Arte Na Pré-história

Paleolithic art, an introduction
Google Classroom Microsoft Teams
Replica of the painting from the Chauvet-Pont-d'Arc Cave

in southern France (Anthropos museum, Brno)
The oldest art: ornamentation
Humans make art. We do this for many reasons and

with whatever technologies are available to us.
Extremely old, non-representational ornamentation
has been found across Africa. The oldest firmly-
dated example is a collection of 82,000 year old
Nassarius snail shells found in Morocco that are
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has been found across Africa. The oldest firmly-
dated example is a collection of 82,000 year old
Nassarius snail shells found in Morocco that are
pierced and covered with red ochre. Wear patterns
suggest that they may have been strung beads.
Nassarius shell beads found in Israel may be more
than 100,000 years old and in the Blombos cave in
South Africa, pierced shells and small pieces of ochre
(red Haematite) etched with simple geometric
patterns have been found in a 75,000-year-old layer
of sediment.
The oldest representational art
The oldest known representational imagery comes

from the Aurignacian culture of the Upper Paleolithic
period (Paleolithic means old stone age).
Archeological discoveries across a broad swath of
Europe (especially Southern France, Northern Spain,
and Swabia, in Germany) include over two hundred
caves with spectacular Aurignacian paintings,
drawings and sculpture that are among the earliest
undisputed examples of representational image-
making. The oldest of these is a 2.4-inch tall female
figure carved out of mammoth ivory that was found
in six fragments in the Hohle Fels cave near
Schelklingen in southern Germany. It dates to 35,000
B.C.E.
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making. The oldest of these is a 2.4-inch tall female
figure carved out of mammoth ivory that was found
in six fragments in the Hohle Fels cave near
Schelklingen in southern Germany. It dates to 35,000
B.C.E.
The caves
The caves at Chauvet-Pont-d'Arc, Lascaux, Pech

Merle, and Altamira contain the best known
examples of pre-historic painting and drawing. Here
are remarkably evocative renderings of animals and
some humans that employ a complex mix of
naturalism and abstraction. Archeologists that study
Paleolithic era humans, believe that the paintings
discovered in 1994, in the cave at Chauvet-Pont-
d'Arc in the Ardéche valley in France, are more than
30,000 years old. The images found at Lascaux and
Altamira are more recent, dating to approximately
15,000 B.C.E. The paintings at Pech Merle date to
both 25,000 and 15,000 B.C.E.
Questions
What can we really know about the creators of these

paintings and what the images originally meant?
These are questions that are difficult enough when
we study art made only 500 years ago. It is much
more perilous to assert meaning for the art of people
h h d b h d d l d
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What can we really know about the creators of these
paintings and what the images originally meant?
These are questions that are difficult enough when
we study art made only 500 years ago. It is much
more perilous to assert meaning for the art of people
who shared our anatomy but had not yet developed
the cultures or linguistic structures that shaped who
we have become. Do the tools of art history even
apply? Here is evidence of a visual language that
collapses the more than 1,000 generations that
separate us, but we must be cautious. This is
especially so if we want to understand the people
that made this art as a way to understand ourselves.
The desire to speculate based on what we see and
the physical evidence of the caves is wildly
seductive.
Chauvet-Pont-d'Arc
The cave at Chauvet-Pont-d'Arc is over 1,000 feet in

length with two large chambers. Carbon samples
date the charcoal used to depict the two head-to-
head Rhinoceroses (see the image above, bottom
right) to between 30,340 and 32,410 years before
1995 when the samples were taken. The cave's
drawings depict other large animals including horses,
mammoths, musk ox, ibex, reindeer, aurochs,
megaloceros deer, panther, and owl (scholars note
that these animals were not then a normal part of
people's diet). Photographs show that the drawing
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The cave at Chauvet-Pont-d'Arc is over 1,000 feet in
length with two large chambers. Carbon samples
date the charcoal used to depict the two head-to-
head Rhinoceroses (see the image above, bottom
right) to between 30,340 and 32,410 years before
1995 when the samples were taken. The cave's
drawings depict other large animals including horses,
mammoths, musk ox, ibex, reindeer, aurochs,
megaloceros deer, panther, and owl (scholars note
that these animals were not then a normal part of
people's diet). Photographs show that the drawing
shown above is very carefully rendered but may be
misleading. We see a group of horses, rhinos and
bison and we see them as a group, overlapping and
skewed in scale. But the photograph distorts the way
these animal figures would have been originally seen.
The bright electric lights used by the photographer
create a broad flat scope of vision; how different to
see each animal emerge from the dark under the
flickering light cast by a flame.
A word of caution
In a 2009 presentation at UC San Diego, Dr. Randell

White, Professor of Anthropology at NYU, suggested
that the overlapping horses pictured above might
represent the same horse over time, running, eating,
sleeping, etc. Perhaps these are far more
sophisticated representations than we have
imagined There is another drawing at Chauvet-Pont-
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these animal figures would have been originally seen.
The bright electric lights used by the photographer
create a broad flat scope of vision; how different to
see each animal emerge from the dark under the
flickering light cast by a flame.
A word of caution
In a 2009 presentation at UC San Diego, Dr. Randell

White, Professor of Anthropology at NYU, suggested
that the overlapping horses pictured above might
represent the same horse over time, running, eating,
sleeping, etc. Perhaps these are far more
sophisticated representations than we have
imagined. There is another drawing at Chauvet-Pont-
d'Arc that cautions us against ready assumptions. It
has been interpreted as depicting the thighs and
genitals of a woman but there is also a drawing of a
bison and a lion and the images are nearly
intertwined. In addition to the drawings, the cave is
littered with the skulls and bones of cave bear and
the track of a wolf. There is also a foot print thought
to have been made by an eight-year-old boy.
Essay by Dr. Beth Harris and Dr. Steven Zucker
Additional resources
The cave of Chauvet-Pont-d'Arc

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Origins of rock art in Africa
by The British Museum
Rock art and the origins of art in

Africa
The oldest scientifically-dated figurative rock art in
Africa dates from around 26,000–28,000 years ago
and is found in Namibia.
Between 1969 and 1972, German archaeologist,

W.E. Wendt, researching in an area known locally as
"Goachanas," unearthed several painted slabs in a
cave he named Apollo 11, after NASA’s successful
moon landing mission.
Seven painted stone slabs of brown-grey quartzite,

depicting a variety of animals painted in charcoal,
ochre and white, were located in a Middle Stone Age
deposit (100,000–60,000 years ago). These images
are not easily identifiable to species level, but have
been interpreted variously as felines and/or bovids;
one in particular has been observed to be either a
zebra, giraffe or ostrich, demonstrating the
ambiguous nature of the depictions
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deposit (100,000–60,000 years ago). These images
are not easily identifiable to species level, but have
been interpreted variously as felines and/or bovids;
one in particular has been observed to be either a
zebra, giraffe or ostrich, demonstrating the
ambiguous nature of the depictions.
Apollo 11 Cave Stones, Namibia, quartzite, c. 25,500–

25,300 B.C.E. Image courtesy of State Museum of
Namibia.
Art and our modern mind

While the Apollo 11 plaques may be the oldest
discovered representational art in Africa, this is not
the beginning of the story of art. It is now well-
established, through genetic and fossil evidence, that
anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens
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While the Apollo 11 plaques may be the oldest
discovered representational art in Africa, this is not
the beginning of the story of art. It is now well-
established, through genetic and fossil evidence, that
anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens
sapiens) developed in Africa more than 100,000
years ago; of these, a small group left the Continent
around 60,000–80,000 years ago and spread
throughout the rest of the world.
Recently discovered examples of patterned stone,

ochre and ostrich eggshell, as well as evidence of
personal ornamentation emerging from Middle Stone
Age Africa, have demonstrated that "art" is not only a
much older phenomenon than previously thought,
but that it has its roots in the African continent.
Africa is where we share a common humanity.
The first examples of what we might term "art" in

Africa, dating from between 100,000–60,000 years
ago, emerge in two very distinct forms: personal
adornment in the form of perforated seashells
suspended on twine, and incised and engraved
stone, ochre and ostrich eggshell. Despite some sites
being 8,000 km and 40,000 years apart, an intriguing
feature of the earliest art is that these first forays
appear remarkably similar. It is worth noting here
that the term "art" in this context is highly
problematic, in that we cannot assume that humans
living 100,000 years ago, or even 10,000 years ago,
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The first examples of what we might term "art" in
Africa, dating from between 100,000–60,000 years
ago, emerge in two very distinct forms: personal
adornment in the form of perforated seashells
suspended on twine, and incised and engraved
stone, ochre and ostrich eggshell. Despite some sites
being 8,000 km and 40,000 years apart, an intriguing
feature of the earliest art is that these first forays
appear remarkably similar. It is worth noting here
that the term "art" in this context is highly
problematic, in that we cannot assume that humans
living 100,000 years ago, or even 10,000 years ago,
had a concept of art in the same way that we do,
particularly in the modern Western sense. However,
it remains a useful umbrella term for our purposes
here.
Incised ochre from Blombos Cave, South Africa. Photo by

Chris. S. Henshilwood © Chris. S. Henshilwood
Pattern and design

The practice of engraving or incising, which emerges
around 12,000 years ago in Saharan rock art, has its
antecedents much earlier, up to 100,000 years ago.
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The practice of engraving or incising, which emerges
around 12,000 years ago in Saharan rock art, has its
antecedents much earlier, up to 100,000 years ago.
Incised and engraved stone, bone, ochre and ostrich
eggshell have been found at sites in southern Africa.
These marked objects share features in the
expression of design, exhibiting patterns that have
been classified as cross-hatching.
One of the most iconic and well-publicised sites that

have yielded cross-hatch incised patterning on ochre
is Blombos Cave, on the southern Cape shore of
South Africa. Of the more than 8,500 fragments of
ochre deriving from the MSA (Middle Stone Age)
levels, 15 fragments show evidence of engraving.
Two of these, dated to 77,000 years ago, have
received the most attention for the design of cross-
hatch pattern.
For many archaeologists, the incised pieces of ochre

at Blombos are the most complex and best-formed
evidence for early abstract representations, and are
unequivocal evidence for symbolic thought and
language. The debate about when we became a
symbolic species and acquired fully syntactical
language—what archaeologists term ‘modern human
behaviour’—is both complex and contested. It has
been proposed that these cross-hatch patterns are
clear evidence of thinking symbolically, because the
motifs are not representational and as such are
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language. The debate about when we became a
symbolic species and acquired fully syntactical
language—what archaeologists term ‘modern human
behaviour’—is both complex and contested. It has
been proposed that these cross-hatch patterns are
clear evidence of thinking symbolically, because the
motifs are not representational and as such are
culturally constructed and arbitrary. Moreover, in
order for the meaning of this motif to be conveyed to
others, language is a prerequisite.
The Blombos engravings are not isolated

occurrences, since the presence of such designs
occur at more than half a dozen other sites in South
Africa, suggesting that this pattern is indeed
important in some way, and not the result of
idiosyncratic behaviour. It is worth noting, however,
that for some scholars, the premise that the pattern
is symbolic is not so certain. The patterns may indeed
have a meaning, but it is how that meaning is
associated, either by resemblance (iconic) or
correlation (indexical), that is important for our
understanding of human cognition.
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Fragments of engraved ostrich eggshells from the
Howiesons Poort of Diepkloof Rock Shelter, Western
Cape, South Africa, dated to 60,000 BP. Courtesy of
Jean-Pierre Texier, Diepkloof project. © Jean-Pierre
Texier
Personal ornamentation and engraved designs are

the earliest evidence of art in Africa, and are
inextricably tied up with the development of human
cognition. For tens of thousands of years, there has
been not only a capacity for, but a motivation to
adorn and to inscribe, to make visual that which is
important. The interesting and pertinent issue in the
context of this project is that the rock art we are
cataloguing, describing and researching comes from
diti h f b ki Af i hi
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Fragments of engraved ostrich eggshells from the
Howiesons Poort of Diepkloof Rock Shelter, Western
Cape, South Africa, dated to 60,000 BP. Courtesy of
Jean-Pierre Texier, Diepkloof project. © Jean-Pierre
Texier
Personal ornamentation and engraved designs are

the earliest evidence of art in Africa, and are
inextricably tied up with the development of human
cognition. For tens of thousands of years, there has
been not only a capacity for, but a motivation to
adorn and to inscribe, to make visual that which is
important. The interesting and pertinent issue in the
context of this project is that the rock art we are
cataloguing, describing and researching comes from
a tradition that goes far back into African prehistory.
The techniques and subject matter resonate over the
millennia.
© Trustees of the British Museum
Additional resources:
British Museum African Rock Art Image Project
Apollo 11 (ca. 25,500–23,500 B.C.) and Wonderwerk

(ca. 8000 B.C.) Cave Stones on the Metropolitan
Museum of Art's Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History
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Lascaux
By Mary Beth Looney
We are as likely to communicate using easily

interpretable pictures as we are text. Portable
handheld devices enable us to tell others via social
media what we are doing and thinking.
Approximately 15,000 years ago, we also
communicated in pictures—but with no written
language.
Lascaux II (replica of the original cave, which is closed to

the public), original cave: c. 16,000–14,000 B.C.E., 11
feet 6 inches long (photo: Francesco Bandarin, CC BY-SA
3 0)
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Lascaux II (replica of the original cave, which is closed to
the public), original cave: c. 16,000–14,000 B.C.E., 11
feet 6 inches long (photo: Francesco Bandarin, CC BY-SA
3.0)
The cave of Lascaux, France is one of almost 350

similar sites that are known to exist—most are
isolated to a region of southern France and northern
Spain. Both Neanderthals (named after the site in
which their bones were first discovered—the
Neander Valley in Germany) and Modern Humans
(early Homo Sapiens Sapiens) coexisted in this region
30,000 years ago. Life was short and very difficult;
resources were scarce and the climate was very cold.
Map showing the location of three well-known

prehistoric cave painting sites in France and Spain
(underlying map © Google)
Location, location, location!

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Map showing the location of three well-known
prehistoric cave painting sites in France and Spain
Location, location, location!

