal Data Sheet
39-D

40. What period of time does the textbook identify as “the flowering,” during
which many of the tests widely used today first appeared?

A. 1840-1880
B. 1880-1915
C. 1915-1940
D. 1940-1965
40-C

41. A period of judicial and legal activism, that is, the treatment of tests in court
cases and legislation, emerged during what period in the history of testing?

A. 1920s
B. 1940s
C. 1960s
D. 1980s
41-C

42. Which was NOT one of the issues in the emergence of the period of judicial
and legal activism affecting testing?

A. the accountability movement in education

B. the civil rights movement
C. concern for the handicapped/disabled
D. concern for gifted students
42-D

43. We know that making tests amenable to machine scoring was NOT a factor
in the early development of multiple-choice tests because –

A. machines to score tests did not become available until later

B. the machines to score tests were much too expensive
C. the machines were not reliable
D. scoring machines were available as early as 1800 but were not used
43-A

44. Which is NOT one of the major trends the textbook identifies for the period
“And Now: 2000-Present”?

A. a great increase in the number of tests

B. influence of managed care
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 10

C. online administration and reporting of tests

D. changing definitions of what a test is
44-D

45. Which law has led to a great increase in the number of statewide
assessment programs for schools?

A. Americans with Disabilities Act

B. Civil Rights Act
C. Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act
D. No Child Left Behind Act
45-D

46. One of the influences of managed care on psychological testing is use of

___.

A. longer, more comprehensive tests

B. shorter, more focused tests
C. more tests in non-English languages
D. more un-timed tests
46-B

47. Emphasizing a careful link between diagnosis and treatment is one of the
demands of ___

A. educational accountability
B. test reliability
C. managed care
D. judicial activism
47-C

48. Among the most recent trends in psychological testing, the textbook
mentions the development of computer programs that ___

A. correct for guessing on multiple-choice tests

B. simulate human judgment
C. convert raw scores to normed scores
D. provide test items in multiple languages
48-B

49. Computer programs that try to simulate human judgment in scoring

responses to test items, such as essays, are technically known as _____

A. Automated scoring
B. Simulators
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 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 11

C. Human substitutes
D. Computer judging
49-A

50. The text notes that “whatever the psychologist does in practice should be
based on sound evidence.” This notion is encapsulated in the term
_________

A. Always evidence
B. Evidence-based practice
C. Psycho-evidence
D. Practice-preach
50-B

51. The textbook identifies several major influences on the development of

testing as we know it today. Which is NOT one of those forces?

A. the rise of clinical psychology

B. computers
C. concern for the individual
D. the environmental movement
51-D

52. Which statistical technique was developed partly in connection with ongoing
debates about the nature of intelligence?

A. factor analysis
B. analysis of variance
C. the standard deviation
D. the semi-interquartile range
52-A

53. Which of these specialties within psychology has been most important in the
development of the field of testing?

A. developmental psychology
B. social psychology
C. physiological psychology
D. clinical psychology
53-D

54. When we refer to “machine-scored answer sheets” for tests, what device do
we actually put the answer sheets into?

A. scanner
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 12

B. personal computer
C. mainframe computer
D. fax
54-A

55. Which is NOT one of the areas identified as an influence of computers on

testing?

A. score reporting
B. test administration
C. cost of testing
D. statistical processing
55-C

56. In computer-adaptive testing, items are selected for presentation to an

examinee based on –

A. random sequencing of items

B. correct/incorrect responses to previous items
C. amount of time needed for responding
D. length of item stems for each item
56-B

57. The technical, theoretical side of the field of testing is known as –

A. psychometrics
B. intellective mechanics
C. quantum cognition
D. edu-measures
57-A

58. The Rorschach Inkblot Test is a prime example of what type of test?

A. Projective
B. Objective
C. Speeded
D. Power
58-A

✓ Definitions and Identifications

achievement tests automated scoring

 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 13

Binet, Alfred norm-referenced interpretation

Cattell, James McKeen norms
classical test theory objective personality tests
computer-adaptive testing paper-and-pencil test
criterion-referenced interpretation performance test
differential perspective power test
evidence-based practice projective techniques
Galton, Francis reliability
group test scanner
individual test Spearman, Charles
interpretive report speed (or speeded) test
item response theory standardized test
maximum performance typical performance
mental ability tests validity
vocational interest measures
neuropsychological tests
 Hogan, Psychological Testing 3e, Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank 14

✓ Essays

A. List the major categories of tests and give one specific example of a test within each
category.

B. The text identified seven major periods in the history of testing. Identify two of these
periods and briefly describe key characteristics of each of the two periods.

C. The text identified six major forces influencing the historical development of testing.
Identify two of these forces and briefly describe their special influence.

D. Describe the major uses and users of psychological testing.

E. What does term “differential perspective” mean? Why is it important in the field of
testing?

F. The text introduced these individuals: Alfred Binet, James McKeen Cattell, Francis
Galton, and Charles Spearman. Pick one of them and describe his place in the
history of testing.

G. How does evidence-based practice relate to the world of testing?

Other documents randomly have
different content
still sung in the Papal chapel there (and in other Roman Catholic
edifices and by choral societies). Francisco Guerrero (1528-99; these
dates are approximate) was a pupil of Morales. He wrote settings of
the Passion choruses according to St. Matthew and St. John and
numerous masses and motets. Tomás Luis de Victoria is, of course,
the greatest figure in Spanish music, and next to Palestrina (with
whom he worked contemporaneously) the greatest figure in
sixteenth century music. Soubies writes: "One might say that on his
musical palette he has entirely at his disposition, in some sort, the
glowing colour of Zurbaran, the realistic and transparent tones of
Velasquez, the ideal shades of Juan de Juanes and Murillo. His
mysticism is that of Santa Theresa and San Juan de la Cruz." The
music of Victoria is still very much alive and may be heard even in
New York, occasionally, through the medium of the Musical Art
Society. Whether it is performed in churches in America or not I do
not know; the Roman choirs still sing it....
The list might be extended indefinitely ... but the great names I have
given. There are Cabezón, whom Pedrell calls the "Spanish Bach,"
Navarro, Caseda, Gomes, Ribera, Castillo, Lobo, Durón, Romero,
Juarez. On the whole I think these composers had more influence on
Rome—the Spanish nature is more reverent than the Italian—than
on Spain. The modern Spanish composers have learned more from
the folk-song and dance than they have from the church composers.
However, there are voices which dissent from this opinion. G.
Tebaldini ("Rivista Musicale," Vol. IV, Pp. 267 and 494) says that
Pedrell in his studies learned much which he turned to account in
the choral writing of his operas. And Felipe Pedrell himself asserts
that there is an unbroken chain between the religious composers of
the sixteenth century and the theatrical composers of the
seventeenth. We may follow him thus far without believing that the
theatrical composers of the seventeenth century had too great an
influence on the secular composers of the present day.

