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“Titi

Heft
| 37
|»ptologi sche Studie n
Virginia Condon-Seven Royal Hymns
wt the Ramesside Period

Deutscher Kunstverlag
The Library
SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY
AT CLAREMONT

WEST FOOTHILL AT COLLEGE AVENUE


CLAREMONT, CALIFORNIA
Minchner Agyptologische Studien - Heft 37
Seven Royal Hymns of the Ramesside Period
von Virginia Condon

Munchener Universitatsschriften

Philosophische Fakultat
Miinchner Agyptologische Studien

Herausgegeben
von Hans Wolfgang Miller

1978
Deutscher Kunstverlag Miinchen Berli
n
eo! “Seven Royal Hymns
@ of the Ramesside Period LY
Papyrus Turin CG 54031

von Virginia Condon


\\

1978

Deutscher Kunstverlag Miinchen Berlin


‘Fheology Library

SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY
AT CLAREMONT
California

© 1978 Deutscher Kunstverlag GmbH Miinchen Berlin


Druck: Anton Hain, Meisenheim
ISBN 3422 008306
PREFACE

The aim of the present study is to present a full edition of three large
frag-
ments of a hieratic papyrus conserved in the Turin Museum! but, hitherto known
only from the publication by Pleyte and Rossi and scattered references
to iso-
lated lines among the works of Erman, Grapow, and Steindorff,
The fragments contain parts of what must have been a collection of separate

but consecutive and closely-related hymns in honor of Nebma'ré!'-meramtn


Ra'messe- Amenhikhopshef-nutehekaGn and Usima're'-setpenré'-meramtn
Ra' messe- itamtn-nitehekadn?, two little-known kings of the Twentieth Egyp-

tian Dynasty.

1 A.Fabretti, F.Rossi, and R. Lanzone, Catalogo Generale dei Musei di


Antichita e degli Oggetti d'Arte, Regio Museo di Torino, 1882-1888, Vol. I,
pp. 242 f., numbers 1886, 1892, and 1893; W. Pleyte and F. Rossi, Papyrus
de Turin, Leiden, 1869-1876, 87 (=1892 rt.), 21-22 (=1886 rt.), 88 (=1893
rt.), 89 (= 1893 vs.), 20 (= 1886 vs.), and 86 (=1892 vs.).
2 Numbered by most Egyptologists as Ramses VI and VII respectively.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The study was originally presented in 1973 for the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy at Yale University. I wish to express my gratitude to Professor

William Kelly Simpson, who directed the dissertation and called my at-

tention to matters which merited investigation, and from whose thought-

ful criticism I benefited greatly. Professor Richard Parker and Hans

Goedicke also read the manuscript and offered a number of useful comments.

To Professor William Hallo and the late Jacob Finkelstein, my teachers in

Assyriology, I am much indebted for their continued guidance and inspiration.

It is a pleasure to extend my thanks to Professor Silvio Curto, Director of the

Egyptian Museum in Turin, for having so generously placed at my disposal the

papyrus which forms the subject of this study. Special recognition is due also to

Dr. Alessandro Roccati, who gave freely of his time on several occasions and

provided many valuable suggestions.

The Griffith Institute in Oxford graciously supplied copies of some trans-

criptions prepared many years ago by Sir Alan Gardiner for the Worterbuch.

They remain unpublished and came to my notice only as this monograph was

being completed, but every effort has been made to incorporate them wherever

they might be found useful.


CONTENTS

Description of the Papyrus .

Il, Date and Provenance

Il. Transcriptions

IV. Translations 17

. Notes to the Translations 25

VI. The Subject of the Hymns 38

VIL. Poetic Style 50

VIII. Conclusions 54

IX. Selected Texts 55

. Bibliography 59

XI. Palaeography 63

XII. Glossary . 14

XIII. Plates 77
NOTE TO THE READER

The plate numbers used in identifying the fragments studied herein are those

found in W. Pleyte and F. Rossi, Papyrus de Turin, Leiden, 1869-1876.

