LLITERATURE REVIEW

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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

The review of literature to this study has been grouped under the following headings:
2.1 The Conceptual review of gender-based violence
2.2 Prevalence of gender-based Violence
2.3 Cultural practices that encourage gender-based violence
2.4 Roles of the Media in gender-based violence
2.5 Roles of NGOs that drove against gender-based Violence

2.1 The conceptual review of gender-based Violence


Gender-based violence is characterized as any form of abuse or violence committed against

people or groups based on their gender or sex. Gender-Based Violence can be in the form of

harassment and discrimination leading to physical, sexual, or psychological abuse. Gender-Based

Violence can arises in families, schools, workplaces, and public. Gender-Based Violence can be

characterized as harmful acts perpetrated against a person based on gender. Gender Based

Violence can be described as form of violence that is carried out against an individual or groups

of individuals regardless of their sex and gender identity. The purpose of gender based violence

is to degrade and make an individual feel inferior. The term gender-based violence can cause

physical, sexual or mental harm to an individual. Also, gender-Violence takes various forms such

as physical, Sexual and psychological violence. According to United Nations Platform for

Actions, (1995:D.112) asserted that gender-based violence is an act that cause physical, sexual or

psychological damage to women by using threats and denies women of their freedom in public

or private life. Richters (1994), opines that gender-based violence are those acts committed
against women and cause them to suffer physically, sexually or psychologically. According to

Dobash and Kelly ( 1979,1988) described gender-based violence against women is commonly

seen as both a consequence and a cause of gender inequality. Gender-Based Violence is “…an

umbrella term for any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person’s will, and that is based on

socially ascribed (gender) differences between males and females. It includes acts that inflict

physical, sexual, or mental harm or suffering, threats of such acts, coercion, and other

deprivations of liberty. These acts can occur in public or in private.” (IASC., 2015, p.5). VAW is

described in the Beijing Declaration as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is

likely to, result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including

threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty in public or private” (Carrillo,

Connor, Fried, Sandler & Waldorf, 2003, p.19). VAW is mainly perpetuated through cultural

norms and traditions, reinforces male dominated power structures and systems that are

commonly referred to as patriarchy. Linked to this assertion Kilmartin & Allison (2007, p.5)

clearly show that it is “any attack directed against a (usually female) person due, at least in part,

to a disadvantaged position within male-dominated social systems”. Furthermore Kilmartin &

Allison (2007, p.5) noted that GBV is entrenched in a complicated spider’s web of “privilege,

toxic masculinity and patriarchy”. Around the world, girls and women continue to experience

gender-based violence over the life cycle in homes, schools, churches, workplaces, the streets

and even therapeutic settings (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 1999; Koss, Goodman, &

Browne, 1994; Russo et al. 1995; Krah´e et al. 2005; Shane & Ellsberg, 2002). According to

O’Toole and Schiffman (1997), sees Gender Based Violence as any interpersonal, organizational

or politically orientated violation committed against people due to their gender identity, sexual

orientation or position within the male-dominated social systems such as family, military,
organizations, or the labor force. Zain (2012:132) defines GBV as an extreme manifestation of

gender inequity, often targeting women and girls because of their vulnerable position in society,

which is reinforced and perpetuated by structural patriarchy. Gender-based violence is a human-

rights violation that occurs worldwide, in both developing and developed countries, regardless of

culture, socioeconomic class, or religion, and varies in frequency, forms, and extent from country

to country (Muluneh et al., 2020, Dlamini, 2021). Inconvertibly, GBV is not a new phenomenon;

it affects women all over the world, regardless of race, culture, or ethnicity (Tonsing and

Tonsing, 2019, Muluneh et al., 2020, Dlamini, 2021). As such, it has been considered as a

worldwide public health and human rights problem (Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2020). It includes a

variety of harmful behaviors aimed primarily at destroying women's physical and psychological

well-being (Derdar, 2017, Bonilla-Algovia et al., 2020). Various scholars consider GBV-F as

complex and referring to a wide range of violations committed against women in defense of

patriarchal traditional values, gendered hierarchy, and sex-role expectations that maintain

society's control over feminine and gender-nonconforming people (Nduna and Tshona, 2021,

Allen, 2018, BonillaAlgovia et al., 2020, Dlamini, 2021, Fox, 2019). While other scholars

contend that it is a global phenomenon embodied in different forms of physical and

psychological sexual violence, including control, aggression, threat, abuse, and assault (Daley et

al., 2007, Fleckinger, 2019, Kagiso, 2021, Le Mat et al., 2019). Tonsing (2019) argues that all

societies have cultural institutions, beliefs, and practices that undermine women’s independence,

and these may contribute to gendered violence. Most African cultural beliefs and traditions

promote men’s hierarchical role in sexual relationships and especially in marriage (Muluneh et

al., 2020). Gender-based violence (GBV) is a violation of human rights in which individuals face

violence because of their gender, gender expression, gender identity, and/or perceived gender
(Government of Canada, 2022). GBV can take many forms such as cyber, sexual, societal,

psychological, emotional, and economic (Government of Canada, 2022). GBV is defined as an

umbrella concept that describes “any form of violence used to establish, enforce, or perpetrate

gender inequalities and keep in place unequal gender-power relations.” (Fulu, Warner,

Miedemak, Jewkes, Roselli, & Lang, 2013)

2.2 Prevalence of gender-based Violence

According to World health Organization report (2013.p.32), 35 percent of women in the world

have experience physical, sexual and non- partner violence. According to World development

report (1993), the world bank accessed the health consequences of gender-based violence and

estimated that rape and domestic violence led to death of one in every five years of women

between the age of 15 to 44. According to Women at Risks International Foundation (WARIS,

Para.4). the report state that in a year, 30 percent of women experience one form of domestic

Violence to another. According to the 2018 Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey reports that

31% of women between the age of 15 to 49 had experience physical Violence in 12 Months.