III
All the world dances in Spain, at least it would seem so, in reading
over the books of the Marco Polos who have made voyages of
discovery on the Iberian peninsula. Guitars seem to be as common
there as pea-shooters in New England, and strumming seems to set
the feet a-tapping and voices a-singing, what, they care not.
(Havelock Ellis says: "It is not always agreeable to the Spaniard to
find that dancing is regarded by the foreigner as a peculiar and
important Spanish institution. Even Valera, with his wide culture,
could not escape this feeling; in a review of a book about Spain by
an American author entitled 'The Land of the Castanet'—a book
which he recognized as full of appreciation for Spain—Valera
resented the title. It is, he says, as though a book about the United
States should be called 'The Land of Bacon.'") Oriental colour is
streaked through and through the melodies and harmonies, many of
which betray their Arabian origin; others are flamenco, or gipsy. The
dances, almost invariably accompanied by song, are generally in 3-4
time or its variants such as 6-8 or 3-8; the tango, of course, is in 2-
4. But the dancers evolve the most elaborate inter-rhythms out of
these simple measures, creating thereby a complexity of effect
which defies any comprehensible notation on paper. As it is on this
fioritura, if I may be permitted to use the word in this connection, of
the dancer that the sophisticated composer bases some of his most
natural and national effects, I shall linger on the subject. La
Argentina has re-arranged many of the Spanish dances for purposes
of the concert stage, but in her translation she has retained in a
large measure this interesting complication of rhythm, marking the
irregularity of the beat, now with a singularly complicated detonation
of heel-tapping, now with a sudden bend of a knee, now with the
subtle quiver of an eyelash, now with a shower of castanet sparks
(an instrument which requires a hard tutelage for its complete
mastery; Richard Ford tells us that even the children in the streets of
Spain rap shells together, to become self-taught artists in the use of
it). Chabrier, in his visit to Spain with his wife in 1882, attempted to
note down some of these rhythmic variations achieved by the
dancers while the musicians strummed their guitars, and he was
partially successful. But all in all he only succeeded in giving in a
single measure each variation; he did not attempt to weave them
into the intricate pattern which the Spanish women contrive to make
of them.
from a photograph by White
La Argentina
There is a singular similarity to be observed between this heel-
tapping and the complicated drum-tapping of the African negroes of
certain tribes. In his book "Afro-American Folksongs" H. E. Krehbiel
thus describes the musical accompaniment of the dances in the
Dahoman Village at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago:
"These dances were accompanied by choral song and the rhythmical
and harmonious beating of drums and bells, the song being in
unison. The harmony was a tonic major triad broken up rhythmically
in a most intricate and amazingly ingenious manner. The instruments
were tuned with excellent justness. The fundamental tone came
from a drum made of a hollowed log about three feet long with a
single head, played by one who seemed to be the leader of the
band, though there was no giving of signals. This drum was beaten
with the palms of the hands. A variety of smaller drums, some with
one, some with two heads, were beaten variously with sticks and
fingers. The bells, four in number, were of iron and were held mouth
upward and struck with sticks. The players showed the most
remarkable rhythmical sense and skill that ever came under my
notice. Berlioz in his supremest effort with his army of drummers
produced nothing to compare in artistic interest with the harmonious
drumming of these savages. The fundamental effect was a
combination of double and triple time, the former kept by the
singers, the latter by the drummers, but it is impossible to convey
the idea of the wealth of detail achieved by the drummers by means
of exchange of the rhythms, syncopation of both simultaneously, and
dynamic devices. Only by making a score of the music could this
have been done. I attempted to make such a score by enlisting the
help of the late John C. Filmore, experienced in Indian music, but we
were thwarted by the players who, evidently divining our purpose
when we took out our notebooks, mischievously changed their
manner of playing as soon as we touched pencil to paper."
The resemblance between negro and Spanish music is very
noticeable. Mr. Krehbiel says that in South America Spanish melody
has been imposed on negro rhythm. In the dances of the people of
Spain, as Chabrier points out, the melody is often practically nil; the
effect is rhythmic (an effect which is emphasized by the obvious
harmonic and melodic limitations of the guitar, which invariably
accompanies all singers and dancers). If there were a melody or if
the guitarists played well (which they usually do not) one could not
distinguish its contours what with the cries of Olé! and the heel-
beats of the performers. Spanish melodies, indeed, are often scraps
of tunes, like the African negro melodies. The habanera is a true
African dance, taken to Spain by way of Cuba, as Albert Friedenthal
points out in his book, "Musik, Tanz, und Dichtung bei den Kreolen
Amerikas." Whoever was responsible, Arab, negro, or Moor
(Havelock Ellis says that the dances of Spain are closely allied with
the ancient dances of Greece and Egypt), the Spanish dances betray
their oriental origin in their complexity of rhythm (a complexity not
at all obvious on the printed page, as so much of it depends on
dancer, guitarist, singer, and even public!), and the fioriture which
decorate their melody when melody occurs. While Spanish religious
music is perhaps not distinctively Spanish, the dances invariably
display marked national characteristics; it is on these, then (some in
greater, some in less degree), that the composers in and out of
Spain have built their most atmospheric inspirations, their best
pictures of popular life in the Iberian peninsula. A good deal of the
interest of this music is due to the important part the guitar plays in
its construction; the modulations are often contrary to all rules of
harmony and (yet, some would say) the music seems to be
effervescent with variety and fire. Of the guitarists Richard Ford
("Gatherings from Spain") says: "The performers seldom are very
scientific musicians; they content themselves with striking the
chords, sweeping the whole hand over the strings, or flourishing,
and tapping the board with the thumb, at which they are very
expert. Occasionally in the towns there is some one who has
attained more power over this ungrateful instrument; but the
attempt is a failure. The guitar responds coldly to Italian words and
elaborate melody, which never come home to Spanish ears or
hearts." (An exception must be made in the case of Miguel Llobet. I
first heard him play at Pitts Sanborn's concert at the Punch and Judy
Theatre (April 17, 1916) for the benefit of Hospital 28 in Bourges,
France, and he made a deep impression on me. In one of his
numbers, the Spanish Fantasy of Farrega, he astounded and thrilled
me. He seemed at all times to exceed the capacity of his instrument,
obtaining a variety of colour which was truly amazing. In this
particular number he not only plucked the keyboard but the
fingerboard as well, in intricate and rapid tempo; seemingly two
different kinds of instruments were playing. But at all times he
variated his tone; sometimes he made the instrument sound almost
as though it had been played by wind and not plucked. Especially did
I note a suggestion of the bagpipe. A true artist. None of the music,
the fantasy mentioned, a serenade of Albéniz, and a Menuet of Tor,
was particularly interesting, although the Fantasia contained some
fascinating references to folk-dance tunes. There is nothing
sensational about Llobet, a quiet prim sort of man; he sits quietly in
his chair and makes music. It might be a harp or a 'cello—no striving
for personal effect.)
The Spanish dances are infinite in number and for centuries back
they seem to form part and parcel of Spanish life. Discussion as to
how they are danced is a feature of the descriptions. No two authors
agree, it would seem; to a mere annotator the fact is evident that
they are danced differently on different occasions. It is obvious that
they are danced differently in different provinces. The Spaniards, as
Richard Ford points out, are not too willing to give information to
strangers, frequently because they themselves lack the knowledge.
Their statements are often misleading, sometimes intentionally so.
They do not understand the historical temperament. Until recently
many of the art treasures and archives of the peninsula were but
poorly kept. Those who lived in the shadow of the Alhambra admired
only its shade. It may be imagined that there has been even less
interest displayed in recording the folk-dances. "Dancing in Spain is
now a matter which few know anything about," writes Havelock Ellis,
"because every one takes it for granted that he knows all about it;
and any question on the subject receives a very ready answer which
is usually of questionable correctness." Of the music of the dances
we have many records, and that they are generally in 3-4 time or its
variants we may be certain. As to whether they are danced by two
women, a woman and a man, or a woman alone, the authorities do
not always agree. The confusion is added to by the oracular attitude
of the scribes. It seems quite certain to me that this procedure
varies. That the animated picture almost invariably possesses great
fascination there are only too many witnesses to prove. I myself can
testify to the marvel of some of them, set to be sure in strange
frames, the Feria in Paris, for example; but even without the
surroundings, which Spanish dances demand, the diablerie, the
shivering intensity of these fleshly women, always wound tight with