Full reference material pertaining to primary as well as secondary sources

is given in the list of selected texts and in the bibliography towards the end of the

volume.

For the abbreviations, the reader is referred to the lists in Janssen, An-
nual Egyptological Bibliography, published yearly in Leiden, and in Rykle Bor-

ger, Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur, Berlin 1967, 661ff. Other abbreviations

are the following:

ANET J.B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 3. Auflage Princeton1969

LEM A.H.Gardiner, Late- Egyptian Miscellanies, Brussels 1937. (Tran-

scription)

R.A. Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, London 1954. (Trans-

lation and commentary)

Urk.IV K. Sethe and W. Helck, Urkunden der 28. Dynastie, 2. Auflage Berlin 1961

Wb. A. Erman and H.Grapow, Worterbuch der Aegyptischen Sprache,

Leipzig 1926-50
I, DESCRIPTION OF THE PAPYRUS

The three large fragments were made available by Pleyte and Rossi in sepa-

rate facsimiles as though belonging to distinct rolls.

While the hand-facsimiles are not wholly reliable, I have turned to them where

the papyrus is now illegible or lacking, for the papyrus has deteriorated in the

century which has elapsed since its reproduction. Indeed, the vertical strip

which had constituted the reinforcement at the end of the roll subsequently broke

off, and when the reinforcement was finally rejoined to the rest of the sheet two

small fragments were incorrectly reassembled. Although the present photo-

graphs show the fragment as improperly reconstructed, the presumed order

of the smaller fragments has been indicated there and in the transcription (Plate

88).
The upper and lower margins of the papyrus are relatively complete. At the

sides the varying amounts of text missing have been indicated in the transcrip-

tions. Although none of the sheets (the segments of which a roll is composed)

has been preserved in its entirety, it is apparent that they were somewhat longer

than the standard New Kingdom sheet-length of 18 centimeters. The papyrus

conforms generally to the roll-height (c. 21 cm.) of Ramesside literary pa-

pyri.
The overall disposition of the roll is also as we might expect, the top of the

verso falling against the top of the recto, which is to say that when the roll was

turned over it was not inverted.

The texture is somewhat uneven and coarse, although the fiber-direction is

not readily apparent. That, in fact, I have not everywhere followed the des-

ignations of recto and verso found in Pleyte and Rossi is evident from what fol-

lows.

3 Jaroslav Cerny, Paper and Books in Ancient Egypt, London 1952, passim.
Lie ies

A, Plates 21-22 (recto) and 20 (verso): length 41 cm., height 20.5 cm. The frag-

ment is in a good state of preservation although in places the papyrus is worn

thin and is transparent. In addition, faint traces of erasures indicate that the papy-

rus had been previously used. A neat join, visible only when the papyrus is ex-

amined under light, coincides on the recto with the space between the two col-

umns. The presentation is essentially tidy and clear.

B. Plates 88 (recto) and 89 (verso): length 22.5 cm., height 19 cm. It is in

a poorer condition than the preceding fragment. Though there is no longer any

visible evidence that the manuscript is palimpsest, here, too, the papyrus is

transparent in several places. The above-mentioned reinforcement stands out

most clearly on the verso (right edge). The overall appearance is relatively

careless,

C. Plates 87 (recto) and 86 (verso): length 24 cm., height 20 cm. Although

not so well-preserved as the other two fragments, the writing here is clear

and neat on both sides. Traces of a previous text can be seen readily on the

recto between lines 9 and 10, and on the verso between lines 6 and 7. The pa-

pyrus having been rubbed thin, the material is transparent here as in the other

fragments. When held to the light, a join is visible on the recto along the edge of

the first column.

Close consideration of these three fragments leads to the conclusion that they

are somehow connected. The more tangible evidence is now singled out,

while other factors having a bearing on their relationship have been reserved

for later chapters.

Two distinctive holes, each of which recurs at regular intervals on a hori-


zontal plane, indicate that A andB were at one time part of the same roll. The
distances as measured in each case between the lowermost series ( ( ) are

as follows:

(on the recto, from right to left)

Pls. °21- 22" 11. 5.em.,

1a yO-cm..