Approximately 15,000 years later in the valley of
Vèzére, in southwestern France, modern humans
lived and witnessed the migratory patterns of a vast
range of wildlife. They discovered a cave in a tall hill
overlooking the valley. Inside, an unknown number
of these people drew and painted images that, once
discovered in 1940, have excited the imaginations of
both researchers and the general public.
After struggling through small openings and narrow

passages to access the larger rooms beyond, prehistoric
people discovered that the cave wall surfaces
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After struggling through small openings and narrow
passages to access the larger rooms beyond, prehistoric
people discovered that the cave wall surfaces
functioned as the perfect, blank "canvas" upon which
to draw and paint. White calcite, roofed by
nonporous rock, provides a uniquely dry place to
feature art. To paint, these early artists used charcoal
and ocher (a kind of pigmented, earthen material,
that is soft and can be mixed with liquids, and comes
in a range of colors like brown, red, yellow, and
white). We find images of horses, deer, bison, elk, a
few lions, a rhinoceros, and a bear—almost as an
encyclopedia of the area's large prehistoric wildlife.
Among these images are abstract marks—dots and
lines in a variety of configurations. In one image, a
humanoid figure plays a mysterious role.
Detail of Hall of Bulls, Lascaux II (replica of the original

cave which is closed to the public) original cave: c
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Detail of Hall of Bulls, Lascaux II (replica of the original
cave, which is closed to the public), original cave: c.
16,000–14,000 B.C.E.
How did they do it?

The animals are rendered in what has come to be
called "twisted perspective," in which their bodies are
depicted in profile while we see the horns from a
more frontal viewpoint. The images are sometimes
entirely linear—line drawn to define the animal's
contour. In many other cases, the animals are
described in solid and blended colors blown by
mouth onto the wall. In other portions of the Lascaux
cave, artists carved lines into the soft calcite surface.
Some of these are infilled with color—others are not.
Lascaux II
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more frontal viewpoint. The images are sometimes
entirely linear—line drawn to define the animal's
contour. In many other cases, the animals are
described in solid and blended colors blown by
mouth onto the wall. In other portions of the Lascaux
cave, artists carved lines into the soft calcite surface.
Some of these are infilled with color—others are not.
Lascaux II
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© Magicien Mentaliste Xavier Nicolas Informar um problema

See video transcript
The cave spaces range widely in size and ease of

access. The famous Hall of Bulls is large enough to
hold some fifty people. Other "rooms" and "halls" are
extraordinarily narrow and tall.
Archaeologists have found hundreds of stone tools.

They have also identified holes in some walls that
may have supported tree-limb scaffolding that would
have elevated an artist high enough to reach the
upper surfaces. Fossilized pollen has been found;
these grains were inadvertently brought into the
cave by early visitors and are helping scientists
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Archaeologists have found hundreds of stone tools.
They have also identified holes in some walls that
may have supported tree-limb scaffolding that would
have elevated an artist high enough to reach the
upper surfaces. Fossilized pollen has been found;
these grains were inadvertently brought into the
cave by early visitors and are helping scientists
understand the world outside.
Left wall of the Hall of Bulls, Lascaux II (replica of the

original cave, which is closed to the public), original cave:
c. 16,000–14,000 B.C.E., 11 feet 6 inches long
Hall of Bulls
Given the large scale of many of the animal images,
we can presume that the artists worked deliberately
—carefully plotting out a particular form before
l ti li d ddi l S
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Hall of Bulls
Given the large scale of many of the animal images,
we can presume that the artists worked deliberately
—carefully plotting out a particular form before
completing outlines and adding color. Some
researchers believe that "master" artists enlisted the
help of assistants who mixed pigments and held
animal fat lamps to illuminate the space.
Alternatively, in the case of the "rooms" containing
mostly engraved and overlapping forms, it seems
that the pure process of drawing and repetitive re-
drawing held serious (perhaps ritual) significance for
the makers.
Lascaux II
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© Yaël Martin Informar um problema

Why did they do it?
Many scholars have speculated about why

prehistoric people painted and engraved the walls at
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Why did they do it?
Many scholars have speculated about why

prehistoric people painted and engraved the walls at
Lascaux and other caves like it. Perhaps the most
famous theory was put forth by a priest named Henri
Breuil. Breuil spent considerable time in many of the
caves, meticulously recording the images in drawings
when the paintings were too challenging to
photograph. Relying primarily on a field of study
known as ethnography, Breuil believed that the images
played a role in "hunting magic." The theory suggests
that the prehistoric people who used the cave may
have believed that a way to overpower their prey
involved creating images of it during rituals designed
to ensure a successful hunt. This seems plausible
when we remember that survival was entirely
dependent on successful foraging and hunting,
though it is also important to remember how little we
actually know about these people.
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Disemboweled bison and bird-headed human figure?

Cave at Lascaux, c. 16,000–14,000 B.C.E.
A bison, drawn in strong, black lines, bristles with

energy, as the fur on the back of its neck stands up
and the head is radically turned to face us. A form
drawn under the bison’s abdomen is interpreted as
internal organs, spilling out from a wound. A more
crudely drawn form positioned below and to the left
of the bison may represent a humanoid figure with
the head of a bird. Nearby, a thin line is topped with
another bird and there is also an arrow with barbs.
Further below and to the far left the partial outline of
a rhinoceros can be identified.
Interpreters of this image tend to agree that some

sort of interaction has taken place among these
animals and the bird headed human figure in which
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Interpreters of this image tend to agree that some
sort of interaction has taken place among these
animals and the bird-headed human figure—in which
the bison has sustained injury either from a weapon
or from the horn of the rhinoceros. Why the person
in the image has the rudimentary head of a bird, and
why a bird form sits atop a stick very close to him is a
mystery. Some suggest that the person is a shaman—
a kind of priest or healer with powers involving the
ability to communicate with spirits of other worlds.
Regardless, this riveting image appears to depict
action and reaction, although many aspects of it are
difficult to piece together.
Preservation for future study

The Caves of Lascaux are the most famous of all of
the known caves in the region. In fact, their
popularity has permanently endangered them. From
1940 to 1963, the numbers of visitors and their
impact on the delicately balanced environment of the
cave—which supported the preservation of the cave
images for so long—necessitated the cave’s closure
to the public. A replica called Lascaux II was created
about 200 yards away from the site. The original
Lascaux cave is now a designated UNESCO World
Heritage Site. Lascaux will require constant vigilance
and upkeep to preserve it for future generations.
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Preservation for future study
The Caves of Lascaux are the most famous of all of
the known caves in the region. In fact, their
popularity has permanently endangered them. From
1940 to 1963, the numbers of visitors and their
impact on the delicately balanced environment of the
cave—which supported the preservation of the cave
images for so long—necessitated the cave’s closure
to the public. A replica called Lascaux II was created
about 200 yards away from the site. The original
Lascaux cave is now a designated UNESCO World
Heritage Site. Lascaux will require constant vigilance
and upkeep to preserve it for future generations.
Many mysteries continue to surround Lascaux, but

there is one certainty. The very human need to
communicate in the form of pictures—for whatever
purpose—has persisted since our earliest beginnings.
Official site and virtual tour of the cave at Lascaux.
Video from UNESCO.
Lascaux on the Metropolitan Museum of Art's

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Bhimbetka cave paintings
By The MAP Academy
Paintings in rock shelter 8, Upper Paleolithic period,

Bhimbetka, India (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)
Widely acknowledged to be the earliest evidence of

art in South Asia, the Bhimbetka cave paintings are
Prehistoric paintings found on the Bhimbetka rock
shelters in the Raisen district of present-day Madhya

Pradesh. Bhimbetka comprises over 750 rock
shelters, of which over a hundred have paintings
depicting animal and human figures in shades of
green, red, white, brown and black.
Up next: Lesson 2
Bhimbetka rock shelters
The earliest of these illustrate scenes from the lives

of hunter-gatherers of the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic
periods—a time when many animals were yet to be
domesticated, humans were nomadic, and collective
civilizations were not yet in existence.
Up next: Lesson 2
Palm prints and other paintings, in rock shelter, Upper
Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Vu2sga, CC
BY-SA 4.0)
Evidence suggests that the most densely painted

caves allowed in more sunlight and were typically
uninhabited. This also supports the widely accepted
belief that these paintings were not meant to
beautify or decorate humans’ living spaces. The fact
that many of these cave paintings overlap—implying
that the rocks were painted on repeatedly and across
successive historical time periods—has allowed
archaeologists to assess their historicity.
Up next: Lesson 2
Rock shelters, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Dinesh Valke, CC
BY-SA 2.0)
Nine phases of painting

The Bhimbetka paintings have been classified into
nine phases under three broad cultural periods:
Phases I–V in the Mesolithic period, Phase VI in the
Chalcolithic period and Phases VII–IX in the Historic
period. Some scholars further suggest that the

paintings could even have originated around 40,000
B.C.E. or earlier. Based on considerable
archaeological evidence, it is suggested that there is
a clear distinction between the cave paintings from
the Mesolithic and Historic periods and those from
the Upper Paleolithic period and later medieval period,
which are fewer in number and less significant, as
they do not subscribe to a distinct style, as seen in
the drawings from the Mesolithic and Historical
periods
Up next: Lesson 2
War scene (detail), paintings in rock shelter 8, Upper
Paleolithic period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Bernard
Gagnon, CC BY-SA 3.0)
The earliest paintings

Early Bhimbetka paintings predominantly feature
wild animals such as gaur, a native variety of wild ox,
deer such as the chital, monkeys, wild boars, stags,
and elephants as well as hunting scenes in which
humans are depicted with bows and arrows and
headgear. There are also depictions of different types
of scenes, including ritual practices, women digging
out rats from holes, and men and women foraging for
fruits and honey.
Up next: Lesson 2
Deer, painting in rock shelter, Bhimbetka, India
(photo: Vu2sga, CC BY-SA 4.0)
Contemporary scholars have categorized the painted

animal figures in these illustrations into natural,
geometric, or abstract styles based on whether they
are simple outlines, partially filled-in or silhouetted
figures.
Up next: Lesson 2
Contemporary scholars have categorized the painted
animal figures in these illustrations into natural,
geometric, or abstract styles based on whether they
are simple outlines, partially filled-in or silhouetted
figures.
Animals painted on the rock shelters, Upper Paleolithic

period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Dinesh Valke, CC BY-SA
2.0)
For instance, several pregnant animals painted with

visible markers such as enlarged stomachs are
outlined and drawn using naturalistic or geometric
styles. Sometimes, instead of being colored, the body
of an animal is filled-in with another animal,
suggesting a more conceptual style. For instance,
some paintings depict an elephant painted within the
outline of a deer, which could suggest a fantastical
and possibly humorous approach to depicting
subjects.
Up next: Lesson 2
For instance, several pregnant animals painted with
visible markers such as enlarged stomachs are
outlined and drawn using naturalistic or geometric
styles. Sometimes, instead of being colored, the body
of an animal is filled-in with another animal,
suggesting a more conceptual style. For instance,
some paintings depict an elephant painted within the
outline of a deer, which could suggest a fantastical
and possibly humorous approach to depicting
subjects.
Human figures, paintings in rock shelter, Upper Paleolithic

period, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Vijay Tiwari, CC BY-SA
4.0)
Historic period paintings

In contrast, later paintings from the Historic period
onwards depict processions, scenes of warriors with
Up next: Lesson 2
Historic period paintings
In contrast, later paintings from the Historic period
onwards depict processions, scenes of warriors with
swords, shields, and daggers and collective rituals.
These paintings are characterized by a marked
absence of animal figures, which are
disproportionately drawn whenever they do appear.
It has also been suggested that the motifs used in
some of these later paintings reveal the religious
influence of Hinduism or Buddhism.
In some, there are clear depictions of gods such as

Ganesha and Shiva, representations of the
and symbols such as the trishul
Mother Goddess
and swastika.
Archaeologists have been able to differentiate these

paintings from the earlier, more faded paintings
underneath through processes such as radiocarbon dating
and other methods. By this time, humans were no
longer living in caves as hunter-gatherers but were in
the early stages of civilization and a sedentary life
with domesticated animals.
Up next: Lesson 2
A horned boar ("Boar Rock"), paintings in rock shelter III
F-19, Bhimbetka, India (photo: Bernard Gagnon, CC BY-
SA 3.0)
Boar Rock
Also known as Bhimbetka Shelter III F-19 and Bull
Rock, this rock shelter derives its name from its
depiction of a large, boar-like creature and is
prominent among the hundreds of structures that
comprise the Bhimbetka cave paintings. The animal
depicted in the painting has a large head, horns and
what appears to be fur on its back. It appears to be
charging leftwards, towards two figures—a human
and a crab. The painting is rendered in deep red,
which is believed to have been obtained from
hematite, and is known for its magnitude, which is
over 1.2 meters tall and .87 meters wide.
Up next: Lesson 2
Also known as Bhimbetka Shelter III F-19 and Bull
Rock, this rock shelter derives its name from its
depiction of a large, boar-like creature and is
prominent among the hundreds of structures that
comprise the Bhimbetka cave paintings. The animal
depicted in the painting has a large head, horns and
what appears to be fur on its back. It appears to be
charging leftwards, towards two figures—a human
and a crab. The painting is rendered in deep red,
which is believed to have been obtained from
hematite, and is known for its magnitude, which is
over 1.2 meters tall and .87 meters wide.
Unlike the other hunting scenes depicted in the

Bhimbetka rock shelters, the scene illustrated at Boar
rock depicts a human figure being attacked by, and
fleeing, a wild animal. While paintings of boars
appear in several other instances in the region,
scholars believe that the animal at Boar Rock is
mythical and seems to be a combination of a boar, an
ox, and an elephant.
Materials and techniques

To produce these paintings—especially the earlier
iterations—brushes were most likely made from
twigs that were chewed to soften and discard the
fibers. Additionally, fingers, bird feathers, and animal
hair are believed to have been used as brushes.
Up next: Lesson 2
To produce these paintings—especially the earlier
iterations—brushes were most likely made from
twigs that were chewed to soften and discard the
fibers. Additionally, fingers, bird feathers, and animal
hair are believed to have been used as brushes.
Pigments for different colors may have been
obtained from vegetables or from surrounding
sedimentary rocks. Hydrated iron oxides from rocks
were likely used to make shades of ochre and red
and burnt to produce colors such as yellow, rust
orange, and brown. Bird droppings or plant sap may
have been used for whites. Evidence suggests that
colors were only used in the wet form—by mixing
pigments with oils and water—and never in solid or
powdered form.
The first works of art in the region

Scholars believe that the Bhimbetka cave paintings
were quite mature and advanced for their time and
were probably not the first works of art created by
human beings in the region. Although the purposes
of these paintings are unknown, they provide
immense historical information about humans, their
relationship with animals and nature, the stages of
Prehistoric hunter-gathering, and the eventual
transition into more sedentary civilizations with
domesticated animals.
Up next: Lesson 2
have been used for whites. Evidence suggests that
colors were only used in the wet form—by mixing
pigments with oils and water—and never in solid or
powdered form.
The first works of art in the region

Scholars believe that the Bhimbetka cave paintings
were quite mature and advanced for their time and
were probably not the first works of art created by
human beings in the region. Although the purposes
of these paintings are unknown, they provide
immense historical information about humans, their
relationship with animals and nature, the stages of
Prehistoric hunter-gathering, and the eventual
transition into more sedentary civilizations with
domesticated animals.
The Bhimbetka rock shelters were marked as a

UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2003.
Jāvīd ʻAlī and Tabassum Javeed, World Heritage

Monuments and Related Edifices in India (Algora,
2008).
“Bhimbetka Rock Shelters,” New World Encyclopedia.