such shawls as only the mistresses of kings might wear in other
countries, have drawn taut the real thrill. It is dancing which enlists
the co-operation not only of the feet and legs, but of the arms and,
in fact, the entire body.
The smart world in Spain today dances much as the smart world
does anywhere else, although it does not, I am told, hold a brief for
our tango, which Mr. Krehbiel suggests is a corruption of the original
African habanera. But in older days many of the dances, such as the
pavana, the sarabande, and the gallarda, were danced at the court
and were in favour with the nobility. (Although presumably of Italian
origin, the pavana and gallarda were more popular in Spain than in
Rome. Fuertes says that the sarabande was invented in the middle
of the sixteenth century by a dancer called Zarabanda who was a
native of either Seville or Guayaquil.) The pavana, an ancient dance
of grave and stately measure, was much in vogue in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries. An explanation of its name is that the
figures executed by the dancers bore a resemblance to the semi-
circular wheel-like spreading of the tail of a peacock. The gallarda
(French, gaillard) was usually danced as a relief to the pavana (and
indeed often follows it in the dance-suites of the classical composers
in which these forms all figure). The jacara, or more properly xacara,
of the sixteenth century, was danced in accompaniment to a
romantic, swashbuckling ditty. The Spanish folias were a set of
dances danced to a simple tune treated in a variety of styles with
very free accompaniment of castanets and bursts of song. Corelli in
Rome in 1700 published twenty-four variations in this form, which
have been played in our day by Fritz Kreisler and other violinists.
The names of the modern Spanish dances are often confused in the
descriptions offered by observing travellers, for the reasons already
noted. Hundreds of these descriptions exist, and it is difficult to
choose the most telling of them. Gertrude Stein, who has spent the
last two years in Spain, has noted the rhythm of several of these
dances by the mingling of her original use of words with the
ingratiating medium of vers libre. She has succeeded, I think, better
than some musicians in suggesting the intricacies of the rhythm. I
should like to transcribe one of these attempts here, but that I have
not the right to do as I have only seen them in manuscript; they
have not yet appeared in print. These pieces are in a sense the thing
itself—I shall have to fall back on descriptions of the thing. The
tirana, a dance common to the province of Andalusia, is
accompanied by song. It has a decided rhythm, affording
opportunities for grace and gesture, the women toying with their
aprons, the men flourishing hats and handkerchiefs. The polo, or
ole, is now a gipsy dance. Mr. Ellis asserts that it is a corruption of
the sarabande! He goes on to say, "The so-called gipsy dances of
Spain are Spanish dances which the Spaniards are tending to
relinquish but which the gipsies have taken up with energy and
skill." (This theory might be warmly contested.) The bolero, a
comparatively modern dance, came to Spain through Italy. Mr. Philip
Hale points out the fact that the bolero and the cachucha (which, by
the way, one seldom hears of nowadays) were the popular Spanish
dances when Mesdames Faviani and Dolores Tesrai, and their
followers, Mlle. Noblet and Fanny Elssler, visited Paris. Fanny Elssler
indeed is most frequently seen pictured in Spanish costume, and the
cachucha was danced by her as often, I fancy, as Mme. Pavlowa
dances Le Cygne of Saint-Saëns. Marie-Anne de Camargo, who
acquired great fame as a dancer in France in the early eighteenth
century, was born in Brussels but was of Spanish descent. She
relied, however, on the Italian classic style for her success rather
than on national Spanish dances. The seguidilla is a gipsy dance
which has the same rhythm as the bolero but is more animated and
stirring. Examples of these dances, and of the jota, fandango, and
the sevillana, are to be met with in the compositions listed in the
first section of this article, in the appendices of Soriano Fuertes's
"History of Spanish Music," in Grove's Dictionary, in the numbers of
"S. I. M." in which the letters of Emmanuel Chabrier occur, and in
collections made by P. Lacome, published in Paris.
The jota is another dance in 3-4 time. Every province in Spain has its
own jota, but the most famous variations are those of Aragón,
Valencia, and Navarre. It is accompanied by the guitar, the bandarria
(similar to the guitar), small drum, castanets, and triangle. Mr. Hale
says that its origin in the twelfth century is attributed to a Moor
named Alben Jot who fled from Valencia to Aragón. "The jota," he
continues, "is danced not only at merrymakings but at certain
religious festivals and even in watching the dead. One called the
'Natividad del Señor' (nativity of our Lord) is danced on Christmas
eve in Aragón, and is accompanied by songs, and jotas are sung and
danced at the crossroads, invoking the favour of the Virgin, when
the festival of Our Lady del Pilar is celebrated at Saragossa."
Havelock Ellis's description of the jota is worth reproducing: "The
Aragonaise jota, the most important and typical dance outside
Andalusia, is danced by a man and a woman, and is a kind of
combat between them; most of the time they are facing each other,
both using castanets and advancing and retreating in an apparently
aggressive manner, the arms alternately slightly raised and lowered,
and the legs, with a seeming attempt to trip the partner, kicking out
alternately somewhat sidewise, as the body is rapidly supported first
on one side and then on the other. It is a monotonous dance, with
immense rapidity and vivacity in its monotony, but it has not the
deliberate grace and fascination, the happy audacities of Andalusian
dancing. There is, indeed, no faintest suggestion of voluptuousness
in it, but it may rather be said, in the words of a modern poet,
Salvador Rueda, to have in it 'the sound of helmets and plumes and
lances and banners, the roaring of cannon, the neighing of horses,
the shock of swords.'"
Chabrier, in his astounding and amusing letters from Spain, gives us
vivid pictures and interesting information. This one, written to his
friend, Edouard Moullé, from Granada, November 4, 1882, appeared
in "S. I. M." April 15, 1911 (I have omitted the musical illustrations,
which, however, possess great value for the student): "In a month I
must leave adorable Spain ... and say good-bye to the Spaniards,—
because, I say this only to you, they are very nice, the little girls! I
have not seen a really ugly woman since I have been in Andalusia: I
do not speak of the feet, they are so small that I have never seen
them; the hands are tiny and well-kept and the arms of an exquisite
contour; I speak only of what one can see, but they show a good
deal; add the arabesques, the side-curls, and other ingenuities of
the coiffure, the inevitable fan, the flower and the comb in the hair,
placed well behind, the shawl of Chinese crêpe, with long fringe and
embroidered in flowers, knotted around the figure, the arm bare,
and the eye protected by eyelashes which are long enough to curl;
the skin of dull white or orange colour, according to the race, all this
smiling, gesticulating, dancing, drinking, and careless to the last
degree...
"That is the Andalusian.
"Every evening we go with Alice to the café-concerts where the
malagueñas, the Soledas, the Sapateados, and the Peteneras are
sung; then the dances, absolutely Arab, to speak truth; if you could
see them wriggle, unjoint their hips, contortion, I believe you would
not try to get away!... At Málaga the dancing became so intense that
I was compelled to take my wife away; it wasn't even amusing any
more. I can't write about it, but I remember it and I will describe it
to you.—I have no need to tell you that I have noted down many
things; the tango, a kind of dance in which the women imitate the
pitching of a ship (le tangage du navire) is the only dance in 2 time;
all the others, all, are in 3-4 (Seville) or in 3-8 (Málaga and Cadiz);—
in the North it is different, there is some music in 5-8, very curious.
The 2-4 of the tango is always like the habanera; this is the picture:
one or two women dance, two silly men play it doesn't matter what
on their guitars, and five or six women howl, with excruciating
voices and in triplet figures impossible to note down because they
change the air—every instant a new scrap of tune. They howl a
series of figurations with syllables, words, rising voices, clapping
hands which strike the six quavers, emphasizing the third and the
sixth, cries of Anda! Anda! La Salud! eso es la Maraquita! gracia,
nationidad! Baila, la chiquilla! Anda! Anda! Consuelo! Olé, la Lola, olé
la Carmen! qué gracia! qué elegancia! all that to excite the young
dancer. It is vertiginous—it is unspeakable!
"The Sevillana is another thing: it is in 3-4 time (and with
castanets).... All this becomes extraordinarily alluring with two curls,
a pair of castanets and a guitar. It is impossible to write down the
malagueña. It is a melopœia, however, which has a form and which
always ends on the dominant, to which the guitar furnishes 3-8 time,
and the spectator (when there is one) seated beside the guitarist,
holds a cane between his legs and beats the syncopated rhythm; the
dancers themselves instinctively syncopate the measures in a
thousand ways, striking with their heels an unbelievable number of
rhythms.... It is all rhythm and dance: the airs scraped out by the
guitarist have no value; besides, they cannot be heard on account of
the cries of Anda! la chiquilla! qué gracia! qué elegancia! Anda! Olé!
Olé! la chiquirritita! and the more the cries the more the dancer
laughs with her mouth wide open, and turns her hips, and is mad
with her body...."
As it is on these dances that composers invariably base their Spanish
music (not alone Albéniz, Chapí, Bretón, and Granados, but Chabrier,
Ravel, Laparra, and Bizet, as well) we may linger somewhat longer
