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Contemporary British Fiction 1st Edition Nick Bentley
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Nick Bentley
ISBN(s): 9780748630370, 0748630376
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 1.06 MB
Year: 2008
Language: english
Edinburgh Critical Guides to Literature
Series Editors: Martin Halliwell and Andy Mousley
CONTEMPORARY
FICTION
Bentley
BRITISH FICTION
Nick Bentley
22 George Square
Edinburgh EH8 9LF
www.euppublishing.com
ISBN 978 0 7486 2420 1
Cover design: Michael Chatfield
Pantone 320
Contemporary British Fiction
Edinburgh Critical Guides to Literature
Series Editors: Martin Halliwell, University of Leicester and
Andy Mousley, De Montfort University
Published Titles:
Gothic Literature, Andrew Smith
Canadian Literature, Faye Hammill
Women’s Poetry, Jo Gill
Contemporary American Drama, Annette J. Saddik
Shakespeare, Gabriel Egan
Asian American Literature, Bella Adams
Children’s Literature, M. O. Grenby
Contemporary British Fiction, Nick Bentley
Renaissance Literature, Siobhan Keenan
A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
Introduction
Historical and Theoretical Contexts 1975–2005 1
Politics 4
Class 8
Gender and Sexuality 11
Postcolonialism, Multiculturalism
and National Identity 16
Youth and Subcultures 21
A Note on Theory 24
Conclusion 192
Index 239
Series Preface
I would like to thank Andy Mousley and Martin Halliwell for their
helpful editorial advice and their patience, and Jackie Jones, Máiréad
McElligott and James Dale at Edinburgh University Press. Thanks
to Keele University for allowing me a period of research leave, which
was partly used in writing the book. I would also like to thank several
of my colleagues with whom I have taught and had many stimulating
and informative discussions on texts and issues relevant to this book,
including Bella Adams, David Amigoni, Steven Barfield, Annika
Bautz, Fred Botting, Robert Duggan, Scott McCracken, Roger
Pooley, Amber Regis, Sharon Ruston, Helen Stoddart, Barry Taylor,
Philip Tew and Kate Walchester. I would also like to thank Karla
Smith for proofreading the book and the discussions we have had on
its subject matter.
Teaching contemporary British fiction has shaped my thinking
about the subject over the last few years, and I would like to thank the
many students I have had the privilege to work with at Birmingham
University, the Open University, Wedgwood Memorial College and,
especially, Keele University.
Some of the material in this book has appeared in different form
in academic journals. Reworked versions of sections of Chapters 1
and 5 have appeared in Textual Practice, and of Chapter 5 in
Postgraduate English. Thanks to the editors at both these journals
for giving permission for this material to be represented here.
Finally, I would like to thank my family for the continued love and
support they have given me throughout the writing of this book.
Chronology
POLITICS
If we take a long view of the political history of Britain from the mid
seventies to the middle of the first decade of the twenty-first
century then it is a story of the move from a politics of ideological
opposition to one of broad consensus between the major political
parties. In the winter of 1978–79, the Labour government faced a
series of industrial relations crises that saw some of the bigger
Trade Unions campaigning for higher wage deals. The so-called
‘winter of discontent’ resulted in power cuts, rubbish piling up on
London streets and a serious rift between British labour and those
who had traditionally represented their interests in parliament.
This stand-off continued to dog Left wing and Labour politics until
the mid-1990s.
It was partly due to the turmoil on the Left of British politics that
Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government gained power in
the 1979 general election. This heralded a series of economic and
social policies that radically challenged some of the foundations of
the British system as it had been established by the first Labour gov-
ernment in the period after the end of the Second World War. The
development of Thatcherism rested fundamentally on policies that
shifted responsibility for social welfare from the state to the indi-
vidual. On the surface Thatcherism produced an ideology of indi-
vidual success and the accumulation of wealth. Thatcher famously
stated in an interview with Woman’s Own magazine that ‘There is
no such thing as society’, and this off-the-cuff remark came to rep-
resent the focus on individualism at the heart of Thatcherism.4
State services such as the National Health Service became the
targets for so-called rationalization, which in practice meant the
loss of many jobs and the imposition of management teams charged
with the job of cutting down the national health bill as much as pos-
sible. As part of this outlook Britain was stripped of its nationalized
assets in a series of sell-offs of companies such as British Rail,
British Telecom, British Gas and British Petroleum, which saw
similar ‘rationalizations’, and the accumulation of large profits by
some of those who bought up the under-priced shares.