Up next: Lesson 2
Apollo 11 Stones
Essay by Dr. Natalie Hager
Quartzite slabs depicting animals, Apollo 11 Cave,

Namibia, c. 25,500–25,300 B.C.E. Image courtesy of
State Museum of Namibia, Windhoek
A significant discovery
Approximately 25,000 years ago, in a rock shelter in
the Huns Mountains of Namibia on the southwest
coast of Africa (today part of the Ai-Ais Richtersveld
Transfrontier Park), an animal was drawn in charcoal
Up next: video
Approximately 25,000 years ago, in a rock shelter in
the Huns Mountains of Namibia on the southwest
coast of Africa (today part of the Ai-Ais Richtersveld
Transfrontier Park), an animal was drawn in charcoal
on a hand-sized slab of stone. The stone was left
behind, over time becoming buried on the floor of
the cave by layers of sediment and debris until 1969
when a team led by German archaeologist W.E.
Wendt excavated the rock shelter and found the first
fragment (the left slab of the Quartzite slabs
depicting animals). Wendt named the cave "Apollo
11" upon hearing on his shortwave radio of NASA’s
successful space mission to the moon. It was more
than three years later however, after a subsequent
excavation, when Wendt discovered the matching
fragment (the right slab of the Quartzite slabs
depicting animals), that archaeologists and art
historians began to understand the significance of
the find.
Up next: video
Location of the Huns Mountains of Namibia (underlying
map © Google)
In total seven stone fragments of brown-grey

quartzite, some of them depicting traces of animal
figures drawn in charcoal, ocher, and white, were
found buried in a concentrated area of the cave floor
less than two meters square. While it is not possible
to learn the actual date of the fragments, it is
possible to estimate when the rocks were buried by
radiocarbon dating the archaeological layer in which
they were found. Archaeologists estimate that the
cave stones were buried between 25,500 and
25,300 years ago during the Middle Stone Age period in
southern Africa making them, at the time of their
discovery, the oldest dated art known on the African
continent and among the earliest evidence of human
artistic expression worldwide.
Up next: video
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they were found. Archaeologists estimate that the
cave stones were buried between 25,500 and
25,300 years ago during the Middle Stone Age period in
southern Africa making them, at the time of their
discovery, the oldest dated art known on the African
continent and among the earliest evidence of human
artistic expression worldwide.
While more recent discoveries of much older human

artistic endeavors have corrected our understanding
(consider the 2008 discovery of a 100,000-year-old
paint workshop in the Blombos Cave on the
southern coast of Africa), the stones remain the
oldest examples of figurative art from the African
continent. Their discovery contributes to our
conception of early humanity’s creative attempts,
before the invention of formal writing, to express
their thoughts about the world around them.
The origins of art?

Genetic and fossil evidence tells us that Homo
sapiens Homo sapiens developed on the continent of
Africa more than 100,000 years ago and spread
throughout the world. But what we do not know—
what we have only been able to assume—is that art,
too, began in Africa. Is Africa, where humanity
originated, home to the world’s oldest art? If so, can
we say that art began in Africa?
Up next: video
Genetic and fossil evidence tells us that Homo
sapiens Homo sapiens developed on the continent of
Africa more than 100,000 years ago and spread
throughout the world. But what we do not know—
what we have only been able to assume—is that art,
too, began in Africa. Is Africa, where humanity
originated, home to the world’s oldest art? If so, can
we say that art began in Africa?
View across Fish River Canyon toward the Huns

Mountains, /Ai-/Ais – Richtersveld Transfrontier Park,
southern Namibia (photo: Paul Keller, CC BY 2.0)
100,000 years of human

occupation
The Apollo 11 rock shelter overlooks a dry gorge,
sitting twenty meters above what was once a river
that ran along the valley floor The cave entrance is
Up next: video
The Apollo 11 rock shelter overlooks a dry gorge,
sitting twenty meters above what was once a river
that ran along the valley floor. The cave entrance is
wide, about twenty-eight meters across, and the
cave itself is deep: eleven meters from front to back.
While today a person can stand upright only in the
front section of the cave, during the Middle Stone
Age, as well as in the periods before and after, the
rock shelter was an active site of ongoing human
settlement.
View of painted rock art showing a horizontal zigzag line

in white with short white lines emanating from the points
and some dashes of red pigment, excavation site of the
Apollo 11 stones, Namibia (© The Trustees of the British
Museum, London; photo: David Coulson MBE)
Inside the cave, above and below the layer where the
Apollo 11 cave stones were found, archaeologists
unearthed a sequence of cultural layers representing
over 100,000 years of human occupation. In these
Up next: video
Inside the cave, above and below the layer where the
Apollo 11 cave stones were found, archaeologists
unearthed a sequence of cultural layers representing
over 100,000 years of human occupation. In these
layers stone artifacts, typical of the Middle Stone
Age period—such as blades, pointed flakes, and
scrapers—were found in raw materials not native to
the region, signaling stone tool technology
transported over long distances. Among the
remnants of hearths, ostrich eggshell fragments
bearing traces of red color were also found—either
remnants of ornamental painting or evidence that
the eggshells were used as containers for pigment.
On the cave walls, belonging to the Later Stone Age

period, rock paintings were discovered depicting
white and red zigzags, two handprints, three
geometric images, and traces of color. And on the
banks of the riverbed just upstream from the cave,
engravings of a variety of animals, some with zigzag
lines leading upwards, were found and dated to less
than 2000 years ago.
Up next: video
Apollo 11 Cave Stones, Namibia, quartzite, c. 25,500–
25,300 B.C.E. Image courtesy of State Museum of
Namibia
The Apollo 11 cave stones

But the most well-known of the rock shelter’s finds,
and the most enigmatic, remain the Apollo 11 cave
stones. On the cleavage face of what was once a
complete slab, an unidentified animal form was
drawn resembling a feline in appearance but with
human hind legs that were probably added later.
Barely visible on the head of the animal are two
slightly-curved horns likely belonging to an Oryx, a
large grazing antelope; on the animal’s underbelly,
possibly the sexual organ of a bovid.
Up next: video
But the most well-known of the rock shelter’s finds,
and the most enigmatic, remain the Apollo 11 cave
stones. On the cleavage face of what was once a
complete slab, an unidentified animal form was
drawn resembling a feline in appearance but with
human hind legs that were probably added later.
Barely visible on the head of the animal are two
slightly-curved horns likely belonging to an Oryx, a
large grazing antelope; on the animal’s underbelly,
possibly the sexual organ of a bovid.
Perhaps we have some kind of supernatural creature

—a therianthrope, part human and part animal? If so,
this may suggest a complex system of shamanistic
belief. Taken together with the later rock paintings
and the engravings, Apollo 11 becomes more than
just a cave offering shelter from the elements. It
becomes a site of ritual significance used by many
over thousands of years.
The global origins of art

In the Middle Stone Age period in southern Africa,
prehistoric man was a hunter-gatherer, moving from
place to place in search of food and shelter. But this
modern human also drew an animal form with
charcoal—a form as much imagined as it was
observed. This is what makes the Apollo 11 cave
stones find so interesting: the stones offer evidence
Up next: video
In the Middle Stone Age period in southern Africa,
prehistoric man was a hunter-gatherer, moving from
place to place in search of food and shelter. But this
modern human also drew an animal form with
charcoal—a form as much imagined as it was
observed. This is what makes the Apollo 11 cave
stones find so interesting: the stones offer evidence
that Homo sapiens in the Middle Stone Age—us,
some 25,000 years ago—were not only anatomically
modern, but behaviorally modern as well. That is to
say, these early humans possessed the new and
unique capacity for modern symbolic thought, “the
human capacity,” long before what was previously
understood.
The cave stones are what archaeologists term art

mobilier—small-scale prehistoric art that is moveable.
But mobile art, and rock art generally, is not unique
to Africa. Rock art is a global phenomenon that can
be found across the world—in Europe, Asia, Australia,
and North and South America. While we cannot
know for certain what these early humans intended
by the things that they made, by focusing on art as
the product of humanity’s creativity and imagination
we can begin to explore where, and hypothesize
why, art began.
Up next: video
Nude woman (Venus of Willendorf)
By Dr. Bryan Zygmont
"Venus" (or Woman) of Willendorf, c. 24,000–22,000 B.C.E.,

limestone, 11.1 cm high (Naturhistorisches Museum,
Vienna; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Can a 25,000-year-old object be a

work of art?
The artifact known as the Venus of Willendorf dates
to between 24,000–22,000 B.C.E., making it one of
the oldest and most famous surviving works of art.
But what does it mean to be a work of art?
The Oxford English Dictionary perhaps the authority

Up next: exercise
The artifact known as the Venus of Willendorf dates
to between 24,000–22,000 B.C.E., making it one of
the oldest and most famous surviving works of art.
But what does it mean to be a work of art?
The Oxford English Dictionary, perhaps the authority

on the English language, defines the word "art" as
"the application of skill to the arts of imitation

and design, painting, engraving, sculpture,
architecture; the cultivation of these in its
principles, practice, and results; the skillful
production of the beautiful in visible forms."
Some of the words and phrases that stand out within

this definition include “application of skill,”
“imitation,” and “beautiful.” By this definition, the
concept of “art” involves the use of skill to create an
object that contains some appreciation of aesthetics.
The object is not only made, it is made with an
attempt of creating something that contains
elements of beauty.
In contrast, the same Oxford English Dictionary

defines the word "artifact" as,
"anything made by human art and

workmanship; an artificial product. In
Archaeol[ogy] applied to the rude products of
Up next: exercise
In contrast, the same Oxford English Dictionary
defines the word "artifact" as,
"anything made by human art and

workmanship; an artificial product. In
Archaeol[ogy] applied to the rude products of
aboriginal workmanship as distinguished from
natural remains."
Again, some keywords and phrases are important:

“anything made by human art,” and “rude products.”
Clearly, an artifact is any object created by
humankind regardless of the "skill" of its creator or
the absence of "beauty."

limestone 11.1 cm high (Naturhistorisches Museum,
Artifact, then, is anything created by humankind, and
Up next: exercise
limestone 11.1 cm high (Naturhistorisches Museum,
Artifact, then, is anything created by humankind, and

art is a particular kind of artifact, a group of objects
under the broad umbrella of artifact, in which beauty
has been achieved through the application of skills.
Think of the average plastic spoon: a uniform white
color, mass produced, and unremarkable in just
about every way. While it serves a function—say, for
example, to stir your hot chocolate—the person who
designed it likely did so without any real dedication
or commitment to making this utilitarian object
beautiful. You have likely never lovingly gazed at a
plastic spoon and remarked, “Wow! Now that’s a
beautiful spoon!” This is in contrast to a silver spoon
you might purchase at Tiffany & Co. While their
spoon could just as well stir cream into your morning
coffee, it was skillfully designed by a person who
attempted to make it aesthetically pleasing; note the
Up next: exercise
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beautiful. You have likely never lovingly gazed at a
plastic spoon and remarked, “Wow! Now that’s a
beautiful spoon!” This is in contrast to a silver spoon
you might purchase at Tiffany & Co. While their
spoon could just as well stir cream into your morning
coffee, it was skillfully designed by a person who
attempted to make it aesthetically pleasing; note the
elegant bend of the handle, the gentle luster of the
metal, the graceful slope of the bowl.
Venus of Willendorf (NHMW-Prae 44.686)


by Natural History Museum Vienna

Loading 3D model
These terms are important to bear in mind when

analyzing prehistoric art. While it is unlikely people
from the Upper Paleolithic period cared to conceptualize
what it meant to make art or to be an artist, it cannot
be denied that the objects they created were made
with skill, were often made as a way of imitating the
world around them, and were made with a particular
care to create something beautiful. They likely
represent, for the Paleolithic peoples who created
them, objects made with great competence and with
Up next: exercise
These terms are important to bear in mind when
analyzing prehistoric art. While it is unlikely people
from the Upper Paleolithic period cared to conceptualize
what it meant to make art or to be an artist, it cannot
be denied that the objects they created were made
with skill, were often made as a way of imitating the
world around them, and were made with a particular
care to create something beautiful. They likely
represent, for the Paleolithic peoples who created
them, objects made with great competence and with
a particular interest in aesthetics.
Caves and pockets

Two main types of Upper Paleolithic art have
survived. The first we can classify as permanently
located works found on the walls within caves.
Mostly unknown prior to the final decades of the
nineteenth century, many such sites have now been
discovered throughout much of southern Europe and
have provided historians and archaeologists new
insights into humankind millennia prior to the
creation of writing. The subjects of these works vary:
we may observe a variety of geometric motifs, many
types of flora and fauna, and the occasional human
figure. They also fluctuate in size; ranging from
several inches to large-scale compositions that span
many feet in length.
Up next: exercise
figure. They also fluctuate in size; ranging from
several inches to large-scale compositions that span
many feet in length.
"Venus" (or Woman) of Willendorf, c. 24,000–22,000

B.C.E., limestone 11.1 cm high (Naturhistorisches
Museum, Vienna; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-
SA 2.0)
The second category of Paleolithic art may be called

portable since these works are generally of a small-
scale—a logical size given the nomadic nature of
Paleolithic peoples. Despite their often diminutive
Up next: exercise
The second category of Paleolithic art may be called
portable since these works are generally of a small-
scale—a logical size given the nomadic nature of
Paleolithic peoples. Despite their often diminutive
size, the creation of these portable objects signifies a
remarkable allocation of time and effort. As such,
these figurines were significant enough to take along
during the nomadic wanderings of their Paleolithic
creators.
The Venus of Willendorf is a perfect example of this.