on their delights. The following compelling description is from
Richard Ford's highly readable "Gatherings from Spain": "The dance
which is closely analogous to the Ghowasee of the Egyptians, and
the Nautch of the Hindoos, is called the Olé by Spaniards, the
Romalis by their gipsies; the soul and essence of it consists in the
expression of a certain sentiment, one not indeed of a very
sentimental or correct character. The ladies, who seem to have no
bones, resolve the problem of perpetual motion, their feet having
comparatively a sinecure, as the whole person performs a
pantomime, and trembles like an aspen leaf; the flexible form and
Terpsichore figure of a young Andalusian girl—be she gipsy or not—
is said, by the learned, to have been designed by nature as the fit
frame for her voluptuous imagination.
"Be that as it may, the scholar and classical commentator will every
moment quote Martial, etc., when he beholds the unchanged
balancing of hands, raised as if to catch showers of roses, the
tapping of the feet, and the serpentine quivering movements. A
contagious excitement seizes the spectators, who, like Orientals,
beat time with their hands in measured cadence, and at every pause
applaud with cries and clappings. The damsels, thus encouraged,
continue in violent action until nature is all but exhausted; then
aniseed brandy, wine, and alpisteras are handed about, and the fête,
carried on to early dawn, often concludes in broken heads, which
here are called 'gipsy's fare.' These dances appear, to a stranger
from the chilly north, to be more marked by energy than by grace,
nor have the legs less to do than the body, hips, and arms. The sight
of this unchanged pastime of antiquity, which excites the Spaniard to
frenzy, rather disgusts an English spectator, possibly from some
national malorganization, for, as Molière says, 'l'Angleterre a produit
des grands hommes dans les sciences et les beaux arts, mais pas un
grand danseur—allez lire l'histoire.'" (A fact as true in our day as it
was in Molière's.)
On certain days the sevillana is danced before the high altar of the
cathedral at Seville. The Reverend Henry Cart de Lafontaine
("Proceedings of the Musical Association"; London, thirty-third
session, 1906-7) gives the following account of it, quoting a "French
author": "While Louis XIII was reigning over France, the Pope heard
much talk of the Spanish dance called the 'Sevillana.' He wished to
satisfy himself, by actual eye-witness, as to the character of this
dance, and expressed his wish to a bishop of the diocese of Seville,
who every year visited Rome. Evil tongues make the bishop
responsible for the primary suggestion of the idea. Be that as it may,
the bishop, on his return to Seville, had twelve youths well instructed
in all the intricate measures of this Andalusian dance. He had to
choose youths, for how could he present maidens to the horrified
glance of the Holy Father? When his little troop was thoroughly
schooled and perfected, he took the party to Rome, and the
audience was arranged. The 'Sevillana' was danced in one of the
rooms of the Vatican. The Pope warmly complimented the young
executants, who were dressed in beautiful silk costumes of the
period. The bishop humbly asked for permission to perform this
dance at certain fêtes in the cathedral church at Seville, and further
pleaded for a restriction of this privilege to that church alone. The
Pope, hoist by his own petard, did not like to refuse, but granted the
privilege with this restriction, that it should only last so long as the
costumes of the dancers were wearable. Needless to say, these
costumes are, therefore, objects of constant repair, but they are
supposed to retain their identity even to this day. And this is the
reason why the twelve boys who dance the 'Sevillana' before the
high altar in the cathedral on certain feast days are dressed in the
costume belonging to the reign of Louis XIII."
This is a very pretty story, but it is not uncontradicted.... Has any
statement been made about Spanish dancing or music which has
been allowed to go uncontradicted? Look upon that picture and upon
this: "As far as it is possible to ascertain from records," says Rhoda
G. Edwards in the "Musical Standard," "this dance would seem
always to have been in use in Seville cathedral; when the town was
taken from the Moors in the thirteenth century it was undoubtedly
an established custom and in 1428 we find the six boys recognized
as an integral part of the chapter by Pope Eugenius IV. The dance is
known as the (sic) 'Los Scises,' or dance of the six boys who, with
four others, dance it before the high altar at Benediction on the
three evenings before Lent and in the octaves of Corpus Christi and
La Purissima (the conception of Our Lady). The dress of the boys is
most picturesque, page costumes of the time of Philip III being
worn, blue for La Purissima and red satin doublets slashed with blue
for the other occasion; white hats with blue and white feathers are
also worn whilst dancing. The dance is usually of twenty-five
minutes' duration and in form seems quite unique, not resembling
any of the other Spanish dance-forms, or in fact those of any other
country. The boys accompany the symphony on castanets and sing a
hymn in two parts whilst dancing."
From another author we learn that religious dancing is to be seen
elsewhere in Spain than at Seville cathedral. At one time, it is said to
have been common. The pilgrims to the shrine of the Virgin at
Montserrat were wont to dance, and dancing took place in the
churches of Valencia, Toledo, and Jerez. Religious dancing continued
to be common, especially in Catalonia up to the seventeenth
century. An account of the dance in the Seville cathedral may be
found in "Los Españoles Pintados por si Mismos" (pages 287-91).
This very incomplete and rambling record of Spanish dancing should
include some mention of the fandango. The origin of the word is
obscure, but the dance is obviously one of the gayest and wildest of
the Spanish dances. Like the malagueña it is in 3-8 time, but it is
quite different in spirit from that sensuous form of terpsichorean
enjoyment. La Argentina informs me that "fandango" in Spanish
suggests very much what "bachanale" does in English or French. It
is a very old dance, and may be a survival of a Moorish dance, as
Desrat suggests. Mr. Philip Hale found the following account of it
somewhere:
"Like an electric shock, the notes of the fandango animate all hearts.
Men and women, young and old, acknowledge the power of this air
over the ears and soul of every Spaniard. The young men spring to
their places, rattling castanets, or imitating their sound by snapping
their fingers. The girls are remarkable for the willowy languor and
lightness of their movements, the voluptuousness of their attitudes—
beating the exactest time with tapping heels. Partners tease and
entreat and pursue each other by turns. Suddenly the music stops,
and each dancer shows his skill by remaining absolutely motionless,
bounding again in the full life of the fandango as the orchestra
strikes up. The sound of the guitar, the violin, the rapid tic-tac of
heels (taconeos), the crack of fingers and castanets, the supple
swaying of the dancers, fill the spectators with ecstasy.
"The music whirls along in a rapid triple time. Spangles glitter; the
sharp clank of ivory and ebony castanets beats out the cadence of
strange, throbbing, deafening notes—assonances unknown to music,
but curiously characteristic, effective, and intoxicating. Amidst the
rustle of silks, smiles gleam over white teeth, dark eyes sparkle and
droop, and flash up again in flame. All is flutter and glitter, grace and
animation—quivering, sonorous, passionate, seductive. Olé! Olé!
Faces beam and burn. Olé! Olé!
"The bolero intoxicates, the fandango inflames."
It can be well understood that the study of Spanish dancing and its
music must be carried on in Spain. Mr. Ellis tells us why: "Another
characteristic of Spanish dancing, and especially of the most typical
kind called flamenco, lies in its accompaniments, and particularly in
the fact that under proper conditions all the spectators are
themselves performers.... Thus it is that at the end of a dance an
absolute silence often falls, with no sound of applause: the relation
of performers and public has ceased to exist.... The finest Spanish
dancing is at once killed or degraded by the presence of an
indifferent or unsympathetic public, and that is probably why it
cannot be transplanted, but remains local."
At the end of a dance an absolute silence often falls.... I am again in
an underground café in Amsterdam. It is the eve of the Queen's
birthday, and the Dutch are celebrating. The low, smoke-wreathed
room is crowded with students, soldiers, and women. Now a
weazened female takes her place at the piano, on a slightly raised
platform at one side of the room. She begins to play. The dancing
begins. It is not woman with man; the dancing is informal. Some
dance together, and some dance alone; some sing the melody of the
tune, others shriek, but all make a noise. Faster and faster and
louder and louder the music is pounded out, and the dancing
becomes wilder and wilder. A tray of glasses is kicked from the
upturned palm of a sweaty waiter. Waiter, broken glass, dancer, all
lie, a laughing heap, on the floor. A soldier and a woman stand in
opposite corners, facing the corners; then without turning, they back
towards the middle of the room at a furious pace; the collision is
appalling. Hand in hand the mad dancers encircle the room,
throwing confetti, beer, anything. A heavy stein crushes two teeth—
the wound bleeds—but the dancer does not stop. Noise and action
and colour all become synonymous. There is no escape from the
force. I am dragged into the circle. Suddenly the music stops. All the
dancers stop. The soldier no longer looks at the woman by his side;
not a word is spoken. People lumber towards chairs. The woman
looks for a glass of water to assuage the pain of her bleeding mouth.
I think Jaques-Dalcroze is right when he seeks to unite spectator
and actor, drama and public.