Pl, 88: 8.5 cm.


ae

The estimated diameter of the first section, then, is about 3.5 cm., that of

the succeeding one 2.75 cm. Since the papyrus would have been rolled from

left to right, with the recto inside, it follows that initially 21-22 preceded 88.

In all likelihood these were separated by another column, now entirely lost.

While there is no external evidence which might assure us that 86/87 had

also belonged to the same roll, a tentative sequence is proposed here. Ad-

ditional data which tend to corroborate this arrangement of the texts have been

included in the chart below. It remains to be said that such an arrange-

ment in part adds meaning to several aspects of 88/89. That 88 cons-

titutes the end of the roll might explain the relatively careless and small writ-

ing there. It would seem that the scribe filled out the last sheet in an indif-

ferent manner and that he left little or no margin on the left, writing over the

reinforcement itself, as if to fit as much of the text as possible on one side.

Furthermore, of the entire group 89 alone has black ink for the sign of pause

#7x—) Perhaps in the course of rotating the roll the attention of the scribe

was momentarily diverted. That the text of 88 was probably carried over to

89 will be shown elsewhere.

PLATE COLOR KING FULL COLUMNS


OF TEXT LOST

RECTO:
undetermined
87 med. brown Usima'ré'
one or more
21-22 med, brown Usima'ré'!
one
88 brown-ash-pink Nebma'ré'
none

VERSO:
89 brown-ash- pink Usima're'
one
20,1 brown-ash- pink Nebma're'
II med. brown Usima're'
one or more
86 med. brown Usima'reé'
undetermined
Il. DATE AND PROVENANCE

Unfortunately the circumstances of their discovery are unknown, the frag-

ments having come to the Turin Museum in 1824 along with the collection of

Bernardino Drovetti.

Be that as it may, the epithets and thematic material, while selected in ac-

cordance with the purpose of the texts and arranged with a certain measure of

originality and spontaneity, were drawn essentially from the same basic store

of tradition available to other scribes of the Ramesside period. The internal

evidence suggests also a possible northern origin for 89 and 86, while 87, 88,

and 21 might have come from the Theban area; the provenance of the texts on

20 and 22 is more difficult to ascertain.

The language is for the most part the formal version of late Egyptian com-

monly employed in royal hymns of the period. The orthography, too, is a blend

of earlier forms within a predominantly late- Egyptian base as may be seen,

for example, from the various forms of the pronouns and the determinative

of goddesses, for the most part written 9 (@.) sithough found also in its

earlier form q (M3't, Pl. 87,7). Of special interest is the syllabic writing

of a number of Egyptian and non-Egyptian words, notably Napata (22,10) and

Punt (225.3).
In Plate 89, line 6 there is a reference to Khatti which, to judge by the writ-

ing (with this compare Koller I, 6 and Anastasi IV, 17, 9), could place the origi-

nal composition in Dynasty XIX. In addition to the determinative ™] the

present text has here the determinative ‘4 4} generally employed for peoples

as distinguished from specific locales. By itself this does not constitute con-

clusive evidence but it is not to be excluded that the text refers to the period

after the disappearance from Egyptian texts of the Hittites as an empire, name-

ly Dynasty XIX after the reign of Merneptah as well as Dynasty XX, by which

time the Hittites had been submerged by the Peoples of the Sea. That the Hit-
tites are, on the other hand, also mentioned in the same line as being subject
to Egypt need not be taken seriously and cannot be used per se to prove
that the text was first composed as early as Dynasty XVIII or the beginning of
= 5 -

Dynasty XIX when Egypt was still dominant in that area. What is certain is that
the original text cannot antedate the Eighteenth Dynasty, for the first extant
mention of Khatti and the Hittites occurs in the Annals of Thutmose III, where
they are referred to as Ht3 '3, and the first known direct confrontatio:: be-
tween Egypt and Hatti occured during the reign of Tutankhamin.