Josef Szombathy, an Austro-Hungarian archaeologist,
discovered this work in 1908 outside the small
Austrian village of Willendorf. Although generally
projected in art history classrooms to be several feet
tall, this limestone figurine is petite in size. She
measures just under 11.1 cm high, and could fit
comfortably in the palm of your hand. This small
scale allowed whoever carved (or, perhaps owned)
this figurine to carry it during their nearly daily
nomadic travels in search of food.
Naming and dating

Clearly, the Paleolithic sculptor who made this small
figurine would never have named it the Venus of
Willendorf. Venus was the name of the Roman
goddess of love and ideal beauty. When discovered
outside the Austrian village of Willendorf, scholars
Up next: exercise
Clearly, the Paleolithic sculptor who made this small
figurine would never have named it the Venus of
Willendorf. Venus was the name of the Roman
goddess of love and ideal beauty. When discovered
outside the Austrian village of Willendorf, scholars
mistakenly assumed that this figure was likewise a
goddess of love and beauty. There is absolutely no
evidence though that the Venus of Willendorf shared
a function similar to its classically inspired namesake.
However incorrect the name may be, it has endured
and tells us more about those who found her than
those who made her.
Dating too can be a problem, especially since

Prehistoric art, by definition, has no written record.
In fact, the definition of the word prehistoric is that
written language did not yet exist, so the creator of
the Venus of Willendorf could not have incised “Bob
made this in the year 24,000 B.C.E.” on the back. In
addition, stone artifacts present a special problem
since we are interested in the date that the stone
was carved, not the date of the material itself.
Despite these hurdles, art historians and
archaeologists attempt to establish dates for
prehistoric finds through two processes. The first is
called relative dating and the second involves an
examination of the stratification of an object’s
discovery.
Relative dating is an easily understood process that
Up next: exercise
Despite these hurdles, art historians and
archaeologists attempt to establish dates for
prehistoric finds through two processes. The first is
called relative dating and the second involves an
examination of the stratification of an object’s
discovery.
Relative dating is an easily understood process that

involves stylistically comparing an object whose date
is uncertain to other objects whose dates have been
firmly established. By correctly fitting the unknown
object into this stylistic chronology, scholars can find
a very general chronological date for an object. A
simple example can illustrate this method. The first
Chevrolet Corvette was sold during the 1953 model
year, and this particular car has gone through
numerous iterations up to its most recent version. If
presented with pictures of the Corvette’s
development from every five years to establish the
stylistic development from its earliest model to the
most recent (for example, images from the 1953,
1958, 1963, and all the way to the current model),
you would have a general idea of the changes the car
underwent over time. If then given a picture of a
Corvette from an unknown year, you could, on the
basis of stylistic analysis, generally place it within the
visual chronology of this car with some accuracy. The
Corvette is a convenient example, but the same
exercise could be applied to iPods, Coca-Cola bottles,
suits, or any other object that changes over time.
Up next: exercise
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underwent over time. If then given a picture of a
Corvette from an unknown year, you could, on the
basis of stylistic analysis, generally place it within the
visual chronology of this car with some accuracy. The
Corvette is a convenient example, but the same
exercise could be applied to iPods, Coca-Cola bottles,
suits, or any other object that changes over time.
Plan of the excavation at Willendorf I in 1908 with the

position of the figurine.
The second way scholars date the Venus of Willendorf

is through an analysis of where it was found.
Generally, the deeper an object is recovered from the
earth, the longer that object has been buried.
Imagine a penny jar that has had coins added to it for
hundreds of years. It is a good bet that the coins at
the bottom of that jar are the oldest, whereas those
at the top are the newest. The same applies to
Paleolithic objects. Because of the depth at which
these objects are found, we can infer that they are
very old indeed.
What did it mean?

Up next: exercise
at the top are the newest. The same applies to
Paleolithic objects. Because of the depth at which
these objects are found, we can infer that they are
very old indeed.
What did it mean?

In the absence of writing, art historians rely on the
objects themselves to learn about ancient peoples.
The form of the Venus of Willendorf—that is, what it
looks like—may very well inform what it originally
meant. The most conspicuous elements of her
anatomy are those that deal with the process of
reproduction and child rearing. The artist took
particular care to emphasize her breasts, which some
scholars suggest indicates that she is able to nurse a
child. The artist also brought deliberate attention to
her pubic region. Traces of a pigment—red ochre—
can still be seen on parts of the figurine.
Up next: exercise
Detail, "Venus" (or Woman) of Willendorf, c. 24,000–22,000
B.C.E., limestone 11.1 cm high (Naturhistorisches
Museum, Vienna; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA
2.0)
In contrast, the sculptor placed scant attention on

the non-reproductive parts of her body. This is
particularly noticeable in the figure's limbs, where
there is little emphasis placed on musculature or
anatomical accuracy. We may infer from the small
size of her feet that she was not meant to be free-
standing and was either meant to be carried or
placed lying down. The artist carved the figure’s
upper arms along her upper torso, and her lower
arms are only barely visible, resting upon the top of
her breasts. As enigmatic as the lack of attention to
her limbs is, the absence of attention to the face is
even more striking. No eyes, nose, ears, or mouth
remain visible. Instead, our attention is drawn to
seven horizontal bands that wrap in concentric
circles from the crown of her head. Some scholars
h dh h di b db k i
Up next: exercise
even more striking. No eyes, nose, ears, or mouth
remain visible. Instead, our attention is drawn to
seven horizontal bands that wrap in concentric
circles from the crown of her head. Some scholars
have suggested her head is obscured by a knit cap
pulled downward, others suggest that these forms
may represent braided or beaded hair and that her
face, perhaps once painted, is angled downward.
If the face was purposefully obscured, the Paleolithic

sculptor may have created, not a portrait of a
particular person, but rather a representation of the
reproductive and child rearing aspects of a woman.
In combination with the emphasis on the breasts and
pubic area, it seems likely that the Venus of
Willendorf had a function that related to fertility.
Without a doubt, we can learn much more from the

Venus of Willendorf than its diminutive size might at
first suggest. We learn about relative dating and
stratification. We learn that these nomadic people
living almost 25,000 years ago cared about making
objects beautiful. And we can learn that these
Paleolithic people had an awareness of the
importance of women.
The Venus of Willendorf is only one example of

dozens of Paleolithic figures that may have been
associated with fertility. Nevertheless, it retains a
place of prominence within the history of human art.
Up next: exercise
If the face was purposefully obscured, the Paleolithic
sculptor may have created, not a portrait of a
particular person, but rather a representation of the
reproductive and child rearing aspects of a woman.
In combination with the emphasis on the breasts and
pubic area, it seems likely that the Venus of
Willendorf had a function that related to fertility.
Without a doubt, we can learn much more from the

Venus of Willendorf than its diminutive size might at
first suggest. We learn about relative dating and
stratification. We learn that these nomadic people
living almost 25,000 years ago cared about making
objects beautiful. And we can learn that these
Paleolithic people had an awareness of the
importance of women.
The Venus of Willendorf is only one example of

dozens of Paleolithic figures that may have been
associated with fertility. Nevertheless, it retains a
place of prominence within the history of human art.
More on the name of the Venus of Willendorft: J. T.

Thomas, The Cousins of Sarah Baartman: Anthropology,
Race, and the 'Curvaceous' Venuses of the Ice Age.
Up next: exercise
The Neolithic Revolution
Essay by Dr. Senta German
A Settled Life
When people think of the Neolithic era, they often

think of Stonehenge, the iconic image of this early
era. Dating to approximately 3000 B.C.E. and set on
Salisbury Plain in England, it is a structure larger and
more complex than anything built before it in
Europe. Stonehenge is an example of the cultural
advances brought about by the Neolithic revolution—
the most important development in human history.
The way we live today, settled in homes, close to
other people in towns and cities, protected by laws,
eating food grown on farms, and with leisure time to
learn, explore and invent is all a result of the
Neolithic revolution, which occurred approximately
11,500-5,000 years ago. The revolution which led to
our way of life was the development of the
technology needed to plant and harvest crops and to
domesticate animals.
Before the Neolithic revolution, it's likely you would

have lived with your extended family as a nomad,
Up next: Lesson 2
Before the Neolithic revolution, it's likely you would
have lived with your extended family as a nomad,
never staying anywhere for more than a few months,
always living in temporary shelters, always searching
for food and never owning anything you
couldn’t easily pack in a pocket or a sack. The change
to the Neolithic way of life was huge and led to many
of the pleasures (lots of food, friends and a
comfortable home) that we still enjoy today.
Stonehenge, c. 3,000 B.C.E., Salisbury Plain, England
Neolithic Art
The massive changes in the way people lived also

changed the types of art they made. Neolithic
sculpture became bigger, in part, because people
didn’t have to carry it around anymore; pottery
became more widespread and was used to store
Up next: Lesson 2
The massive changes in the way people lived also
changed the types of art they made. Neolithic
sculpture became bigger, in part, because people
didn’t have to carry it around anymore; pottery
became more widespread and was used to store
food harvested from farms. This is when alcohol was
first produced and when architecture, and its
interior and exterior decoration, first appears. In
short, people settle down and begin to live in one
place, year after year.
It seems very unlikely that Stonehenge could have

been made by earlier, Paleolithic, nomads. It would
have been a waste to invest so much time and
energy building a monument in a place to which they
might never return or might only return infrequently.
After all, the effort to build it was extraordinary.
Stonehenge is approximately 320 feet in
circumference and the stones which compose the
outer ring weigh as much as 50 tons; the small
stones, weighing as much as 6 tons, were
quarried from as far away as 450 miles. The use or
meaning of Stonehenge is not clear, but the design,
planning and execution could have only been carried
out by a culture in which authority was
unquestioned. Here is a culture that was able to rally
hundreds of people to perform very hard work for
extended periods of time. This is another
characteristic of the Neolithic era.
Up next: Lesson 2
quarried from as far away as 450 miles. The use or
meaning of Stonehenge is not clear, but the design,
planning and execution could have only been carried
out by a culture in which authority was
unquestioned. Here is a culture that was able to rally
hundreds of people to perform very hard work for
extended periods of time. This is another
characteristic of the Neolithic era.
Skulls with plaster and shell from the Pre-Pottery

Neolithic B, 6,000-7,000 B.C.E., found at the Yiftah'el
archeological site in the Lower Galilee, Israel
Plastered Skulls
The Neolithic period is also important because it is

when we first find good evidence for religious
practice, a perpetual inspiration for the fine arts.
Perhaps most fascinating are the plaster skulls found
around the area of the Levant, at six sites, including
Up next: Lesson 2
The Neolithic period is also important because it is
when we first find good evidence for religious
practice, a perpetual inspiration for the fine arts.
Perhaps most fascinating are the plaster skulls found
around the area of the Levant, at six sites, including
Jericho. At this time in the Neolithic, c. 7000-6,000
B.C.E., people were often buried under the floors of
homes, and in some cases their skulls were removed
and covered with plaster in order to create very life-
like faces, complete with shells inset for eyes and
paint to imitate hair and moustaches.
The traditional interpretation of these the skulls has

been that they offered a means of preserving and
worshiping male ancestors. However, recent
research has shown that among the sixty-one
plastered skulls that have been found, there is a
generous number that come from the bodies of
women and children. Perhaps the skulls are not so
much religious objects but rather powerful images
made to aid in mourning lost loved ones.
Neolithic peoples didn't have written language, so we

may never know (the earliest example of writing
develops in Sumer in Mesopotamia in the late
4th millennium B.C.E. However, there are scholars
that believe that earlier proto-writing developed
during the Neolithic period).
Essay by Dr. Senta German
Up next: Lesson 2
Bushel with ibex motifs
By Dr. Senta German
Pottery from Susa

Because of its nearly indestructible nature, pottery is
a critical class of material evidence about the ancient
world. Some of the earliest and most beautiful
pottery from the Ancient Near East comes from the site of
Susa, first settled 6,000 years ago, located in the
lower Zagros Mountains about 250 km (160 miles)
east of the Tigris river in modern Iran.
Location of ancient Susa (underlying map © Google)
The most important area of the first settlement at

Up next: article
Location of ancient Susa (underlying map © Google)
The most important area of the first settlement at

Susa was a monumental platform upon which a
temple was built. Around the base of the platform,
over a thousand graves were dug in a tightly packed
cemetery dating to the last half of the 5th
millennium. In these graves, thousands of examples
of a remarkable type of pottery have been found that
archaeologists refer to as Susa I (most are in the
Louvre museum). The burials in the cemetery were
nearly all secondary, meaning that the bones of the
deceased were buried after the skin and soft tissue
had decomposed, either in a first, or primary burial,
or having been laid out to decompose. What makes
this cemetery at Susa unusual is that it would appear
that all the graves were dug and filled more or less
simultaneously, possibly as the result of some social
and/or environmental stress. There is some evidence
for the latter, including for increased rain and rising
sea levels at that time.
Up next: article
Vessels, 4200–3500 B.C.E., Susa I period, necropolis,
acropolis mound, Susa, Iran, painted terra-cotta, 28.9 x
16.4 cm, excavations led by Jacques de Morgan, 1906–
08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris; photo: Steven Zucker, CC
BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Susa I pottery was likely only made for burial and not
for daily use; we know this because excavations of
homes and archaeological surveys of surrounding
lands find very few examples of it. Although,
interestingly, there are faint signs of wear on some
vessels, possibly meaning that they were used just
before being deposited for burial.
Susa I pottery was mostly built by hand, although

some pieces seem to exhibit the use of a slow
potter’s wheel. The painting on the pots is
asymmetrical and exhibits subtle irregularities which
indicate that the decoration was added free hand.
The most common shapes were drinking goblets or
Up next: article
Susa I pottery was mostly built by hand, although
some pieces seem to exhibit the use of a slow
potter’s wheel. The painting on the pots is
asymmetrical and exhibits subtle irregularities which
indicate that the decoration was added free hand.
The most common shapes were drinking goblets or
beakers, serving plates and small jars, possibly a
specific set of dishes for a meal in the afterlife.
Although a quick look at Susa I pottery might make
one think it is all very similar, in fact, each vessel has
a motif or combination of motifs that is unique. This
variety likely means a large class of artisans produced
them over a period of only a couple of generations.
Wading birds and dog (detail), Vessel, 4200–3500 B.C.E.,

Susa I period, necropolis, acropolis mound, Susa, Iran,
painted terra-cotta, 28.9 x 16.4 cm, excavations led by
Jacques de Morgan, 1906–08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris;
photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Beaker with Ibex Motifs