IV
In the preceding section I may have too strongly insisted upon the
relation of the folk-song to the dance. It is true that the two are
seldom separated in performance (although not all songs are
danced; for example, the cañas and playeras of Andalusia).
However, most of the folk-songs of Spain are intended to be danced;
they are built on dance-rhythms and they bear the names of dances.
Thus the jota is always danced to the same music, although the
variations are great at different times and in different provinces. It
is, of course, when the folk-songs are danced that they make their
best effect, in the polyrhythm achieved by the opposing rhythms of
guitar-player, dancer, and singer. When there is no dancer the defect
is sometimes overcome by some one tapping a stick on the ground
in imitation of resounding heels.
Blind beggars have a habit of singing the songs, in certain provinces,
with a wealth of florid ornament, such ornament as is always
associated with oriental airs in performance, and this ornament still
plays a considerable rôle when the vocalist becomes an integral part
of the accompaniment for a dancer. Chabrier gives several examples
of it in one of his letters. In the circumstances it can readily be seen
that Spanish folk-songs written down are pretty bare recollections of
the real thing, and when sung by singers who have no knowledge of
the traditional manner of performing them they are likely to sound
fairly banal. The same thing might be said of the negro folk-songs of
America, or the folk-songs of Russia or Hungary, but with much less
truth, for the folk-songs of these countries usually possess a melodic
interest which is seldom inherent in the folk-songs of Spain. To make
their effect they must be performed by Spaniards, as nearly as
possible after the manner of the people. Indeed, their spirit and their
polyrhythmic effects are much more essential to their proper
interpretation than their melody, as many witnesses have pointed
out.
Spanish music, indeed, much of it, is actually unpleasant to Western
ears; it lacks the sad monotony and the wailing intensity of true
oriental music; much of it is loud and blaring, like the hot sunglare of
the Iberian peninsula. However, many a Western or Northern
European has found pleasure in listening by the hour to the strains,
which often sound as if they were improvised, sung by some beggar
or mountaineer.
The collections of these songs are not in any sense complete and
few of them attempt more than a collocation of the songs of one
locality or people. Deductions have been drawn. For example it is
noted that the Basque songs are irregular in melody and rhythm and
are further marked by unusual tempos, 5-8, or 7-4. In Aragón and
Navarre the popular song (and dance) is the jota; in Galicia, the
seguidilla; the Catalonian songs resemble the folk-tunes of Southern
France. The Andalusian songs, like the dances of that province, are
the most beautiful of all, often truly oriental in their rhythm and
floridity. In Spain the gipsy has become an integral part of the
popular life, and it is difficult at times to determine what is flamenco
and what is Spanish. However, collections (few to be sure) have
been attempted of gipsy songs.
Elsewhere in this rambling article I have touched on the villancicos
and the early song-writers. To do justice to these subjects would
require a good deal more space and a different intention. Those who
are interested in them may pursue these matters in Pedrell's various
works. The most available collection of Spanish folk-tunes is that
issued by P. Lacome and J. Puig y Alsubide (Paris, 1872). There are
several collections of Basque songs; Demófilo's "Colección de Cantos
Flamencos" (Seville, 1881), Cecilio Ocón's collection of Andalusian
folk-songs, and F. Rodríguez Marín's "Cantos Populares Españoles"
(Seville, 1882-3) may also be mentioned.