Culturally, these policies revealed new fears of the two
nations idea of Britain. On the one hand there was a rise in the
introduction 5
and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 and such a historic event was
bound to find itself addressed in fiction written after that event. In
Monica Ali’s Brick Lane (2003), the event is observed on television by
the main character, and the novel describes the impact it has on the
multiethnic area in which the main character lives in East London.8
Ian McEwan in his 2005 novel Saturday, uses the context of 9/11 in
the observation early in the novel of an airliner on fire flying over
London: ‘Everyone agrees, airliners look different in the sky these
days, predatory or doomed’.9 The context of terrorism and the polit-
ical and ethical questions it raises is also a key feature in J. G. Ballard’s
novels Millennium People (2003) and Kingdom Come (2006).10 The
consequences of 9/11 are still being played out in Afghanistan, Iraq
and in acts of terrorism in Britain and other parts of the world, and it
is likely that these will continue to produce subject matter for much
fiction produced in Britain in the coming years.
CLASS
far more difficult to identify. This is not to say that the differences
in wealth between the richest and poorest elements do not continue
to have a significant effect on the way British society is organized,
and the way people are represented in cultural terms. The recent
media invention of the so-called ‘chavs’ is based on older class prej-
udices recycled in a new form that allows it to circulate in society
without the charge of classism that it clearly relies on.
One recurring theme throughout the period from the 1950s
onwards is the claim that Britain is becoming (or has become) a
classless society. A series of Prime Ministers from both the major
parties have made this claim from Macmillan in the 1950s, Thatcher
in the 1980s through to Major and Blair in the 1990s and into the
new century. This tends to be a political move that in some way bol-
sters the justification of a political agenda, rather than being based
on actual statistics about the wealth distribution of people in Britain.
There are, however, contexts in which the claim holds weight espe-
cially in the policies championed by the Thatcher government (and
continued by New Labour) that contributed to this blurring of the
lines between the classes, such as the move to increase home own-
ership and the rise in the number of people gaining a university edu-
cation.
This continued debate and confusion over the subject of class has
provided a rich source for much of the fiction produced during period
covered by this book. The field is still dominated by what could be
broadly called middle-class writers such as Monica Ali, Kingsley
Amis, Martin Amis, J. G. Ballard, Julian Barnes, A. S. Byatt, Jonathan
Coe, Margaret Drabble, Alan Hollinghurst, Nick Hornby, Kazuo
Ishiguro, Ian McEwan, Jane Rogers, Salman Rushdie and Sarah
Waters. There has been, however, a rise in the number of novels that
are set in working-class locations or engage with working-class issues.
The literary context for this again goes back to the 1950s (and earlier).
That decade saw an increase in the number of novels that were con-
cerned to record and represent working-class experience in fiction, a
medium that had traditionally been the enclave of the middle classes.
Writers such as Alan Sillitoe, Keith Waterhouse, John Braine and
David Storey produced novels that were situated in working-class life
and as writers could claim to be a part of that social group. The
‘working-class’ novel as it came to be known, has become a staple of
introduction 11
British fiction from the 1950s onwards, although, significantly the tag
itself has become unfashionable. Writers such as Monica Ali, Pat
Barker, Julie Burchill, Angela Carter, Alasdair Gray, James Kelman,
John King, Courttia Newland, Zadie Smith, Alan Warner, Sarah
Waters, Irvine Welsh and Jeanette Winterson have all produced
novels that could be described as working-class in terms of the
primary cultural setting. As can be seen from this list, however, what
might in the 1950s have been described as working-class fiction tends
to get identified more with other social categories such as gender, sex-
uality, ethnicity, national identity and youth.