In addition to the presence of cursives and ligatures each of the texts is


marked by a rather wide range of paleographic forms. Forms characteristic
of the North are employed alongside others more typical of the South and the
various signs span the greater part of the New Kingdom period, suggesting that
the texts might have been assembled from a variety of sources+. On the whole,
however, close affinities are found in texts of the late nineteenth and early twen-

tieth dynasties.

The foregoing would preclude any possibility that the hymns had been first

composed after the death of Usima'ré!' and would minimize the possibility of

such a late date for the manuscripts as well. It is far more likely that the hymns

were copies which, although made during the reign of Usima'ré', were based

to a large extent on texts originally composed before the reign of Nebma'ré',

which is to say before the middle of the twelfth century. Additional evidence

will be given throughout the study (see especially Chapters VI and VII) to show

that the original compositions probably date from the early part of Dynasty XIX

in particular.

Although it is possible that the roll represents the work of several scribes *

the above hypothesis would also help to explain the noticeable variation

in the very character of the writing on the roll, no two pages of which seem on

the surface to be the product of the same scribe. An interval of time between

writing-sessions could account for other, minor variations within the same

hand, namely the size of the writing, which begins to increase progressively

as one nears the end of the group (Pls. 20 and 86), as well as the relative care-

lessness at the end of the roll (88/89). Finally, while the similarities in spel-

ling and vocabulary might be due to a mere coincidence arising from the simi-

4 Compare, for example, the well-known papyrus set forth by Erman in


"Hymnen an das Diadem der Pharaonen", APAW 1 (1911).
ae

larities or single authorship of the original texts from which the hymns were

copied, probably the ees roll is to be regarded as the work of one scribe.

This scribe seems to have been a student who had attained some degree of

competence, for the nature and number of corruptions and inconsistencies as

well as corrections and insertions are not substantial when compared with other

Ramesside literary papyri. Whether or not the texts had been genuine hymns

sung or recited in connection with royal festivals before being put to use in the

scribal curriculum the present versions are no doubt purely literary com-

positions. Perhaps they formed part of an anthology of model texts not unlike

Papyrus Anastasi II and other miscellanies of the Ramesside period.


Ill. TRANSCRIPTIONS

The restorations included with the transcriptions are often arbitrary, par-

ticularly where large portions of the text are lost, and are offered here merely

by way of suggestion.
daa aac
"Tadde) ASP RLVCUS Top” Nayar ede
iL pon5!FP LF VSI Fe. Ve
Boao yp]S,
er WAG SE~Koni WS Boornpy?
‘ VWeALP
AY B USE AY WETS ZS >
EAUNS yer AY ALA SSI MY“
LeeSPOI
SU SAE PY VCP Nadi so ep SoaNT VA
SRY P
af Pep es eeAso HY Ii

Hk
Oyo tS
[0ViAStayreaes
1s?) IllWilts
favo saom = SeyS CAGED
Ot KLIS VV WV ER PP et SAAS
PEGE 74
* FI
os
ie
denr|
b eS at
oY rol Ho gy
2 ely PALS
*lieoont
oe)
pt ash
pr
yeas
ae V
oie
‘28
"AM SI LAY St 4 AVG ott AYoN P YL
ES C2LS BSUSRF 8 Sp lllPSR Ste
3 era ae, A er
cae cin AON CABIN ICSC fo eeyacect IeBo-
SCAN TEE Sle [Nace igs.
NERD RAY ern PEE Sa PR a syeeu
ALFIE C 0a SIS ACe PAS, Le ree
wir
“| pieOre, ewe be EY
Zpibe" NOE ES
a A IO St WREST RE BLE