V
After the bull-fight the most popular form of amusement in Spain is
the zarzuela, the only distinctive art-form which Spanish music has
evolved, but there has been no progress; the form has not changed,
except perhaps to degenerate, since its invention in the early
seventeenth century. Soriano Fuertes and other writers have
devoted pages to grieving because Spanish composers have not
taken occasion to make something grander and more important out
of the zarzuela. The fact remains that they have not, although, small
and great alike, they have all taken a hand at writing these
entertainments. But as they found the zarzuela, so they have left it.
It must be conceded that the form is quite distinct from that of
opera and should not be confused with it. And the Spaniards are
probably right when they assert that the zarzuela is the mother of
the French opéra-bouffe. At least it must be admitted that Offenbach
and Lecocq and their precursors owe something of the germ of their
inspiration to the Spanish form. Today the melody chests of the
zarzuela markets are plundered to find tunes for French revues, and
such popular airs as La Paraguaya and Y ... Como le Vá? were
originally danced and sung in Spanish theatres. The composer of
these airs, J. Valverde fils, indeed found the French market so good
that he migrated to Paris, and for some time has been writing
musique mélangée ... une moitié de chaque nation. So La Rose de
Grenade, composed for Paris, might have been written for Spain,
with slight melodic alterations and tauromachian allusions in the
book.
The zarzuela is usually a one-act piece (although sometimes it is
permitted to run into two or more acts) in which the music is freely
interrupted by spoken dialogue, and that in turn gives way to
national dances. Very often the entire score is danced as well as
sung. The subject is usually comic and often topical, although it may
be serious, poetic, or even tragic. The actors often introduce
dialogue of their own, "gagging" freely; sometimes they engage in
long impromptu conversations with members of the audience. They
also embroider on the music after the fashion of the great singers of
the old Italian opera (Dr. de Lafontaine asserts that Spanish
audiences, even in cabarets, demand embroidery of this sort). The
music is spirited and lively, and in the dances, Andalusian, flamenco,
or Sevillan, as the case may be, it attains its best results. H. V.
Hamilton, in his essay on the subject in Grove's Dictionary, says,
"The music is ... apt to be vague in form when the national dance
and folk-song forms are avoided. The orchestration is a little
blatant." It will be seen that this description suits Granados's
Goyescas (the opera), which is on its safest ground during the
dances and becomes excessively vague at other times; but Goyescas
is not a zarzuela, because there is no spoken dialogue. Otherwise it
bears the earmarks. A zarzuela stands somewhere between a French
revue and opéra-comique. It is usually, however, more informal in
tone than the latter and often decidedly more serious than the
former. All the musicians in Spain since the form was invented
(excepting, of course, certain exclusively religious composers), and
most of the poets and playwrights, have contributed numerous
examples. Thus Calderon wrote the first zarzuela, and Lope de Vega
contributed words to entertainments much in the same order. In our
day Miguel Echegaray, brother of José Echegaray, has written one of
the most popular zarzuelas, Gigantes y Cabezudos (the music by
Caballero). The subject is the fiesta of Santa María del Pilar. It has
had many a long run and is often revived. Another very popular
zarzuela, which was almost, if not quite, heard in New York, is La
Gran Vía (by Valverde, père), which has been performed in London
in extended form. The principal theatres for the zarzuela in Madrid
are (or were until recently) that of the Calle de Jovellanos, called the
Teatro de Zarzuela, and the Apolo. Usually four separate zarzuelas
are performed in one evening before as many audiences.
La Gran Vía, which in some respects may be considered a typical
zarzuela, consists of a string of dance-tunes, with no more
homogeneity than their national significance would suggest. There is
an introduction and polka, a waltz, a tango, a jota, a mazurka, a
schottische, another waltz, and a two-step (paso-doble). The tunes
have little distinction; nor can the orchestration be considered
brilliant. There is a great deal of noise and variety of rhythm, and
when presented correctly the effect must be precisely that of one of
the dance-halls described by Chabrier. The zarzuela, to be enjoyed,
in fact, must be seen in Spain. Like Spanish dancing it requires a
special audience to bring out its best points. There must be a certain
electricity, at least an element of sympathy, to carry the thing
through successfully. Examination of the scores of zarzuelas (many
of them have been printed and some of them are to be seen in our
libraries) will convince any one that Mr. Ellis is speaking mildly when
he says that the Spaniards love noise. However, the combination of
this noise with beautiful women, dancing, elaborate rhythm, and a
shouting audience, seems to almost equal the café-concert dancing
and the tauromachian spectacles in Spanish popular affection. (Of
course, as I have suggested, there are zarzuelas more serious
melodically and dramatically; but as La Gran Vía is frequently
mentioned by writers as one of the most popular examples, it may
be selected as typical of the larger number of these entertainments.)
H. V. Hamilton says that the first performance of a zarzuela took
place in 1628 (Pedrell gives the date as October 29, 1629), during
the reign of Felipe IV, in the Palace of the Zarzuela (so called
because it was surrounded by zarzas, brambles). It was called El
Jardín de Falerina; the text was by the great Calderon and the music
by Juan Risco, chapelmaster of the cathedral at Cordova, according
to Mr. Hamilton, who doubtless follows Soriano Fuertes on this
detail. Soubies, following the more modern studies of Pedrell, gives
Jóse Peyró the credit. Pedrell, in his richly documented work, "Teatro
Lírico Español anterior al siglo XIX," attributes the music of this
zarzuela to Peyró and gives an example of it. The first Spanish opera
dates from the same period, Lope de Vega's La Selva sin Amor
(1629). As a matter of fact, many of the plays of Calderon and Lope
de Vega were performed with music to heighten the effect of the
declamation, and musical curtain-raisers and interludes were
performed before and in the midst of all of them. Lana, Palomares,
Benavente and Hidalgo were among the musicians who contributed
music to the theatre of this period. Hidalgo wrote the music for
Calderon's zarzuela, Ni Amor se Libre de Amor. To the same group
belong Miguel Ferrer, Juan de Navas, Sebastian Durón, and Jerónimo
de la Torre. (Examples of the music of these men may be found in
the aforementioned "Teatro Lírico.") Until 1659 zarzuelas were
written by the best poets and composers and frequently performed
on royal birthdays, at royal marriages, and on many other occasions;
but after that date the art fell into a decline and seems to have been
in eclipse during the whole of the eighteenth century. According to
Soriano Fuertes the beginning of the reign of Felipe V marked the
introduction of Italian opera into Spain (more popular than Spanish
opera there to this day) and the decadence of nationalism (whole
pages of Fuertes read very much like the plaints of modern English
composers about the neglect of national composers in their country).
In 1829 there was a revival of interest in Spanish music and a
conservatory was founded in Madrid. (For a discussion of this later
period the reader is referred to "La Opera Española en el Siglo XIX,"
by Antonio Peña y Goñi, 1881.) This interest has been fostered by
Fuertes and Pedrell, and the younger composers today are taking
some account of it. There is hope, indeed, that Spanish music may
again take its place in the world of art.
Of course, the zarzuela did not spring into being out of nowhere and
nothing, and the true origins are not entirely obscure. It is generally
agreed that a priest, Juan del Encina (born at Salamanca, 1468),
was the true founder of the secular theatre in Spain. His dramatic
compositions are in the nature of eclogues based on Virgilian
models. In all of these there is singing and in one a dance. Isabel la
Católica in the fifteenth century always had at her command a troop
of musicians and poets who comforted and consoled her in her
chapel with motets and plegarias (French, prière), and in the royal
apartments with canciones and villancicos. (Canciones are songs
inclining towards the ballad-form. Villancicos are songs in the old
Spanish measure; they receive their name from their rustic
character, as supposedly they were first composed by the villanos or
peasants for the nativity and other festivals of the church.) "It is
necessary to search for the true origins of the Spanish musical
spectacle," states Soubies, "in the villancicos and cantacillos which
alternated with the dialogue in the works of Juan del Encina and
Lucas Fernández, without forgetting the ensaladas, the jácaras, etc.,
which served as intermezzi and curtain-raisers." These were sung
before the curtain, before the drama was performed (and during the
intervals, with jokes added) by women in court dress, and later
created a form of their own (besides contributing to the creation of
the zarzuela), the tonadilla, which, accompanied by a guitar or violin
and interspersed with dances, was very popular for a number of
years. H. V. Hamilton is probably on sound ground when he says,
"That the first zarzuela was written with an express desire for
expansion and development is, however, not so certain as that it was
the result of a wish to inaugurate the new house of entertainment
with something entirely original and novel."