Up next: article
Beaker with Ibex Motifs
Beaker with Ibex Motifs is one of the finest examples
of the Susa I type, delicate and finely painted. It is
also quite large, at 28.9 cm in height and with a
diameter of 16.4 cm. The vessel can hold almost one
gallon of liquid making it an unwieldy cup therefore it
was most likely only existed for display.
Like so much art of the Ancient Near East, the

images on the exterior of the beaker are divided into
bands or registers. The top band is filled with highly
repetitive abstract drawings of long-necked birds,
likely wading water birds often seen on the Susiana
plain in winter. The next band beneath that contains
abstracted images of dogs, one after another, likely a
saluki, or Persian gazelle hound (a slender greyhound
hunting type typical of desert regions and still prized
pets today).
The next and largest band, which takes up the

central field of the beaker, illustrates an ibex, or
mountain goat, whose horns curve in a wide arch to
surround a cross-hatched and chevron motif (this
motif is commonly found on the open bowls of the
Susa I type). This ibex was a native to the Zagros
Mountains and is the wild ancestor of the domestic
goat still herded today. Ninety-one tall Susa I beakers
excavated at the cemetery have a similar design but
l t i l d th ib ith th hi h
Up next: article
The next and largest band, which takes up the
central field of the beaker, illustrates an ibex, or
mountain goat, whose horns curve in a wide arch to
surround a cross-hatched and chevron motif (this
motif is commonly found on the open bowls of the
Susa I type). This ibex was a native to the Zagros
Mountains and is the wild ancestor of the domestic
goat still herded today. Ninety-one tall Susa I beakers
excavated at the cemetery have a similar design but
only ten include the ibex with the arching horns.
Beneath this middle register the base of the beaker is
painted with very thin lines then at the base a very
thick band.
Beaker with ibex motifs, 4200–3500 B.C.E., Susa I period,

necropolis, acropolis mound, Susa, Iran, painted terra-
cotta, 28.9 x 16.4 cm, excavations led by Jacques de
Morgan, 1906–08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris; photo:
Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
The meaning of the Beaker with Ibex is difficult to

know; it might just be an unusual and unusually
Up next: article
Beaker with ibex motifs, 4200–3500 B.C.E., Susa I period,
necropolis, acropolis mound, Susa, Iran, painted terra-
cotta, 28.9 x 16.4 cm, excavations led by Jacques de
Morgan, 1906–08 (Musée du Louvre, Paris; photo:
Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
The meaning of the Beaker with Ibex is difficult to

know; it might just be an unusual and unusually
beautiful vessel which was needed for a proper
burial. What is striking, however, is the pride of place
given to the animals of the region around Susa in its
decoration. Two of these animals—the hunting dog
and ibex—are actors in the mixed substance strategy
(traditional hunting and gathering together with new
plant and animal domestication) which is thought to
have been newly practiced in the 5th millennium.
The Beaker with Ibex is an elegant testament to the
new lifeways of those in the Susan plain at the very
beginning of the long history of the Ancient Near
East.
Up next: article
Anthropomorphic stele
by Nathalie Hager
This stone marker depicts an abstracted human. How

should we interpret one of the Arabia's earliest
artifacts?
Anthropomorphic stele El Maakir

Up next: video
Anthropomorphic stele, El-Maakir-
Qaryat al-kaafa near Ha’il, Saudi Arabia,
4th millennium B.C.E. (4000-3000
B.C.E.), sandstone, 92 x 21 cm (National
Museum, Riyadh)
An anthropomorphic stele from

Ha'il
This stele is tall, measuring approximately three feet
high. But it is not just vertical height that makes this
free-standing stone sculpture appear human, or
anthropomorphic.
While both sides are sculpted, emphasis is on the

front, particularly the face, chest, and waist: a
trapezoidal head rests directly on squared shoulders
with the outline of a face framing two closely-spaced
eyes and a flattened nose; on the robed figure’s torso
a necklace hangs with two cords diagonally crossing
the body with an awl (a small pointed tool) attached;
and at the waist, a double-bladed dagger hangs from
a wide belt that continues around to the back. The
sculpture is simple, even abstract, but clearly
represents a human figure.
Up next: video
Three anthropomorphic stelae dating to the 4th
millennium B.C.E. found in northwest Saudi Arabia, near
Ha’il and in Tayma (photos: DiverseMentality, CC BY-SA
2.0)
Found in a small village near Ha’il in northwest Saudi

Arabia, this anthropomorphic (human-like) stele was
one of three discovered in the region. The trio join a
corpus of more than sixty low-relief sculptures in
human form dating to the fourth millennium B.C.E.
and discovered across the Arabian Peninsula in the
last four decades. Despite the vast territory in which
they were found (some 2,300 kilometers, stretching
from Jordan in the north to Yemen in the south)
these stelae (the plural of stele or in Latin, stela)
share certain features and characteristics. How can
this be?
Up next: video
Map of the Arabian Peninsula
Arabia’s prehistory
While today Saudi Arabia is known for its desert
sands and oil reserves, in prehistoric times the
environment and landscape were dramatically
different—more fertile and lush, and readily
accessible to humans: early stone petroglyphs depict
people hunting ostriches, a flightless bird that hasn’t
been able to survive in the region for thousands of
years.
It was during the Neolithic period, from the sixth to

the fourth millennium B.C.E. when the Arabian
Peninsula was more like a savannah than a desert,
that small groups of hunter gatherers gradually
Up next: video
It was during the Neolithic period, from the sixth to
the fourth millennium B.C.E. when the Arabian
Peninsula was more like a savannah than a desert,
that small groups of hunter-gatherers gradually
shifted their economy from predation to production
by domesticating such herd animals as sheep, goats,
and cattle, and settling in oases and mountainous
regions linked to one another by caravan trails. Due
to changing climactic conditions these settlement
sites were often only temporary—occupied
seasonally but repeatedly, and probably for centuries
—yet it was this constant need for movement that
stimulated communication between regions and
interaction among its societies. But more than just
people moved along Arabia’s caravan trails: ideas and
objects travelled too.
Figural representation in pre-

Islamic Arabia
On a rock wall at Tabuk, close to the Jordan-Saudi
Arabia border, two human silhouettes dating to the
late Neolithic period show the same cord, awl, and
double-bladed dagger as the Ha’il stele. In Riqseh, in
southern Jordan, a broken stele has been found with
a similar awl and dagger. While in Southern Arabia
stelae are considerably smaller than in the north
(some reach only 40 centimeters high), examples
from Rawk in Yemen display the same characteristic
Up next: video
On a rock wall at Tabuk, close to the Jordan-Saudi
Arabia border, two human silhouettes dating to the
late Neolithic period show the same cord, awl, and
double-bladed dagger as the Ha’il stele. In Riqseh, in
southern Jordan, a broken stele has been found with
a similar awl and dagger. While in Southern Arabia
stelae are considerably smaller than in the north
(some reach only 40 centimeters high), examples
from Rawk in Yemen display the same characteristic
lack of detail as the Ha’il stele. This evidence of
stylistic influence, coupled with the presence of
exogenous materials (materials that originated
elsewhere), confirm that during the Neolithic period
objects were circulated and exchanged across wide
swathes of territory.
What is just as interesting as this common visual

repertoire is the shared anthropomorphism: each
stele represents an upright male figure carved in
stone—remarkable, for it is figural representation in a
land thought for so long to have none. Indeed, for
many, the history of the Arabian Peninsula began
with the rise of Islam in the seventh century C.E.
when artistic expression was focused on the written
word and human form was largely absent. But what
the Ha’il stele reveals—what the full corpus of
anthropomorphic stelae show us—is the existence of
a pre-Islamic Arabia in which the human figure
dominates.
Up next: video
Anthropomorphic stele, El-Maakir-
Qaryat al-kaafa near Ha’il, Saudi Arabia,
4th millennium B.C.E. (4000-3000
B.C.E.), sandstone, 92 x 21 cm (National
Museum, Riyadh)
Arabia: an open peninsula at the

crossroads of trade
Archaeology is a relatively new field of study on the
Arabian Peninsula: surprisingly, it is only within the
last forty years or so that scientists have been able to
Up next: video
Archaeology is a relatively new field of study on the
Arabian Peninsula: surprisingly, it is only within the
last forty years or so that scientists have been able to
shed light on Saudi Arabia’s early material culture to
recognize a historical and cultural past largely
ignored and previously believed to hold no
importance at all.
Before Arabia traded in incense, before Islam (when

Muslims traveled in pilgrimage to Mecca), during the
Neolithic period early caravan trails expanded into an
intra-regional network that eventually spread
externally into contact between Eastern Arabia and
Mesopotamia. It was this early contact that
positioned the Peninsula, in the Bronze Age and
through Antiquity, as the center of an active and
interconnected Ancient World—a commercial and
cultural crossroads bridging East and West—linking
trade and pilgrimage routes that reached from India
and China, to the Mediterranean and Egypt, Yemen
and East Africa to Syria, Iran and Mesopotamia.
Interpreting the Ha’il stele

Despite apparent visual similarities it would be a
serious error to assume that the meanings and
symbols of each stele were everywhere the same—
each region, village, and tribe is believed to differ in
custom and to have developed strong local
Up next: video
Despite apparent visual similarities it would be a
serious error to assume that the meanings and
symbols of each stele were everywhere the same—
each region, village, and tribe is believed to differ in
custom and to have developed strong local
traditions. To avoid the risk of assigning generalized
meanings to distinct anthropomorphic stelae
excavated across the Arabian Peninsula, scholars
have increasingly focused on local culture in their
analysis of material history. In other words, they have
looked beyond what appears to be a common style
to conduct a fine-grained analysis of each stone’s
unique context of local social and ritual practices.
With this in mind, how are we to interpret the Ha’il
stele, one of the Arabian Peninsula’s earliest known
artifacts?
Archaeologists believe that the Ha’il stele was

probably associated with religious or burial practices,
and was likely used as a grave marker in an open-air
sanctuary. While we do not know who produced the
stele (just imagine a specialist stone carver working
among mobile pastoral herders), we continue to be
intrigued by the quality of the carving and its
minimalist, yet expressive, representation of the
human figure.
Postscript: the global phenomenon

of the stele
Up next: video
Archaeologists believe that the Ha’il stele was
probably associated with religious or burial practices,
and was likely used as a grave marker in an open-air
sanctuary. While we do not know who produced the
stele (just imagine a specialist stone carver working
among mobile pastoral herders), we continue to be
intrigued by the quality of the carving and its
minimalist, yet expressive, representation of the
human figure.
Postscript: the global phenomenon

of the stele
While carved or inscribed stone stelae were used
primarily as grave markers, they were also used for
dedication, commemoration, and demarcation. Stele
is the term used most often in the Mediterranean
World, yet similar objects called by other names and
dating to most periods have been found throughout
the world including the Ancient Near East, Ancient
Egypt, Greece and Rome, China, Islamic lands, and
Pre-Columbian Mesoamerica and South America.
Some Smarthistory examples:
Victory Stele of Naram-Sim, Akkadian (2254–2218

B.C.E.)
Law code of Hammurabi, Babylonian (1792–1750

Up next: video
Jericho
By Dr. Senta German
Tell es-sultan, Jericho archaeological site (photo: Tamar

Hayardeni, CC BY 3.0)
A natural oasis
The site of Jericho, just north of the Dead Sea and
due west of the Jordan River, is one of the oldest
continuously lived-in cities in the world. The reason
for this may be found in its Arabic name, Ārīḥā, which
means fragrant; Jericho is a natural oasis in the
desert where countless freshwater springs can be
f d Thi hi h d i fi i i
Up next: article
The site of Jericho, just north of the Dead Sea and
due west of the Jordan River, is one of the oldest
continuously lived-in cities in the world. The reason
for this may be found in its Arabic name, Ārīḥā, which
means fragrant; Jericho is a natural oasis in the
desert where countless freshwater springs can be
found. This resource, which drew its first visitors
between 10,000 and 9000 B.C.E., still has
descendants that live there today.
Tell es-sultan, Jericho archaeological site from the air

(photo: public domain)
Biblical reference
The site of Jericho is best known for its identity in
the Bible, and this has drawn pilgrims and explorers
to it as early as the 4th century C.E.; serious
archaeological exploration didn’t begin until the
Up next: article
The site of Jericho is best known for its identity in
the Bible, and this has drawn pilgrims and explorers
to it as early as the 4th century C.E.; serious
archaeological exploration didn’t begin until the
latter half of the 19th century. What continues to
draw archaeologists to Jericho today is the hope of
finding some evidence of the warrior Joshua, who led
the Israelites to an unlikely victory against the
Canaanites (“the walls of the city fell when Joshua
and his men marched around them blowing horns”
Joshua 6:1–27). Although unequivocal evidence of
Joshua himself has yet to be found, what has been
uncovered are some 12,000 years of human activity.
The most spectacular finds at Jericho, however, do

not date to the time of Joshua, roughly the Bronze Age,
but rather to the earliest part of the Neolithic era, before
even the technology to make pottery had been
discovered.
Up next: article
Looking down at the tower at Jericho (photo: public
domain)
Old walls
The site of Jericho rises above the wide plain of the
Jordan Valley, its height the result of layer upon layer
of human habitation, a formation called a Tell. The
earliest visitors to the site who left remains (stone
tools) came in the Mesolithic period, but the first
settlement at the site, around the Ein as-Sultan
spring, dates to the early Neolithic era, and these
people, who built homes, grew plants and kept
animals, were among the earliest to do such
anywhere in the world. Specifically, in the
levels at Jericho, archaeologists
Pre-Pottery Neolithic A
found remains of a very large settlement of circular

h d ith db i k dt d ith d d
Up next: article
The site of Jericho rises above the wide plain of the
Jordan Valley, its height the result of layer upon layer
of human habitation, a formation called a Tell. The
earliest visitors to the site who left remains (stone
tools) came in the Mesolithic period, but the first
settlement at the site, around the Ein as-Sultan
spring, dates to the early Neolithic era, and these
people, who built homes, grew plants and kept
animals, were among the earliest to do such
anywhere in the world. Specifically, in the
levels at Jericho, archaeologists
Pre-Pottery Neolithic A
found remains of a very large settlement of circular

homes made with mud brick and topped with domed
roofs.
As the name of this era implies, these early people at

Jericho had not yet figured out how to make pottery,
but they made vessels out of stone, wove cloth, and
for tools were trading for a particularly useful kind of
stone, obsidian, from as far away as Çiftlik, in eastern
Turkey. The settlement grew quickly and, for reasons
unknown, the inhabitants soon constructed a
substantial stone wall and exterior ditch around their
town, complete with a stone tower almost eight
meters high, set against the inner side of the wall.
Theories as to the function of this wall range from
military defense to keeping out animal predators to
even combating the natural rising of the level of the
ground surrounding the settlement. However,
regardless of its original use, here we have the first
Up next: article
Theories as to the function of this wall range from
military defense to keeping out animal predators to
even combating the natural rising of the level of the
ground surrounding the settlement. However,
regardless of its original use, here we have the first
version of the walls Joshua so ably conquered some
six thousand years later.
Plastered human skulls