DLAI
‘Sita ae EV Saw ies A
es LIS

LUIZ
Ee,
YO
OFS
AV
waa
i
cG
SA Sy Wey Omei ecolrcfees
Ha
Sie”OMYAI" SHY Vel EhE
TUT RYE LIVESE KIWI LA
geeUSP saa WaISil LOC W
Aer CUFT o7l?
VS Tee SEG WN
J yo! LOWES SLPS”WYENORY WS
lly ROLLA) ayo SS
7 CRY VMEEL LVR ot. STP ACUUPI2E?
| WY] Ro®eneLIT AT™, [OSA
UYSR
VEN AN PoC
AVES] EE TAC UVES SEAL"BS
ae ey
UT
Mae BiteS s PEAY LA ie
1CUS STT
Y Pir] BRLIGH
IO T SO|
BEVEL
IAS] STYLVEL
E LUE
L
SAPS]aT YU SYSte NenaSO|
eeUl WE
POLiS E [OR
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OF t IRIS
SURI US
NEER YE
| oi Bishon pene
a iet nS AM
VEE
LE INE ERAS
mr ie oe Poies
EY MYPAL HYST
UlA taseSia
s LIP
aS pe AACE:seat aay<3 "FI
PIY PL R LI LN Veo LRWERE V
te es Oe
eee
"YEUPUS SIO RMF S Ae ral
b
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YEN
soy
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540s (ae ees
Selle oY i 1S 2 Sf YOY vit
HY i°¢]
Se HiaNZer) WEA PSE ITEY SIGE LHe 7
NNER SOV oS ati As SWE YS
S27 HOY SIA EET IUPAC LWA 7
RUC267 eoPHS AE Fle BSAESULES
PTS S OMe MUSPTY Ss tae Wire S12] 1
see rellbiva7dg 3Eerie
Hoe.
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Ss, ye a Lu
wwvrt © ole [Ope
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oaCUUTS 2
Crates?) MyMe
Wes
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AIS W
Ye me VRvesoe
yyy Pda ore IPRA
"OV
WEANESW WOE
LD VERMAMI
Pays Sova YMLa Yh! 2704 OSTAe TWP
Ye. WFAN
BaP Yoe—s YPN RNAS
saat
ELLYS
UK TU SPY “of Leo
ex: Yd
EW MP
Belo eT SETS WII A UE BAP
Neon TY ARS
rca
Ls fF ee VM Se PW
BS TA
Ror
YS RA yay yy oe Pereare SYR] AY

a
Y| o2 ARYL SVS it
SS SW -¥ al ey Ly
MTS Vy M
Wr SPAS
NS Pt 08 Vf op 6b R

yy Rl pels SP
Q
Sry 1h ceo sar
- OF SS "oF
Za

Br LWW
WA: SY

ly elie ery Soe


#] ae UNE
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fo t=
1 = 2 ot PUN? Usted
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ORF SS OSS Ft et 8
1 SS NFATRY AesSoe LP1
] rtiselest
ano See "S
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TRACE
5 dua STON
oM yyy saias LW urs 26 IMacaig ANN
Woe ww Pie F YG
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HED as SWYKAD ISSHILD 3S
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ON ell
IV. TRANSLATIONS

I. Hymn to Ramses VII

PLATE 87:

1. [Lo!] a goodly era is come.~—S Praised be thou, thou of whom Amun


says, ''There are assembled [thy] kinsmen,

2. for thou art chosen among them to serve as supreme leader of the Black-

land, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usima're'-

setpenré'-meramin, Son of Ré',

3. [Lord of Diadems, Ra'] messe-itamtn-nttehekaon, 1.p.h. '(-—) Praised

be thou, who art benevolent by virtue of enacting equitable laws.

4, The land is become like the calm waters, for thou hast entered into the pal-

ace.7xa_\ Praised be thou, who appearest in the Lower- Egyptian Heliopolis,

5. [ (thou) whom] Pré' [beholds]. Thou art honored with numerous Sed-Fes-

tivals when thou (goest) to Victorious- Thebes. ~—1\ Praised be

6. [thou, (who appearest) in] the Upper- Egyptian Heliopolis; the [Ennead] has
accepted thee, thy mooring-stake being made firm in Thebes, and the palace,

les de, Deine

7. [... Ja—) Praised be thou, O [lover] of Truth, O hater of Falsehood.