According to Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS, 2018) study revealed that 31.5%

of women in

Nigeria have experienced sexual violence . According to the National Demographic and Health

Survey (2018), reveals that about 30% of Nigerian women have experienced physical violence at

the age of 15. The National Population Commission (NPC) and ICF 2017 report revealed that

44.3% of women have experienced physical violence. Okonofua et al. (2018) found out that
31.5% of women in the Akwa Ibom state had experienced sexual violence. This is linked to

cultural norms and practices that spread gender inequality and condone violence against women.

A study by Fawole et al. (2017) found that 28.3% of women in Akwa Ibom State had

experienced emotional violence. The study also found that women who were married or in a

relationship were more likely to experience emotional violence (Fawole et al., 2017). The NDHS

(2018) reported that 27% of Nigerian women have experienced emotional violence.

2.2 Cultural Practices and Norms

Female Circumcision

According to World Health Organization (1998), female genital mutilation had been defined as

all measures that involve partial or complete removal of the external female genitalia or other

wound to the female genital organs whether for cultural and non- therapeutic reasons. This is

mostly practiced by non-medical practitioners. This is a form of discrimination against women.

This is used to control women sexuality. Even mothers who practice this discriminatory act

subject their daughters to protect them being beaten, octracized and disgraced. Many cultures in

Nigeria has regarded Female circumcision as a tribal traditional practice. They also see it as a

superstitious belief to preserve chastity and purification, family honor and hygiene. Female

Circumcision is a violation of human rights and it is deeply rooted in cultural beliefs and

perceptions. Female genital mutilation is considered necessary to raise a girl properly and to

prepare her for adulthood and marriage (Yoder et al., 1999; Ahmadu, 2000; Hernlund, 2003;

Dellenborg, 2004). In some societies, the practice is embedded in coming-of-age rituals,

sometimes for entry into women’s secret societies, which are considered necessary for girls to

become adult and responsible members of the society (Ahmadu, 2000; Hernlund, 2003;
Behrendt, 2005; Johnson, 2007). Girls themselves may desire to undergo the procedure as a

result of social pressure from peers and because of fear of stigmatization and rejection by their

communities if they do not follow the tradition. Also, in some places, girls who undergo the

procedure are given rewards such as celebrations, public recognition and gifts (Behrendt, 2005;

UNICEF, 2005).

It is often believed that the practice ensures and preserves a girl’s or woman’s virginity (Talle,

1993, 2007; Berggren et al., 2006; Gruenbaum, 2006). In some communities, it is thought to

restrain sexual desire, thereby ensuring marital fidelity and preventing sexual behaviour that is

considered deviant and immoral (Ahmadu, 2000; Hernlund, 2000, 2003; Abusharaf, 2001;

Gruenbaum, 2006). Female genital mutilation is also considered to make girls ‘clean’ and

beautiful. Removal of genital parts is thought of as eliminating the feminine parts such as the

clitoris (Talle, 1993; Ahmadu, 2000; Johansen, 2007), or in the case of infibulation, to achieve

smoothness considered to be beautiful (Talle, 1993; Gruenbaum, 2006). A belief sometimes

expressed by women is that female genital mutilation enhances men’s sexual pleasure (Almroth-

Berggren et al., 2001). In many communities, the practice may also be upheld by beliefs

associated with religion (Budiharsana, 2004; Dellenborg, 2004; Gruenbaum, 2006; Clarence-

Smith, 2007; Abdi, 2007; Johnson, 2007). Even though the practice can be found among

Christians, Jews and Muslims, none of the holy texts of any of these religions prescribes female

genital mutilation and the practice pre-dates both Christianity and Islam (WHO, 1996a; WHO

and UNFPA, 2006).

This is probably one reason why women, and more often older women, are more likely to

support the practice, and tend to see efforts to combat the practice as an attack on their identity

and culture (Toubia and Sharief, 2003; Draege, 2007; Johnson, 2007). Female genital mutilation
is adopted by new groups and in new areas after migration and displacement (Abusharaf, 2005).

Other communities have been influenced to adopt the practice by neighboring groups (Leonard,

2000; Dellenborg, 2004) and sometimes in religious or traditional revival movements (Nypan,

1991).

For example, female genital mutilation is practiced by immigrant communities living in

countries that have no tradition of the practice (Dembour, 2001; Johansen, 2002, 2007; Johnson,

2007). Female genital mutilation is also occasionally performed on women and their children

from non-practicing groups when they marry into groups in which female genital mutilation is

widely practiced (Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2006). Decisions to perform female genital

mutilation on girls involve a wide group of people who may have different opinions and varying

degrees of influence (Shell-Duncan and Hernlund, 2006; Draege, 2007). Female genital

mutilation is associated with a series of health risks and consequences. Almost all those who

have undergone female genital mutilation experience pain and bleeding as a consequence of the

procedure. The intervention itself is traumatic as girls are usually physically held down during

the procedure (Chalmers and Hashi, 2000; Talle, 2007). Those who are infibulated often have

their legs bound together for several days or weeks thereafter (Talle, 1993).

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