The Pre-Pottery Neolithic A period is followed by the
Pre-Pottery Neolithic B,
which was different from its
predecessor in important ways. Houses in this era
were uniformly rectangular and constructed with a
new kind of rectangular mud bricks which were
decorated with herringbone thumb impressions, and
always laid lengthwise in thick mud mortar. This
mortar, like a plaster, was also used to create a
smooth surface on the interior walls, extending down
across the floors as well. In this period, there is some
strong evidence for cult or religious belief at Jericho.
Archaeologists discovered one uniquely large
building dating to the period with unique series of
plastered interior pits and basins as well as domed
adjoining structures, and it is thought this was for
ceremonial use.
Up next: article
Plastered human skull with shell eyes from Jericho, Pre-
Pottery Neolithic B, c. 7200 B.C.E. (The British Museum,
London; photo: Steven Zucker, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Other possible evidence of cult practice was

discovered in several homes of the Pre-Pottery
Neolithic town, in the form of plastered human skulls
which were molded over to resemble living heads.
Shells were used for eyes, and traces of paint
revealed that skin and hair were also included in the
representations. The largest group found together
were nine examples, buried in the fill below the
plastered floor of one house.
Jericho isn’t the only site at which plastered skulls

have been found in Pre-Pottery Neolithic B levels;
they have also been found at Tell Ramad, Beisamoun,
Kfar Hahoresh, ‘Ain Ghazal, and Nahal Hemar.
Among some sixty-two skulls discovered among
these sites, we know that older and younger men, as
well as women and children, are represented, which
Up next: article
p aste ed oo o o e ouse.
Jericho isn’t the only site at which plastered skulls

have been found in Pre-Pottery Neolithic B levels;
they have also been found at Tell Ramad, Beisamoun,
Kfar Hahoresh, ‘Ain Ghazal, and Nahal Hemar.
Among some sixty-two skulls discovered among
these sites, we know that older and younger men, as
well as women and children, are represented, which
poses interesting questions as to their meaning.
Were they focal points in ancestor worship, as was
originally thought, or did they function as images by
which deceased family members could be
remembered? As we are without any written record
of the belief system practiced in the Neolithic period
in the area, we will never know.
The Jericho Skull


by The British Museum

Loading 3D model
Bibliography
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Çatalhöyük
By Dr. Senta German
Çatalhöyük after the first excavations by James Mellaart

and his team (photo: Omar hoftun, CC BY-SA 3.0)
The city of Çatalhöyük points to one of man's most

important transformations, from nomad to settled
farmer.
Up next: video
Map of Turkey noting the location of Çatalhöyük
Çatalhöyük or Çatal Höyük (pronounced "cha-tal hay

OOK") is not the oldest site of the Neolithic era or
the largest, but it is extremely important to the
beginning of art. Located near the modern city of
Konya in south central Turkey, it was inhabited 9000
years ago by up to 8000 people who lived together
in a large town. Çatalhöyük, across its history,
witnesses the transition from exclusively hunting and
gathering subsistence to increasing skill in plant and
animal domestication. We might see Çatalhöyük as a
site whose history is about one of man’s most
important transformations: from nomad to settler. It
is also a site at which we see art, both painting and
sculpture, appear to play a newly important role in
the lives of settled people.
Up next: video
g g g
animal domestication. We might see Çatalhöyük as a
site whose history is about one of man’s most
important transformations: from nomad to settler. It
is also a site at which we see art, both painting and
sculpture, appear to play a newly important role in
the lives of settled people.
South Excavation Area, Çatalhöyük (photo: Çatalhöyük,

CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Çatalhöyük had no streets or foot paths; the houses

were built right up against each other and the people
who lived in them traveled over the town’s rooftops
and entered their homes through holes in the roofs,
climbing down a ladder. Communal ovens were built
above the homes of Çatalhöyük and we can assume
group activities were performed in this elevated
space as well.
Up next: video
From left: A hearth, oven, and ladder cut in Building 56,
South Area, Çatalhöyük (photo: Çatalhöyük, CC BY-NC-
SA 2.0)
Like at Jericho, the deceased were placed under the

floors or platforms in houses and sometimes the
skulls were removed and plastered to resemble live
faces. The burials at Çatalhöyük show no significant
variations, either based on wealth or gender; the only
bodies which were treated differently, decorated
with beads and covered with ochre, were those of
children. The excavator of Çatalhöyük believes that
this special concern for youths at the site may be a
reflection of the society becoming more sedentary
and required larger numbers of children because of
increased labor, exchange, and inheritance needs.
Up next: video
Neolithic Wall Painting in Building 80, Çatalhöyük (photo:
Çatalhöyük, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Art is everywhere among the remains of Çatalhöyük

—geometric designs as well as representations of
animals and people. Repeated lozenges and zigzags
dance across smooth plaster walls, people are
sculpted in clay, pairs of leopards are formed in relief
facing one another at the sides of rooms, hunting
parties are painted baiting a wild bull. The volume
and variety of art at Çatalhöyük is immense and must
be understood as a vital, functional part of the
everyday lives of its ancient inhabitants.
Up next: video
Seated Woman of Çatalhöyük (head is a
restoration) (The Museum of Anatolian
Civilizations, Ankara, Turkey; photo: Nevit
Dilmen, CC BY-SA 3.0)
Many figurines have been found at the site, the most

famous of which illustrates a large woman seated on
or between two large felines. The figurines, which
illustrate both humans and animals, are made from a
variety of materials but the largest proportion are
quite small and made of barely fired clay. These
casual figurines are found most frequently in garbage
pits, but also in oven walls, house walls, floors and
Up next: video
quite small and made of barely fired clay. These
casual figurines are found most frequently in garbage
pits, but also in oven walls, house walls, floors and
left in abandoned structures. The figurines often
show evidence of having been poked, scratched or
broken, and it is generally believed that they
functioned as wish tokens or to ward off bad spirits.
Nearly every house excavated at Çatalhöyük was

found to contain decorations on its walls and
platforms, most often in the main room of the house.
Moreover, this work was constantly being renewed;
the plaster of the main room of a house seems to
have been redone as frequently as every month or
season. Both geometric and figural images were
popular in two-dimensional wall painting and the
excavator of the site believes that geometric wall
painting was particularly associated with adjacent
buried youths.
Up next: video
Hunters attack an aurochs, Çatalhöyük (photo:
Çatalhöyük, CC BY-SA 3.0)
Figural paintings show the animal world alone, such

as, for instance, two cranes facing each other
standing behind a fox, or in interaction with people,
such as a vulture pecking at a human corpse or
hunting scenes. Wall reliefs are found at Çatalhöyük
with some frequency, most often representing
animals, such as pairs of animals facing each other
and human-like creatures. These latter reliefs,
alternatively thought to be bears, goddesses or
regular humans, are always represented splayed, with
their heads, hands and feet removed, presumably at
the time the house was abandoned.
Up next: video
Bull bucrania, corner installation in Building 77,
Çatalhöyük (photo: Çatalhöyük, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
The most remarkable art found at Çatalhöyük,

however, are the installations of animal remains and
among these the most striking are the bull bucrania.
In many houses the main room was decorated with
several plastered skulls of bulls set into the walls
(most common on East or West walls) or platforms,
the pointed horns thrust out into the communal
space. Often the bucrania would be painted ochre
red. In addition to these, the remains of other
animals’ skulls, teeth, beaks, tusks, or horns were set
into the walls and platforms, plastered and painted. It
would appear that the ancient residents of
Çatalhöyük were only interested in taking the pointy
parts of the animals back to their homes!
How can we possibly understand this practice of

i t i d ti ith th i f i l ?A
Up next: video
space. Often the bucrania would be painted ochre
red. In addition to these, the remains of other
animals’ skulls, teeth, beaks, tusks, or horns were set
into the walls and platforms, plastered and painted. It
would appear that the ancient residents of
Çatalhöyük were only interested in taking the pointy
parts of the animals back to their homes!
How can we possibly understand this practice of

interior decoration with the remains of animals? A
clue might be in the types of creatures found and
represented. Most of the animals represented in the
art of Çatalhöyük were not domesticated; wild
animals dominate the art at the site. Interestingly,
examination of bone refuse shows that the majority
of the meat which was consumed was of wild
animals, especially bulls. The excavator believes this
selection in art and cuisine had to do with the
contemporary era of increased domestication of
animals and what is being celebrated are the animals
which are part of the memory of the recent cultural
past, when hunting was much more important for
survival.
Çatalhöyük Research Project.
Çatalhöyük UNESCO World Heritage site.

Up next: video
Stonehenge
by Dr. Senta German
Recognized worldwide, Stonehenge seems an

impossible task: how, and why, did prehistoric people
build it?
Stonehenge, Salisbury Plain, Wiltshire, England, c. 2550–

1600 B.C.E., circle 97 feet in diameter, trilithons: 24 feet
high (photo: Maedin Tureaud, CC BY-SA 3.0)
Stonehenge, on Salisbury plain in England, is one of

the most recognizable monuments of the Neolithic
world and one of the most popular, with over one
million visitors a year. People come to see
Stonehenge because it is so impossibly big and so
impossibly old; some are searching for a connection
with a prehistoric past; some come to witness the
workings of a massive astrological observatory. The
people living in the fourth millennium B.C.E. who
began work on Stonehenge were contemporary with
Up next: video
workings of a massive astrological observatory. The
people living in the fourth millennium B.C.E. who
began work on Stonehenge were contemporary with
the first dynasties of Ancient Egypt, and their efforts
predate the building of the Pyramids. What they
created has endured millennia and still intrigues us
today.
Aerial view, 2014, Stonehenge, Salisbury Plain, Wiltshire,

England, c. 2550–1600 B.C.E., circle 97 feet in diameter,
trilithons: 24 feet high (photo: timeyres, CC BY-SA 2.0)
Phase One
In fact, what we see today is the result of at least
three phases of construction, although there is still a
lot of controversy among archaeologists about
exactly how and when these phases occurred. It is
ll d th t th fi t h f t ti
Up next: video
In fact, what we see today is the result of at least
three phases of construction, although there is still a
lot of controversy among archaeologists about
exactly how and when these phases occurred. It is
generally agreed that the first phase of construction
at Stonehenge occurred around 3100 B.C.E., when a
great circular ditch about six feet deep was dug with
a bank of dirt within it about 360 feet in diameter,
with a large entrance to the northeast and a smaller
one to the south. This circular ditch and bank
together is called a henge. Within the henge were
dug 56 pits, each slightly more than three feet in
diameter, called Aubrey holes, after John Aubrey, the
17th century English archaeologist who first found
them. These holes, it is thought, were either
originally filled with upright bluestones or upright
wooden beams. If it was bluestones which filled the
Aubrey holes, it involved quite a bit of effort as each
weighed between 2 and 4 tons and were mined from
the Preseli Hills, about 250 miles away in Wales.
Phase Two
The second phase of work at Stonehenge occurred
approximately 100–200 years later and involved the
setting up of upright wooden posts (possibly of a
roofed structure) in the center of the henge, as well
as more upright posts near the northeast and
southern entrances. Surprisingly, it is also during this
Up next: video
The second phase of work at Stonehenge occurred
approximately 100–200 years later and involved the
setting up of upright wooden posts (possibly of a
roofed structure) in the center of the henge, as well
as more upright posts near the northeast and
southern entrances. Surprisingly, it is also during this
second phase at Stonehenge that it was used for
burial. At least 25 of the Aubrey holes were emptied
and reused to hold cremation burials and another 30
cremation burial pits were dug into the ditch of the
henge and in the eastern portion within the henge
enclosure.
Phase Three
The third phase of construction at Stonehenge
happened approximately 400–500 years later and
likely lasted a long time. In this phase the remaining
blue stones or wooden beams which had been
placed in the Aubrey holes were pulled and a circle
108 feet in diameter of 30 huge and very hard sarsen
stones were erected within the henge; these were
quarried from nearby Marlborough Downs. These
upright sarsen stones were capped with 30 lintel
stones (the horizontal stones).
Up next: video
Interior of the sarsen circle and bluestones in the
foreground, Stonehenge, Salisbury Plain, Wiltshire,
England, c. 2550–1600 B.C.E., circle 97 feet in diameter,
trilithons 24 feet high
Each standing stone was around 13 feet high, almost

seven feet wide and weighed around 25 tons. This
ring of stones enclosed five sarsen trilithons (a
trilithon is a pair of upright stones with a lintel stone
spanning their tops) set up in a horseshoe shape 45
feet across. These huge stones, ten uprights and five
lintels, weigh up to 50 tons each. Bluestones, either
reinstalled or freshly quarried, were erected in a
circle, half in the outer sarsen circle and half within
the sarsen horseshoe. At the end of the phase there
is some rearrangement of the bluestones as well as
the construction of a long processional avenue,
consisting of parallel banks with exterior ditches
approximately 34 meters across, leading from the
Up next: video
Each standing stone was around 13 feet high, almost
seven feet wide and weighed around 25 tons. This
ring of stones enclosed five sarsen trilithons (a
trilithon is a pair of upright stones with a lintel stone
spanning their tops) set up in a horseshoe shape 45
feet across. These huge stones, ten uprights and five
lintels, weigh up to 50 tons each. Bluestones, either
reinstalled or freshly quarried, were erected in a
circle, half in the outer sarsen circle and half within
the sarsen horseshoe. At the end of the phase there
is some rearrangement of the bluestones as well as
the construction of a long processional avenue,
consisting of parallel banks with exterior ditches
approximately 34 meters across, leading from the
northeast entrance to Stonehenge, dipping to the
south and eventually to the banks of the Avon river.