The Feminine Mystique, she challenged the way in which women had
been designated certain roles which kept them subjugated, and
advocated the development of a society where women could enter
into public and professional life on an equal footing with men. This
form of feminism, however, tended to focus on women in middle-
class and upper-class environments and developed into ideas that
came to be referred to as liberal feminism. In Britain, feminist
writers and activists were often closely associated with socialist
political movements and tended to see women’s rights as part of a
wider social agenda that included class. Sheila Rowbotham, for
example, tried to argue in an influential pamphlet published in 1968
‘Women’s Liberation and the New Politics’, that women’s liberation
was an economic as well as cultural issue.14 In the British context
there was also a strong literary element to the Women’s Liberation
Movement including notable figures such as playwright Michelene
Wandor and literary critic Germaine Greer.15
With respect to literary criticism, the feminist movement devel-
oped in the 1970s in two main directions: the first was led by critics
such as Kate Millett and tended to identify sexist and often misog-
ynist positions in male-authored literature of the past; the second
by writers such as Sandra Gilbert, Susan Gubar, Ellen Moers and
Elaine Showalter, who tried to establish an alternative canon of
women’s literature, a body of writing sometimes referred to as gyn-
ocriticism.16 The influence of feminism on British fiction has been
profound, to the extent that today, contemporary women novelists
are just as likely to gain major literary awards and to be included on
contemporary fiction syllabuses as men. This is certainly not the
case if you look at any other period of British literature (with the
possible exception of the Victorian novel). Many British women
writers emerged (or were already established) in the late 1960s and
1970s who were keen to engage with feminist issues such as A. S.
Byatt, Angela Carter, Margaret Drabble, Janice Galloway, Doris
Lessing, Emma Tennant and Fay Weldon.
Alongside the Anglo-American tradition in feminist literary criti-
cism, certain British novelists have been more influenced by the
French feminists: Hélène Cixous, Luce Irigaray and Julia Kristeva.
This body of work tended to engage more with poststructuralist
theories of language. Hélène Cixous, for example, argues that the
introduction 13
arguments put forward by feminism in the 1980s and into the 1990s
can be attributed to the fact that Britain had, for the first time in its
history, a female Prime Minister.
The success that feminism achieved in the 1970s and 1980s in
changing cultural perceptions of the accepted roles for men and
women in society began to be more noticeable in the 1990s, to the
extent that some cultural commentators and theorists began to talk
of a post-feminist situation. The concept of post-feminism can be
understood in two senses. Firstly, it can refer to the fact that most
of the main aims of second wave feminism from the 1960s to the
1980s had been achieved and consequently were no longer relevant
in the 1990s. Secondly, and in contradiction to this argument, post-
feminism could refer to the sense that although successes had
been achieved in equal rights, the most powerful and highly paid
positions in Britain were still predominately occupied by men. This
form of post-feminism recognized that the original objectives of the
Women’s Liberation Movement were still legitimate areas for pol-
itical campaigning despite the successes that had already been
achieved. Associated with the idea of post-feminism, the 1990s saw
the rise of significant popular cultural movements and trends. One
of these was the so-called ‘ladette’ culture, a form of social behav-
iour that advocated the pleasures and codes of practice that had pre-
viously been the enclave of young men, such as heavy drinking,
clubbing, and active pursuance of sexual partners. This popular
movement was led by phenomena such as the success of the Spice
Girls, who presented themselves as a kind of post-feminist gang,
who used sexuality on their own terms. The main spokesperson of
the band, Geri Halliwell, a fan of Mrs Thatcher, advocated a culture
where young women had the confidence to tell you what they
‘really, really want’, and were able to get it.
The successes of feminism also affected the way in which mas-
culinity was re-assessed during the period. One of the original
tenets of feminism was that men were as conditioned by prevailing
gender codes as women; as Betty Friedan put it: ‘Men weren’t really
the enemy – they were fellow victims suffering from an outmoded
masculine mystique’.19 In the 1980s the idea of the New Man began
to circulate, which referred to a male (usually heterosexual) that was
in touch with his feminine side and who broadly agreed with the
introduction 15
On the 15 August 1947 the new sovereign nation of India was born
as it gained independence from Britain. India was always the jewel
in the crown of the British Empire and its loss represented a key
moment in British history. Perhaps more importantly it signalled
the beginning of the gradual dismantling of most of the Empire
introduction 17
over the next fifty years or so. The legacy of colonialism has been
one of the most far reaching influences both on the former colonies
and also on Britain itself, both in terms of its position in the new
world order after 1945, and also in the changing nature of its home
population. The term postcolonialism has been coined to define
this new state of affairs and a series of theories and discourses has
arisen in many fields to explain and assess the impact of this enor-
mous shift in the political organization of the world. Britain has
continued to maintain links with many of the former colonies
through the establishment of the Commonwealth, which is an asso-
ciation of many of the countries that used to be ruled by Britain.
This continued association has also affected the pattern of migra-
tion and has been a significant feature of Britain’s population demo-
graphic in the years following the Second World War.