VI
We have Richard Ford's testimony that Spain was not very musical in
his day. The Reverend Henry Cart de Lafontaine says that the
contemporary musical services in the churches are not to be
considered seriously from an artistic point of view. Emmanuel
Chabrier was impressed with the fact that the music for dancing was
almost entirely rhythmic in its effect, strummed rudely on the guitar,
the spectators meanwhile making such a din that it was practically
impossible to distinguish a melody, had there been one. And all
observers point at the Italian opera, which is still the favourite opera
in Spain (in Barcelona at the Liceo three weeks of opera in Catalan is
given after the regular season in Italian; in Madrid at the Teatro-Real
the Spanish season is scattered through the Italian), and at Señor
Arbós's concerts (the same Señor Arbós who was once concert
master of the Boston Symphony Orchestra), at which Brandenburg
concertos and Beethoven symphonies are more frequently
performed than works by Albéniz. Still there are, and have always
been during the course of the last century, Spanish composers,
some of whom have made a little noise in the outer world, although
a good many have been content to spend their artistic energy on the
manufacture of zarzuelas—in other words, to make a good deal of
noise in Spain. In most modern instances, however, there has been
a revival of interest in the national forms, and folk-song and folk-
dance have contributed their important share to the composers'
work. No one man has done more to encourage this interest in
nationalism than Felipe Pedrell, who may be said to have begun in
Spain the work which the "Five" accomplished in Russia. Pedrell says
in his "Handbook" (Barcelona, 1891; Heinrich and Co.; French
translation by Bertal; Paris, Fischbacher): "The popular song, the
voice of the people, the pure primitive inspiration of the anonymous
singer, passes through the alembic of contemporary art and one
obtains thereby its quintessence; the composer assimilates it and
then reveals it in the most delicate form that music alone is capable
of rendering form in its technical aspect, this thanks to the
extraordinary development of the technique of our art in this epoch.
The folk-song lends the accent, the background, and modern art
lends all that it possesses, its conventional symbolism and the
richness of form which is its patrimony. The frame is enlarged in
such a fashion that the lied makes a corresponding development;
could it be said then that the national lyric drama is the same lied
expanded? Is not the national lyric drama the product of the force of
absorption and creative power? Do we not see in it faithfully
reflected not only the artistic idiosyncrasy of each composer, but all
the artistic manifestations of the people?" There is always the search
for new composers in Spain and always the hope that a man may
come who will be acclaimed by the world. As a consequence, the
younger composers in Spain often receive more adulation than is
their due. It must be remembered that the most successful Spanish
music is not serious, the Spanish are more themselves in the lighter
vein.
I hesitate for a moment on the name of Martin y Solar, born at
Valencia; died at St. Petersburg, 1806; called "The Italian" by the
Spaniards on account of his musical style, and "lo Spagnuolo" by the
Italians. Da Ponte wrote several opera-books for him, l'Arbore di
Diana, la Cosa Rara, and La Capricciosa Corretta (a version of The
Taming of the Shrew) among others. It is to be seen that he is
without importance if considered as a composer distinctively Spanish
and I have made this slight reference to him solely to recount how
Mozart quoted an air from one of his operas in the supper scene of
Don Giovanni. At the time Martin y Solar was better liked in Vienna
than Mozart himself and the air in question was as well known as
say Musetta's waltz is known to us.
Juan Chrysostomo Arriaga, born in Bilbao 1808; died 1828 (these
dates are given in Grove: 1806-1826), is another matter. He might
have become better known had he lived longer. As it is, some of his
music has been performed in London and Paris, and perhaps in
America, although I have no record of it. He studied in Paris at the
Conservatoire, under Fétis for harmony, and Baillot for violin. Before
he went to Paris even, as a child, with no knowledge of the rules of
harmony, he had written an opera! Cherubini declared his fugue for
eight voices on the words in the Credo, "Et Vitam Venturi" a veritable
chef d'œuvre, at least there is a legend to this effect. In 1824 he
wrote three quartets, an overture, a symphony, a mass, and some
French cantatas and romances. García considered his opera Los
Esclavos Felices so good that he attempted, unsuccessfully, to secure
for it a Paris hearing. It has been performed in Bilbao, which city, I
think, celebrated the centenary of the composer's birth.
Manuel García is better known to us as a singer, an impresario, and
a father, than as a composer! Still he wrote a good deal of music (so
did Mme. Malibran; for a list of the diva's compositions I must refer
the reader to Arthur Pougin's biography). Fétis enumerates
seventeen Spanish, nineteen Italian, and seven French operas by
García. He had works produced in Madrid, at the Opéra in Paris (La
mort du, Tasse and Florestan), at the Italiens in Paris (Fazzoletto), at
the Opéra-Comique in Paris (Deux Contrats), and at many other
theatres. However, when all is said and done, Manuel García's
reputation still rests on his singing and his daughters. His
compositions are forgotten; nor was his music, much of it, probably,
truly Spanish. (However, I have heard a polo [serenade] from an
opera called El Poeta Calculista, which is so Spanish in accent and
harmony—and so beautiful—that it has found a place in a collection
of folk-tunes!)
Miguel Hilarión Eslava (born in Burlada, October 21, 1807, died at
Madrid, July 23, 1878) is chiefly famous for his compilation, the "Lira
Sacra-Hispana," mentioned heretofore. He also composed over 140
pieces of church music, masses, motets, songs, etc., after he had
been appointed chapelmaster of Queen Isabella in 1844, and several
operas, including El Solitario, La Tregua del Ptolemaide, and Pedro el
Cruel. He also wrote several books of theory and composition:
"Método de Solfeo" (1846) and "Escuela de Armonía y Composición"
in three parts (harmony, composition, and melody). He edited (1855-