Thou dost cause that Righteousness exist,

8. and that all Iniquity be [dispelled]_~— The [appointed] time is come to

pass in the Black-land. All lands are in festivity

9. [... ](uttering) and [reciting] in unison thy name. Ipet-weris, who bore

10. [the gods ...], she] speaks [with] her mouth and [they] receive (thee)

with their arms, O Son

Column II,

1, of Ré', when thou (goest) to [...]

(The remainder of Column II is too fragmentary for translation.)


ee

1
II, Hymn to Ramses VII

PLATE 21:

1. [They offer] sweet-smelling [flowers] in thy beloved sight; they are for the
neck of the Lord of Thebes, that he be filled with love of thee,

2. [King of Upper and] Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usima'ré'-

setpenré', beloved of Amun, made to flourish like the iyh-plants, .— The gen-

uine stones which come forth from the valleys, they

3. [augment] the gifts of haematite (?) in their kind. They are made into fitting

and fine things for the Wedjat(-amulet) which is on thy neck.

4, Their choicest, most brightly-colored ones are for the crowns which are

upon thy head. Their more abundant (?), opaque (?) stone(s),

5. they are (made) into vases to be set up by the butlers at the august palace

of the Horus "Strong Bull". aA Those who have plotted,

6, thou actest according to their plotting; thy force has slain them. Those who

say in their hearts, ''We (shall act) by ourselves! Let us

7. divide up the sea!" - in whom is the (self-)assurance of a god - he (Amun)

heeds not what they say. He makes their canals (in such a way that)

8. they are isolated (?); their homes are in the roads. They have succumbed
unwittingly in their hour. Their voices are hoarse

9. from calling aloud, "How beautiful is thy name!"', millions of times. '(O)
Pharaoh, 1.p.h., the hand of Amun is in thy hand. When thou callest out to
him in the

10. depth of the night, thou findest him standing behind thee. May he act on
thy behalf, O sole-one among a hundred-thousand; may he make millions (of
years) as one!"'

PLATE 22:

1. There is come the time of day when the entire land is assembled before
thee;
2D =

the four corners of the sky [are set in place (?) when there is bequeathed to

thee ] the

2. office of thy father. That which Amun utters shall abide forever; it (shall)

survive henceforth(?) in stone [.. .]

3. The sea raises itself for thee jubilantly. Punt, it sends forth fragrances

firing

4, heaven. (When) the rope-makers make cord, it is Ptah himself who makes

it, in order to make glad [the heart of thee, whom the] god [has created (?)],

5. whose name is Lord-of-a-hundred-thousand-festivals, Usima'ré'-setpenré'-

meramin, who art sollicitous for the Black-land, Ra'messe [-itamin

(-nitehekaGn), divine of ]

6. birth, gentle of charm.~—\Praised be thou, say they, all the gods; (those)

who rest in [their sanctuaries, their hearts]

7. are in great joy, befitting is their exultation -

Lord of the Two Lands, Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramin, l.p.h.[...]

8. Son of Ré', Ra'messe-itamun, divine fluid of Ré'.

The birds, those in the cool waters, [they fly down in]

9. a flock when they have migrated to the Black-land. Every pond is full; To-

meri is become as [...]

10. Ré' (?). They turn their faces toward Napata; they fill the district of [.. .]

tmmt. The Lake [of Horus?...]

III. Hymn in Honor of Ramses VI

PLATE 88;

1. his (?) [...] and t-nt-$3 abounds in wadj-fish; they shall behold the Lord,

l.p.h., of the Black-land when he celebrates numerous Sed-festivals [ett

2, ...] who ensnares(?) both fowl and fish. Momentous things have befallen

us. Those who took from us the food of [... are (now)]
+ 20.-

3. widows; those who caused to be consumed the best portion of the geese are

in the hand of harlots. We abandoned the territory of our fathers and mothers;

we [...

4, ...] desert. Behold! Amun has turned himself around (again) to the Black-

land. Those who were lowly are (now) notables. Amun has been given to us that

we may take counsel [...