From the 1950s onwards Britain has developed into a multicul-
tural nation as groups of people moved from parts of the Caribbean,
South East Asia and Africa (as well as other parts of the world) and
settled in Britain, often in communities that gathered together in
Britain’s urban areas. This series of diasporas has changed the face
of British society and culture in profound ways, but has not always
been a smooth process. Many of the areas that the new arrivals
settled in were often deprived, where the older populations were
themselves suffering social and economic adversity. There has
always been resistance in certain quarters to the development of
communities from other parts of the world, often exacerbated by
successive governments playing the so-called ‘race card’ – rhetoric
designed to create unnecessary fear amongst the established British
population with images of being invaded and swamped by immi-
grants. Enoch Powell, for example, in 1968 delivered his now infa-
mous ‘rivers of blood’ speech warning against the dangers of
immigration.23 In reality, immigration has been gradual over the
period, and in fact, people from minority ethnic groups have never
made up more than 8 per cent of the British population.
Political attitudes to immigration have vacillated over the period,
and tend to shift from the idea that wholesale assimilation into a sense
of Britishness is the preferred outcome, to a model of multicultural-
ism, whereby immigrant communities retain a sense of their original
cultures whilst adapting to the cultural make-up of Britain. In
18 contemporary british fiction
A NOTE ON THEORY
Author: Various
Language: English
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
LXXI.
CONTENTS.
EDINBURGH:
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD SONS, 45 GEORGE
STREET;
AND 37 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
To whom all communications (post paid) must be addressed.
EDINBURGH MAGAZINE.
“The mines of Saxony were first discovered in the tenth century, when the whole
district in which they are situated was covered with wood and without inhabitants.
Some carriers from Halle, on their way to Bohemia, whither they carried salt,
observing metallic substances in the tracks made by the wheels, some of these were
taken up and sent to Goslar to be examined, when they were found to consist of
lead with a considerable quantity of silver. This led to the establishments for
mining, which have continued, with some variations in their products, from the
year 1169 to the present day.”—(Jacob, i. p. 252.)
“In the latter end of the year 1545 the mines of the Cerro de Potosi were
accidentally discovered. According to the account of Herrera, the discovery was
owing to an Indian hunter, Diego Hualca, who, in pulling up a shrub, observed
filaments of pure silver about the roots. On examination the mass was found to be
enormous, and a very great part of the population was thereby drawn to the spot
and employed in extracting the metal. A city soon sprang up, though in a district of
unusual sterility. The mountain was perforated on all sides, and the produce, in a
few of the first years, exceeded whatever has been recorded of the richest mines in
the world.”—(Jacob, ii. p. 57.)
And so with the discovery of the rich washings of California. As
early as the time of Queen Anne, Captain Sheldrake, in command of
an English privateer on the coast, discovered that the black sands of
the rivers—such as the washers now find at the bottom of their
rockers—yielded gold largely, and pronounced the whole country to
be rich in gold. But it remained in the hands of the Indians and the
Jesuit fathers till 1820, when California was made a territory of the
Mexican commonwealth, and a small party of adventurers came in.
Captain Sheldrake and his published opinions had then been long
forgotten,[4] and an accident made known again the golden sands in
1848, after the territory had been ceded to, and was already
attracting adventurers from, the United States.
“The discoverer was Mr Marshall, who, in September 1847, had contracted with
Captain Sutter to build a saw-mill near some pine woods on the American Fork,
now a well-known feeder of the Sacramento river. In the spring of 1848 the saw-
mill was nearly ready, the dam and race being constructed; but, when the water
was set on to the wheel, the tail-race was found too narrow to let the water through
quick enough. Mr Marshall, to save work, let the water right into the race with a
strong stream, so as to sweep the race wider and deeper. This it did, and a great
bank of gravel and mud was driven to the foot of the race. One day, Mr Marshall,
on walking down the race to this bank, saw some glittering bits on the upper edge,
and, having gathered a few, examined them and conjectured their value. He went
down to Sutter’s Fort and told the captain, and they agreed to keep it a secret until
a certain grist mill of the captain’s was finished. The news got about, however; a
cunning Yankee carpenter having followed them in their visit to the mill-race, and
found out the gold scales.
Forthwith the news spread. The first workmen were lucky, and in a few weeks
some gold was sent to San Francisco, and speedily the town was emptied of people.
In three months there were four thousand men at the diggings—Indians having
been hired, eighty soldiers deserted from the American posts, and runaways
getting up from the ships in the harbour. Such ships as got away carried news to
Europe and the United States; and, by the beginning of 1849, both sides of the
Atlantic were in agitation.”—(Wyld, pp. 34, 35.)
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