Up next: video
high (photo: Stonehenge Stone Circle, CC BY 2.0)
Questions
All three phases of the construction of Stonehenge
pose fascinating questions. The first phase of work
required precise planning and a massive amount of
labor. Who planned the henge and who organized
whom to work together in its construction?
Unfortunately, remains of Neolithic villages, which
would provide information about who built
Stonehenge, are few, possibly because so many lie
underneath later Bronze Age, Roman, medieval, and
modern cities. The few villages that have been
explored show simple farming hamlets with very little
evidence of widely differing social status If there
Up next: video
Unfortunately, remains of Neolithic villages, which
would provide information about who built
Stonehenge, are few, possibly because so many lie
underneath later Bronze Age, Roman, medieval, and
modern cities. The few villages that have been
explored show simple farming hamlets with very little
evidence of widely differing social status. If there
were leaders or a social class who convinced or
forced people to work together to build the first
phase of Stonehenge, we haven’t found them. It also
probably means the first phase of Stonehenge’s
construction was an egalitarian endeavor, highly
unusual for the ancient world.
Who were the people buried at Stonehenge during

its second phase? Recent analysis of these bones has
revealed that nearly all the burials were of adult
males, aged 25–40 years, in good health and with
little sign of hard labor or disease. No doubt, to be
interred at Stonehenge was a mark of elite status and
these remains may well be those of some of the first
political leaders of Great Britain, an island with a
ruling tradition extending all the way to the House of
Windsor. They also show us that in this era, some
means of social distinction must have been desirable.
Stonehenge
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Stonehenge
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Conclusions
The work achieved in the long third phase of
Stonehenge’s construction, however, is the one
which is most remarkable and enduring. Like the first
phase of Stonehenge, except on a much larger scale,
the third phase involved tremendous planning and
organization of labor. But, it also entailed an entirely
new level of technical sophistication, specifically in
the working of very hard stone. For instance, the
horizontal lintel stones which topped the exterior
ring of sarsen stones were fitted to them using a
tongue and groove joint and then fitted to each other
using a mortise and tenon joint, methods used in
modern woodworking.
Each of the upright sarsens were dressed differently

on each side, with the inward facing side more
smoothly finished than the outer. Moreover, the
Up next: video
Each of the upright sarsens were dressed differently
on each side, with the inward facing side more
smoothly finished than the outer. Moreover, the
stones of the outer ring of sarsens were subtly
modified to accommodate the way the human eye
observes the massive stones against the bright
shades of the Salisbury plain: upright stones were
gently widened toward the top which makes their
mass constant when viewed from the ground.
The lintel stones also curve slightly to echo the

circular outer henge. The stones in the horseshoe of
trilithons are arranged by size; the smallest pair of
trilithons are around 20 feet tall, the next pair a little
higher and the largest, single trilithon in the south
west corner would have been 24 feet tall. This effect
creates a kind of pull inward to the monument, and
dramatizes the outward Northeast facing of the
horseshoe. Although there are many theories, it is
still not known how or why these subtle refinements
were made to Stonehenge, but their existence is sure
proof of a sophisticated society with organized
leadership and a lot of free time.
A Solar and Lunar Calendar?

Of course the most famous aspect of Stonehenge is
its relationship with the solar and lunar calendar. This
idea was first proposed by scholars in the 18th
Up next: video
A Solar and Lunar Calendar?
Of course the most famous aspect of Stonehenge is
its relationship with the solar and lunar calendar. This
idea was first proposed by scholars in the 18th
century, who noted that the sunrise of the
midsummer solstice is exactly framed by the end of
the horseshoe of trilithons at the interior of the
monument, and exactly opposite that point, at the
center of the bend of the horseshoe, at the
midwinter sunset, the sun is also aligned. These
dates, the longest and shortest days of the year, are
the turning point of the two great seasonal episodes
of the annual calendar. Since this discovery, several
other theories about astrological observation have
been offered but few stand up to scrutiny together
with the physical details of the monument.
Stonehenge: The Avenue
Up next: video
Nuragic architecture at Su Nuraxi Barumini, Sardinia
by Dr. Jeffrey Becker
The island of Sardinia is the second largest island in

the Mediterranean Sea and was home to ancient
cultures. To its north lies Corsica, to its east the
Italian peninsula, to its south Tunisia, and to the west
the Balearic Islands. Sardinia was a key stopping
point for sailors and traders for millennia and has a
deep and ancient cultural heritage. The characteristic
and indigenous Nuragic civilization of Sardinia
stretches from the Bronze Age (c. 18th century
B.C.E.) to the Roman period. This civilization derives
its name from a characteristic form of monumental,
stone-built tower structures known as nuraghe—
Up next: article
B.C.E.) to the Roman period. This civilization derives
its name from a characteristic form of monumental,
stone-built tower structures known as nuraghe—
some 7,000 of these enigmatic structures still dot
the Sardinian landscape.
First settlers
During the Paleolithic and Neolithic periods, the first

human settlers of Sardinia arrived, most likely from
various parts of the Mediterranean basin and Europe.
The Ozieri (also known as San Michele) culture is the
first identifiable settled culture in Sardinia, dating c.
3200 to 2800 B.C.E. The Ozieri people are known for
village-size communities and their material culture
includes “mother goddess” figurines that are
common in the Mediterranean and Near East.
Perhaps due to migrants arriving from the western
Mediterranean, some similarities may be observed
between artifacts in Sardinia and those of the
Balearic islands. The altar site of Monte d’Accoddi is
one such example, with its earliest phases dating c.
4,000-3,650 B.C.E. (below).
Up next: article
Altar site of Monte d’Accoddi (photo: Gianf84, CC BY-SA
3.0)
By c. 2,000 B.C.E., peoples of the Beaker culture had

arrived in Sardinia, in turn producing the Bonnanaro
culture (c. 1800-1600 B.C.E.), a protohistoric (the
period just before the development of writing)
culture of Sardinia. This culture group represents the
first stage of the so-called Nuragic civilization. The
Bonnanaro culture was responsible for architectural
innovations, notably the so-called “Giants’ grave,” a
type of covered gallery tomb (below).
Nuraghi
Up next: article
Arzachena, giant tomb Coddu Vecchiu (photo: Royonx,
CC BY-SA 3.0)
The development of the nuraghe (nuraghi in the

plural—the monumental structures that Nuragic
civilization takes its name from) in Bronze Age
Sardinia is both an important and interesting
architectural phenomenon. A nuraghe is a megalithic
stone structure that usually takes the form of a
truncated conical tower. The interior profile of the
built tower is usually beehive-shaped, while the
exterior resembles the more familiar image of a
Medieval tower. The construction is dry stone (no
bonding material is used). Different degrees of
stoneworking are used in the structures—ranging
from packed rubble to cut and dressed (shaped)
stones. About 7,000 nuraghi are still evident in
Sardinia, but scholars estimate that 10,000 or more
Up next: article
bonding material is used). Different degrees of
stoneworking are used in the structures—ranging
from packed rubble to cut and dressed (shaped)
stones. About 7,000 nuraghi are still evident in
Sardinia, but scholars estimate that 10,000 or more
originally existed. The central tower can be
surrounded by an outlying wall and can sometimes
be accompanied by an attendant settlement. The
tower itself could stand up to 30 meters in height.
Reconstruction of Nuraghe Fenu by Gerolamo Exana

(public domain)
While nuragic architecture is well understood, the

function of the nuraghe itself is a matter of
continuing scholarly debate. Complicating this
debate is the fact that very few of the island’s extant
nuraghe have been scientifically excavated and
studied. Some theories hold that the nuraghi were
defensive structures, others that they represented
Up next: article
While nuragic architecture is well understood, the
function of the nuraghe itself is a matter of
continuing scholarly debate. Complicating this
debate is the fact that very few of the island’s extant
nuraghe have been scientifically excavated and
studied. Some theories hold that the nuraghi were
defensive structures, others that they represented
cultural status symbols. Many nuraghi show evidence
of continued use and re-use after the Bronze Age,
mostly during the Punic and Roman phases of the
island’s history.
The site of Su Nuraxi di Barumini
Su Nuraxi di Barumini (photo: Franchesco Ghiani, CC BY-

SA 3.0)
The site of Su Nuraxi di Barumini (Barumini is the

Up next: article
The site of Su Nuraxi di Barumini (Barumini is the
name of the region in south-central Sardinia) is one
of the most thoroughly studied of Sardinia’s nuraghi.
The oldest part of Su Nuraxi is a central tower that
stands approximately 18.6 meters high and was built
from basalt between the seventeenth and thirteenth
centuries B.C.E. In later phases four ancillary towers
connected by a curtain wall (an outer, non-structural
wall) were built surrounding the central tower. This
outlying wall created a central courtyard that
included a well. In the Iron Age, a curtain wall with
seven lobes (heptalobate) was added to the complex.
Nuraghe in Su Naraxi di Barumini (photo: Royonx, CC BY-

SA 3.0
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Il_Nuraghe_Su_Nuraxi_incantato_%2
Later in the Bronze Age—the so-called “Final” Bronze

Age (c. twelfth to ninth centuries B.C.E) a village of
approximately 200 huts grew up outside of the outer
wall of the nuragic complex. Some of these huts
Up next: article
Later in the Bronze Age—the so-called “Final” Bronze
Age (c. twelfth to ninth centuries B.C.E) a village of
approximately 200 huts grew up outside of the outer
wall of the nuragic complex. Some of these huts
showed evidence of ritual activity, and a bronze
model of a nuraghe was also found. The village
continued in use during the Iron Age (ninth through
seventh centuries B.C.E.), again with evidence of
ritual activity as well as some evidence for
organization of the settlement. The complex
experienced widespread destruction at the end of
the Iron Age. In later Punic and Roman phases, parts
of the site were reused, and there is evidence for
sporadic occupation continuing to the seventh
century C.E.
The site was excavated by archaeologist Giovanni

Lilliu (1914-2012) who concluded that the site had a
defensive nature, a fairly traditional interpretation.
The site was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site
in 1997.
The Nuragic civilization, and the nuraghi themselves,

remain somewhat enigmatic, but it is clear that this
architectural tradition is deeply rooted in the
Mediterranean. By way of material culture evidence
it is possible to trace the influences of Sardinian
culture to the Italian mainland where Etruscan and
Italic people seem to draw inspiration from Sardinian
traditions of metalworking and architecture, among
Up next: article
ritual activity as well as some evidence for
organization of the settlement. The complex
experienced widespread destruction at the end of
the Iron Age. In later Punic and Roman phases, parts
of the site were reused, and there is evidence for
sporadic occupation continuing to the seventh
century C.E.
The site was excavated by archaeologist Giovanni

Lilliu (1914-2012) who concluded that the site had a
defensive nature, a fairly traditional interpretation.
The site was listed as a UNESCO World Heritage site
in 1997.
The Nuragic civilization, and the nuraghi themselves,

remain somewhat enigmatic, but it is clear that this
architectural tradition is deeply rooted in the
Mediterranean. By way of material culture evidence
it is possible to trace the influences of Sardinian
culture to the Italian mainland where Etruscan and
Italic people seem to draw inspiration from Sardinian
traditions of metalworking and architecture, among
others.
Additional resources:
Su Nuraxi di Barumini (UNESCO)
Photographs of Su Nuraxi
Up next: article
Running horned woman, Tassili n’Ajjer
By Dr. Nathalie Hager
Running Horned Woman, 6,000–4,000 B.C.E.,

pigment on rock, Tassili n’Ajjer, Algeria
"Discovery"
Up next: video
"Discovery"
Between 1933 and 1940, camel corps officer
Lieutenant Brenans of the French Foreign
Legion completed a series of small sketches and
handwritten notes detailing his discovery of dozens
of rock art sites deep within the canyons of the
Tassili n’Ajjer. Tassili n’Ajjer is a difficult to access
plateau in the Algerian section of the Sahara Desert
near the borders of Libya and Niger in northern
Africa.
Tassili n’Ajjer is a Tamahaq name meaning “plateau” of the

Ajjer people (the Kel Ajjer is group of tribes whose
traditional territory was here). Much of the 1,500–2,100
meter high plateau is protected by an 80,000 square
kilometer National Park. Underlying map © Google.
Brenans donated hundreds of his sketches to the

Bardo Museum in Algiers, alerting the scientific
community to one of the richest rock art
concentrations on Earth and prompting site visits
that included fellow Frenchman and archaeologist
Up next: video
Brenans donated hundreds of his sketches to the
Bardo Museum in Algiers, alerting the scientific
community to one of the richest rock art
concentrations on Earth and prompting site visits
that included fellow Frenchman and archaeologist
Henri Lhote. Lhote recognized the importance of the
region and returned again and again, most notably in
1956 with a team of copyists for a 16-month
expedition to map and study the rock art of the
Tassili. Two years later Lhote published A la
découverte des fresques du Tassili. [1] The book
became an instant bestseller, and today is one of the
most popular texts on archaeological discovery.
Tassili N'Ajjer National Park (photo: hanming_huang, CC

BY-SA 2.0)
Lhote made African rock art famous by bringing

some of the estimated 15,000 human figure and
animal paintings and engravings found on the rock
walls of the Tassili’s many gorges and shelters it to
Up next: video
Lhote made African rock art famous by bringing
some of the estimated 15,000 human figure and
animal paintings and engravings found on the rock
walls of the Tassili’s many gorges and shelters it to
the wider public. Yet contrary to the impression left
by the title of his book, neither Lhote nor his team
could lay claim to having discovered Central Saharan
rock art: long before Lhote, and even before Brenans,
in the late 19th century a number of travelers from
Germany, Switzerland, and France had noted the
existence of “strange” and “important” rock
sculptures in Ghat, Tadrart Acacus, and Upper Tassili.
But it was the Tuareg—the Indigenous peoples of the
region, many of whom served as guides to these
early European explorers—who long knew of the
paintings and engravings covering the rock faces of
the Tassili.
Running Horned Woman (detail), 6,000–4,000 B.C.E.,

pigment on rock, Tassili n’Ajjer, Algeria (photo: András
Zb FJ E diti )
Up next: video
Running Horned Woman (detail), 6,000–4,000 B.C.E.,
pigment on rock, Tassili n’Ajjer, Algeria (photo: András
Zboray, FJ Expeditions)
The "Horned Goddess"

Lhote published not only reproductions of the
paintings and engravings he found on the rock walls
of the Tassili, but also his observations. In one
excerpt he reported that with a can of water and a
sponge in hand he set out to investigate a “curious
figure” spotted by a member of his team in an
isolated rock shelter located within a compact group
of mountains known as the Aouanrhet massif, the
highest of all the “rock cities” on the Tassili. Lhote
swabbed the wall with water to reveal a figure he
called the "Horned Goddess":
"On the damp rock surface stood out the