5. ...] while he sits (in judgment) in our sight. His broad courts have been

made as great waves [from] all the choicest things of the [entire] land.

6. [The] fowl of (the land) being well-fed and its harvest made ripe, he shall

have the best portions taken to the city of Amun, Mut [and Khons;]

7. he [shall (?) bring] the oblation of the altar of Pré', the wrd-bird for Ptah.

The country is settled down in it customary place.

8. We have returned to our village, to your audience-halls, to the many sweet-

smelling things [...

9. which] are made into every kind of food for your pure offerings, King of

Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Nebma're'-mer[amin],1.p.h.,

the one who catches the [fish

10. in] (their) season, Ra'messe-Amenhikhopshef-nutehekaon, 1.p.h., - he

captures the birds. ~—A

IV. Hymn to Ramses VII

The menesh-ships, those which are inthe [sea?...

11, ... the] head(?) of the Great Green. They have turned their backs upon
their gods; they have forgotten the temples. He pulls in those who [go adrift ?]

PLATE 89:

1. in thy name of Captain-of-ships, like a cord of rope - King of Upper and


Lower Egypt, Usima'ré'-setpenré'- meramiin, [thou] dost pacify [?]
> ont 2

2. the angry, Son of Ré', Ra'messe-itamtn-nuteheka6n, l.p. (h.), who bringest


the menesh-ships back to the Black-land.-2__\ [The one who beameth like]

3. Ré', thou shinest like Khopri. Thine army stands in exultation; the horses

in the land [.. .]

4. convey the love of thee, say they, from one land to another. Nekhbet-of-

Nekhen and Edjo are the protection of thy body [...].

5.72 The one who shooteth the arrow(s?) against the land of Khor, thou

uprootest the Leb [anon].

6. The one who chargeth into the land of Khatti, thou overturnest its mountains.

Those who [plough in]

7. summer and reap in winter, thou dost heap up their provisions. Those who

eat of [their flesh and]

8. drink their blood, thy uraeus sets fire to their corpses within their [...

They are ]

9. removed from their tombs and scattered to the wind. Thou art Ba'al ap-

pearing in [thine hour, who prevailest]

10. over the two far lands, who residest in the Black-land. Thy pure of-

ferings [...]

V. Hymn to Ramses VI

PLATE 20:

Column I,

1. [...] ?, and their life is good. The inundation has come in its season and
the flood waters have arisen in thy residence (or, within thee).

2. O wall of earth, Nebma'ré'-meramin, 1.p.h., who reachest the limits of

the foreign lands, (Ra')messe- Amenhikhopshef- nutehekaon, Neal Si la

3. O son of Amun, of his body. There is no heritage of life (?) for him who

attacks thee; (he) lies under thy sandals.7~~_\ Praised be thou


A094

4. O issue (?) of Amun. Thy fleet is loaded amid jubilation - "Pre' is the one

who shows thee the way of provisions; Ius'aas

5, is the one who pilots thee. Atum shall be thine oarsman; the sky(-goddess)

shall be the officer in charge of the tackle. ¥s_ Praised be thou,

6. thou who moorest to Ipet-Esut, (thou) whom its gods receive. Its monuments

cry out jubilantly,

7. [How sweet is the sound] of thy mooring-stake; how sweet is the sound of

the h3pw of the valorous one, possessor of power.",a_\ Praised be thou,

O bank for Thebes,

8. [pleasant] by means of thine awnings. The islands before (?) Amun are for

the ksbt-tree of Opet; they are as (numerous) as the stars which are in the sky,

9. which [lead] forth the land to thee. ~_» Praised be thou, O issue(?) of

his (sic. )father, before whom are numerous victories,

10. to whom [are given] years like the sands, Sed-festivals as (perennial as)

the constellations. The four monuments are set in place, one at the corner of

every district

Column II

1. of the Black-land. Every foreign land is brought to thee with gifts, this house

being made joyful. ~~»

VI. Hymn to Ramses VII

[How beautiful art thou, who passest the day in the]

2. solar bark, who art beautiful as the coming forth of the ''cedar" [.. .]