6) the "Gaceta Musical de Madrid."
There is the celebrated virtuoso, Pablo de Sarasate, who wrote
music, but his memory is perhaps better preserved in Whistler's
diabolical portrait than in his own compositions.
Felipe Pedrell (born February 19, 1841) is also perhaps more
important as a writer on musical subjects and for his influence on
the younger school of composers (he teaches in the conservatory of
Barcelona, and his attitude towards nationalism has already been
discussed), than he is as a composer. Still, Edouard Lopez-Chavarri
does not hesitate to pronounce his trilogy Los Pireneos (Barcelona,
1902; the prologue was performed in Venice in 1897) the most
important work for the theatre written in Spain. His first opera, El
Último Abencerraje, was produced in Barcelona in 1874. Some of his
other works are Quasimodo, 1875; El Tasso á Ferrara, Cleopatra,
Mazeppa (Madrid, 1881), La Celestina (1904), and La Matinada
(1905). J. A. Fuller-Maitland says that the influence of Wagner is
traceable in all his stage work. (Wagner is adored in Spain; Parsifal
was given eighteen times in one month at the Liceo in Barcelona.) If
this be true, his case will be found to bear other resemblances to
that of the Russian "Five," who found it difficult to exorcise all
foreign influences in their pursuit of nationalism.
He was made a member of the Spanish Academy in 1894 and
shortly thereafter became Professor of Musical History and Æsthetics
at the Royal Conservatory at Madrid. Besides his "Hispaniae Schola
Musica Sacra" he has written a number of other books, and
translated Richter's treatise on Harmony into Spanish. He has made
several excursions into the history of folk-lore and the principal
results are contained in "Músicos Anónimos" and "Por nuestra
Música." Other works are "Teatro Lírico Español anterior al siglo
XIX," "Lírica Nacionalizada," "De Música Religiosa," "Músiquerias y
más Músiquesias." One of his books, "Músicos Contemporáneos y de
Otros Tiempos" (in the library of the Hispanic Society of New York) is
very catholic in its range of subject. It includes essays on the Don
Quixote of Strauss, the Boris Godunow of Moussorgsky, Smetana,
Manuel García, Edward Elgar, Jaques-Dalcroze, Bruckner, Mahler,
Albéniz, Palestrina, Busoni, and the tenth symphony of Beethoven!
In John Towers's extraordinary compilation, "Dictionary-Catalogue of
Operas," it is stated that Manuel Fernández Caballero (born in 1835)
wrote sixty-two operas, and the names of them are given. He was a
pupil of Fuertes (harmony) and Eslava (composition) at the Madrid
Conservatory and later became very popular as a writer of zarzuelas.
I have already mentioned his Gigantes y Cabezudos for which Miguel
Echegaray furnished the book. Among his other works in this form
are Los Dineros del Sacristán, Los Africanistas (Barcelona, 1894), El
Cabo Primero (Barcelona, 1895), and La Rueda de la Fortuna
(Madrid, 1896).
At a concert given in the New York Hippodrome, April 3, 1911, Mme.
Tetrazzini sang a Spanish song, which was referred to the next day
by the reviewers of the "New York Times" and the "New York Globe."
To say truth the soprano made a great effect with the song,
although it was written for a low voice. It was Carceleras, from
Ruperto Chapí's zarzuela Las Hijas de Zebedeo. Chapí was one of the
most prolific and popular composers of Spain during the last century.
He produced countless zarzuelas and nine children. He was born at
Villena March 27, 1851, and he died March 25, 1909, a few months
earlier than his compatriot Isaac Albéniz. He was admitted to the
conservatory of Madrid in 1867 as a pupil of piano and harmony. In
1869 he obtained the first prize for harmony and he continued to
obtain prizes until in 1874 he was sent to Rome by the Academy of
Fine Arts. He remained for some time in Italy and Paris. In 1875 the
Teatro Real of Madrid played his La Hija de Jefté sent from Rome.
The following is an incomplete list of his operas and zarzuelas: Vía
Libre, Los Gendarmes, El Rey que Rabió (3 acts), El Cura del
Regimiento, El Reclamo, La Tempestad, La Bruja, La Leyenda del
Monje, Las Campanadas, La Czarina, El Milagro de la Virgen, Roger
de Flor (3 acts), Las Naves de Cortés, irce (3 acts), Aqui Hase Farta
un Hombre, Juan Francisco (3 acts, 1905; rewritten and presented in
1908 as Entre Rocas), Los Madrileños (1908), La Dama Roja (1 act,
1908), Hesperia (1908), Las Calderas de Pedro Botero (1909) and
Margarita la Tornera, presented just before his death without
success.
His other works include an oratorio, Los Ángeles, a symphonic poem,
Escenas de Capa y Espada, a symphony in D, Moorish Fantasy for
orchestra, a serenade for orchestra, a trio for piano, violin and 'cello,
songs, etc. Chapí was president of the Society of Authors and
Composers, and when he died the King and Queen of Spain sent a
telegram of condolence to his widow. There is a copy of his zarzuela,
Blasones y Talegas in the New York Public Library.
I have already spoken of La Dolores. It is one of a long series of
operas and zarzuelas written by Tomás Bretón y Hernandez (born at
Salamanca, December 29, 1850). First produced at Madrid, in 1895,
it has been sung with success in such distant capitals as Buenos
Ayres and Prague. I have been assured by a Spanish woman of
impeccable taste that La Dolores is charming, delightful in its fluent
melody and its striking rhythms, thoroughly Spanish in style, but
certain to find favour in America, if it were produced here. Our own
Eleanora de Cisneros at a Press Club Benefit in Barcelona appeared
in Bretón's zarzuela La Verbena de la Paloma. Another of Bretón's
famous zarzuelas is Los Amantes de Teruel (Madrid, 1889). His
works for the theatre further include Tabaré, for which he wrote both
words and music (Madrid, 1913); Don Gil (Barcelona, 1914); Garín
(Barcelona, 1891); Raquel (Madrid, 1900); Guzmán el Bueno
(Madrid, 1876); El Certamen de Cremona (Madrid, 1906); El
Campanero de Begoña (Madrid, 1878); El Barberillo en Orán; Corona
contra Corona (Madrid, 1879); Los Amores de un Príncipe (Madrid,
1881); El Clavel Rojo (1899); Covadonga (1901); and El Domingo de
Ramos, words by Echegaray (Madrid, 1894). His works for orchestra
include: En la Alhambra, Los Galeotes, and Escenas Andaluzas, a
suite. He has written three string quartets, a piano trio, a piano
quintet, and an oratorio in two parts, El Apocalipsis.
Tomás Bretón
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