Up next: video
of the Tassili, but also his observations. In one
excerpt he reported that with a can of water and a
sponge in hand he set out to investigate a “curious
figure” spotted by a member of his team in an
isolated rock shelter located within a compact group
of mountains known as the Aouanrhet massif, the
highest of all the “rock cities” on the Tassili. Lhote
swabbed the wall with water to reveal a figure he
called the "Horned Goddess":
"On the damp rock surface stood out the

gracious silhouette of a woman running. One of
her legs, slightly flexed, just touched the
ground, while the other was raised in the air as
high as it would normally go. From the knees,
the belt and the widely outstretched arms fell
fine fringes. From either side of the head and
above two horns that spread out horizontally
was an extensive dotted area resembling a
cloud of grain falling from a wheat field.
Although the whole assemblage was skillfully
and carefully composed there was something
free and easy about it . . ."
The Running Horned Woman, the title by which the

painting is commonly known today, was found in a
massif so secluded and so difficult to access that
Lhote’s team concluded that the collection of
shelters was likely a sanctuary and the female figure
—“the most beautiful the most finished and the
Up next: video
The Running Horned Woman, the title by which the
painting is commonly known today, was found in a
massif so secluded and so difficult to access that
Lhote’s team concluded that the collection of
shelters was likely a sanctuary and the female figure
—“the most beautiful, the most finished and the
most original”—a goddess:
"Perhaps we have here the figure of a priestess

of some agricultural religion or the picture of a
goddess of such a cult who foreshadow—or is
derived from—the goddess Isis, to whom, in
Egypt, was attributed the discovery of
agriculture."
Lhote’s suggestion that the painting’s source was

Egyptian was influenced by a recently published
hypothesis by his mentor, the French anthropologist
Henri Breuil, the then undisputed authority on
prehistoric rock art who was renowned for his work
on Paleolithic cave art in Europe. In an essay titled,
"The White Lady of Brandberg, South-West Africa,
Her Companions and Her Guards," Breuil famously
claimed that a painting discovered in a small rock
shelter in Namibia showed influences of classical
antiquity and was not African in origin, but possibly
the work of Phoenician travelers from the
Mediterranean. Lhote, equally convinced of outside
influence, linked the Tassili painting’s provenance
ih il’ id d i d h ti l h hi
Up next: video
on Paleolithic cave art in Europe. In an essay titled,
"The White Lady of Brandberg, South-West Africa,
Her Companions and Her Guards," Breuil famously
claimed that a painting discovered in a small rock
shelter in Namibia showed influences of classical
antiquity and was not African in origin, but possibly
the work of Phoenician travelers from the
Mediterranean. Lhote, equally convinced of outside
influence, linked the Tassili painting’s provenance
with Breuil’s ideas and revised the title to the "White
Lady" of Aouanrhet:
"In other paintings found a few days later in the

same massif we were able to discern, from
some characteristic features, an indication of
Egyptian influence. Some features are, no
doubt, not very marked in our ‘White Lady’;
still, all the same, some details as the curve of
the breasts, led us to think that the picture may
have been executed at a time when Egyptian
traditions were beginning to be felt in the
Tassili."
Foreign influence?
Time and scholarship would reveal that the
assignment of Egyptian influence on the
Running Horned Woman was erroneous, and Lhote
the victim of a hoax: French members of his
Up next: video
Time and scholarship would reveal that the
assignment of Egyptian influence on the
Running Horned Woman was erroneous, and Lhote
the victim of a hoax: French members of his
team made "copies" of Egyptionized figures, passing
them off as faithful reproductions of authentic Tassili
rock wall paintings. These fakes were accepted by
Lhote (if indeed he knew nothing of the forgeries),
and falsely sustained his belief in the possibility of
foreign influence on Central Saharan rock art. Breuil’s
theories were likewise discredited: the myth of the
"White Lady" was rejected by every archaeologist of
repute, and his promotion of foreign influence
viewed as racist.
The Tassili plateau, hailed as “the greatest center of

prehistoric art in the world:" undercuts at cliff bases have
created rock shelters with smooth walls ideal for painting
and engraving. The Tassili’s unique geological formations
of eroded sandstone rock pillars and arches—“forests of
stone” resemble a lunar landscape (photo: magharebia
Up next: video
The Tassili plateau, hailed as “the greatest center of
prehistoric art in the world:" undercuts at cliff bases have
created rock shelters with smooth walls ideal for painting
and engraving. The Tassili’s unique geological formations
of eroded sandstone rock pillars and arches—“forests of
stone”—resemble a lunar landscape. (photo: magharebia,
CC BY 2.0)
Yet Breuil and Lhote were not alone in finding it hard

to believe that ancient Africans discovered how to
make art on their own, or to have developed artistic
sensibilities. Until quite recently many Europeans
maintained that art "spread" or was "taken" into
Africa, and, aiming to prove this thesis, anointed
many works with classicalsounding names and
sought out similarities with early rock art in Europe.
Although such vestiges of colonial thinking are today
facing a reckoning, cases such as the "White Lady"
(both of Namibia and of Tassili) remind us of the
perils of imposing cultural values from the outside.
Up next: video
sensibilities. Until quite recently many Europeans
maintained that art "spread" or was "taken" into
Africa, and, aiming to prove this thesis, anointed
many works with classicalsounding names and
sought out similarities with early rock art in Europe.
Although such vestiges of colonial thinking are today
facing a reckoning, cases such as the "White Lady"
(both of Namibia and of Tassili) remind us of the
perils of imposing cultural values from the outside.
Crouching giraffe giving birth, Oued In Djerane, Tassili

n'Ajjer National Park, Nigeria (photo: András Zboray, FJ
Expeditions)
Chronology
While we have yet to learn how, and in what places,
the practice of rock art began, no firm evidence has
been found to show that African rock art—some ten
Up next: video
While we have yet to learn how, and in what places,
the practice of rock art began, no firm evidence has
been found to show that African rock art—some ten
million images across the continent—was anything
other than a spontaneous initiative by early Africans.
Scholars have estimated the earliest art to date to
12,000 or more years ago, yet despite the use of
both direct and indirect dating techniques very few
firm dates exist (“direct dating” uses measurable
physical and chemical analysis, such as radiocarbon
dating, while “indirect dating” primarily uses
associations from the archaeological context). In the
north, where rock art tends to be quite diverse,
research has focused on providing detailed
descriptions of the art and placing works in
chronological sequence based on style and content.
This ordering approach results in useful classification
and dating systems, dividing the Tassili paintings and
engravings into periods of concurrent and
overlapping traditions (the Running Horned Woman
is estimated to date to approximately 6,000 to 4,000
B.C.E.—placing it within the "Round Head Period"), but
offers little in the way of interpretation of the
painting itself.
Up next: video
Visible in this reproduction of the original rock painting
are two groupings in red ochre of small human figures
superimposed onto the horned goddess. Based on
Running Horned Woman, 6,000–4,000 B.C.E., pigment on
rock, Tassili n’Ajjer, Algeria
Advancing an interpretation of the

Running Horned Woman
Who was the Running Horned Woman? Was she
indeed a goddess, and her rock shelter some sort of
h d h i d h did
Up next: video
Who was the Running Horned Woman? Was she
indeed a goddess, and her rock shelter some sort of
sanctuary? What does the image mean? And why did
the artist make it? For so long the search for meaning
in rock art was considered inappropriate and
unachievable—only recently have scholars
endeavored to move beyond the mere description of
images and styles, and, using a variety of
interdisciplinary methods, make serious attempts to
interpret the rock art of the Central Sahara.
Lhote recounted that the Running Horned Woman

was found on an isolated rock whose base was
hollowed out into a number of small shelters that
could not have been used as dwellings. This remote
location, coupled with an image of marked pictorial
quality—depicting a female with two horns on her
head, dots on her body probably representing
scarification, and wearing such attributes of the dance as
armlets and garters—suggested to him that the site,

and the subject of the painting, fell outside of the
everyday. More recent scholarship has supported
Lhote’s belief in the painting’s symbolic, rather than
literal, representation. As Jitka Soukopova has noted,
"Hunter-gatherers were unlikely to wear horns (or
other accessories on the head) and to make paintings
on their whole bodies in their ordinary life." [2]
Rather, this female horned figure, her body adorned
and decorated, found in one of the highest massifs in
the Tassili—a region is believed to hold special status
Up next: video
and the subject of the painting, fell outside of the
everyday. More recent scholarship has supported
Lhote’s belief in the painting’s symbolic, rather than
literal, representation. As Jitka Soukopova has noted,
"Hunter-gatherers were unlikely to wear horns (or
other accessories on the head) and to make paintings
on their whole bodies in their ordinary life." [2]
Rather, this female horned figure, her body adorned
and decorated, found in one of the highest massifs in
the Tassili—a region is believed to hold special status
due to its elevation and unique topology—suggests
ritual, rite, or ceremony.
Archers, Tassili n'Ajjer (photo: Patrick Gruban, CC BY-SA

2.0)
But there is further work to be done to advance an

interpretation of the Running Horned Woman.
Increasingly scholars have studied rock shelter sites
as a whole, rather than isolating individual
Up next: video
But there is further work to be done to advance an
interpretation of the Running Horned Woman.
Increasingly scholars have studied rock shelter sites
as a whole, rather than isolating individual
depictions, and the shelter’s location relative to the
overall landscape and nearby water courses, in order
to learn the significance of various "rock cities" in
both image-making and image viewing.
Archaeological data from decorated pottery, which is

a dated artistic tradition, is key in suggesting that the
concept of art was firmly established in the Central
Sahara at the time of Tassili rock art production.
Comparative studies with other rock art complexes,
specifically the search for similarities in fundamental
concepts in African religious beliefs, might yield the
most fruitful approaches to interpretation. In other
words, just as southern African rock studies have
benefitted from tracing the beliefs and practices of
the San people, so too may a study of Tuareg
ethnography shed light on the ancient rock art sites
of the Tassili. [3]
Up next: video
Paintings at Akaham Ouan Elbered, Tassili n'Ajjer National
Park, Algeria (photo: András Zboray, FJ Expeditions)
Afterword: the threatened rock art

of the Central Sahara
Tassili’s rock walls were commonly sponged with
water in order to enhance the reproduction of its
images, either in trace, sketch, or photograph. This
washing of the rock face has had a devastating effect
on the art, upsetting the physical, chemical, and
biological balance of the images and their rock
supports. Many of the region’s subsequent visitors—
tourists, collectors, photographers, and the next
generation of researchers—all captivated by Lhote’s
"discovery"—have continued the practice of
moistening the paintings in order to reveal them.
Today scholars report paintings that are severely
Up next: video
Tassili’s rock walls were commonly sponged with
water in order to enhance the reproduction of its
images, either in trace, sketch, or photograph. This
washing of the rock face has had a devastating effect
on the art, upsetting the physical, chemical, and
biological balance of the images and their rock
supports. Many of the region’s subsequent visitors—
tourists, collectors, photographers, and the next
generation of researchers—all captivated by Lhote’s
"discovery"—have continued the practice of
moistening the paintings in order to reveal them.
Today scholars report paintings that are severely
faded while some have simply disappeared. In
addition, others have suffered from irreversible
damage caused by outright vandalism: art looted or
stolen as souvenirs. In order to protect this valuable
center of African rock art heritage, Tassili N’Ajjer was
declared a National Park in 1972. It was classified as
a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1982 and a
Biosphere Reserve in 1986.
Notes:
[1] Henri Lhote, A la découverte des fresques du Tassili

[The Search for the Tassili Frescos] (Arhaud, 1958).
[2] Jitka Soukopova, “The Earliest Rock Paintings of

the Central Sahara: Approaching Interpretation,” Time
and Mind: The Journal of Archaeology, Consciousness
and Culture 4, no. 2 (2011), p. 199.
Up next: video
Rock-art sites of Tadrart Acacus: backstory
by Dr. Naraelle Hohensee
Rock paintings, Tadrart Acacus region, Libya, 12,000

B.C.E. to 100 C.E. (photo: Luca Galuzzi, CC BY-SA 2.5)
The rock art sites of Tadrart Acacus have survived for

14,000 years in the desert of southern Libya, but
they are now under serious threat. Since 2009,
vandalism has been a continuous problem: graffiti
has been spray-painted across the surface of many of
the paintings, and people have carved their initials
into the rocks. But despite UNESCO’s and other
organizations’ calls for the government to intervene
with restoration and security measures, efforts to
protect this precious ancient site have been gravely
Up next: Unit 3
p g , p p
into the rocks. But despite UNESCO’s and other
organizations’ calls for the government to intervene
with restoration and security measures, efforts to
protect this precious ancient site have been gravely
hampered by armed conflict and political chaos.
Libya experienced a political revolution in 2011 with

the ousting of Muammar Gaddafi, and since then the
country has been in a state of civil war. Savino di
Lernia, an archaeologist at Sapienza University of
Rome who has worked extensively in the Tadrart
Acacus mountains, explains how dangerous the area
—formerly a tourist destination—has become:
Today, the site is inaccessible: no commercial flight

connects Tripoli and Ghat, a nearby town (a weekly
military aircraft brings food, essential goods and
first-aid equipment). The tarred road between
Ghat and Ubari is broken up, and clashes between
the Tebu and Tuareg tribes increasingly affect the
area….Being a Saharan archaeologist today is a
difficult job. Researchers fear being kidnapped or
even killed.
Yahya Saleh, a local tour guide, mourns the fact that

local hunters now regularly scrawl their names across
the art: “People do not know the value of this. There
are supposed to be people to protect these areas…
because if this issue persists, then they will be gone
within two years.”
Up next: Unit 3
Yahya Saleh, a local tour guide, mourns the fact that
local hunters now regularly scrawl their names across
the art: “People do not know the value of this. There
are supposed to be people to protect these areas…
because if this issue persists, then they will be gone
within two years.”
The ongoing vandalism of the Tadrart Acacus sites is

only one of the many overwhelming difficulties Libya
faces with regard to cultural heritage protection. As
di Lernia notes,
Perhaps the greatest threat to Libya’s diverse

heritage is the trafficking of archaeological
materials, for profit or to fund radical groups….No
one has been able to fully assess the situation in
Libya. Going to work among the black smoke of
grenades, the men and women of the Libyan
Department of Antiquities are doing their best.
But museums are closed and the little activity left
in the field is limited to the north.
Until the fighting in Libya stops and archaeologists

can again effectively cooperate with the government
and international organizations to restore and
protect sites like the rock art at Tadrart Acacus,
Libya’s rich trove of monuments and artifacts will
continue to be endangered.
Up next: Unit 3

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Paleolithic art, an introduction

Google Classroom Microsoft Teams

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© Trustees of the British Museum

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© Magicien Mentaliste Xavier Nicolas Informar um problema

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Official site and virtual tour of the cave at Lascaux.

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