3. toward whom the trees incline, O bright-of-face, who entereth the [pal-
ACG, aees..|

4. O Son of Ré', O Egg of Atum, shepherd of (your) flock, [Usima'ré'-


setpenré'-meramin, l.p.h. (?) ~a—A How beautiful ]
a

5. art thou, say they, the Ennead. Thy fleet is in the canal [... They make]

6. gifts to flow during the Sed-festivals. Their sounding-poles are joyful [..
.]

7. to Opet for thy mooring, Ra'messe-itamiin-nitehekaon [1. Dees LOW:


beautiful art thou, say they,]

8. thy two beloved lands, which Amun entrusts to thee. [Every foreign country]
is inclined [toward thee... .]

9. are emptied out before thee. ~—\ How beautiful art thou when thou ap-

pearest in thy season, [thou who ragest on thy]

10. western (frontier), thou who stormest on thy eastern (frontier), The sands(?)
ere |

11. kingship. ~——\ How beautiful art [thou]; thou art the son of Amun, thou
che 3aieee |

VII. Hymn to Ramses VII

PLATE 86:

1. [. ..] Hail to thee, thou who appearest with the White-Crown; (all the world)

becomes "white" when thou traversest the sky. Hail to thee, thou who appearest

with the ''Two Powerful-ones";

2. [thou hast power over the Two Lands.] Hail to thee, thou who appearest

with the nemes-cloth; the entire land advances toward thee (exclaiming), ''Ado-

ration, adoration!"

8. [Hail to thee, thou who appearest with the (?)] crown; the first-born of Ré'

hath appeared for the bequeathal of his office to his beloved son.

4, [Great of appearances in the morning-bark], Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramin,

who causes to ferry the evening-bark, Ra'messe-itamun [-ntteheka ] Ofisels Del.

5, [... all the gods] are in joy.


4 =

6. [King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usima'ré!' -set-

penré'-mera]
min, Son of Re', Lord of Diadems, Ra'messe-itamun-nttehekaon,

[l.p.] h., who illuminatest

7. [the Two Lands with thy beauty, made to appear] as ruler, l.p.h., of the

palace and as the one who bringeth to port mankind [in] the tomb.
V. NOTES TO THE TRANSLATIONS

Plate 87:

1. n(y)-sw bw w': lit., "it belongs to one place".

mhwt: Wb, II, 114.


Lis Pet KC > : Perfective passive participle with the dependent pronoun

as the subject (Gardiner, Grammar, Par. 374 B).

irt idnw '3 n Kmt: lit., "to exercise (the office of) supreme representative of

the Black-land". On the title idnw cf. Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, II,

Oxford 1941-47, 20, 84.

4, On the writing of the verb hpr where the final r has been dropped (also 22,1;

22,9; 88,2) see Erman, Neudgyptische Grammatik, par.49, and Lacau Etudes

d'Egyptologie I, 81.
[m(or iw)] "k. kr "h. t: perhaps here in the sense "when you take possession

of the palace", although if it is the temple ('h.t) which is intended here then

it follows that 'k should be rendered straps Ventas

4's So : inserted afterwards in red, above the line. Gardiner

gives p3 'n (?) but the signs are almost completely illegible.

m3wd: lit., "be provided", "decorated" (Wb. II, 28, 17). To my knowledge

m3wd is not used elsewhere in the sense of "honored", but seems to have been

used here for its alliterative value (mhw, [m33] , m3wd).

W3st nht. ti: a relatively common New Kingdom designation (cf. E,Otto, Topo-
graphie des Thebanischen Gaues, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte u. Altertums-

kunde Agyptens 16, Leipzig 1952,8).


n'yt: see also 20, 1,7. 'Mooring-post", "cleat" (cf. W.K.Simpson, Pap. Reisner

II, p.39, and B No, 23).

8. [hsr?]: Wh. III, 338.


n3 tp i8t: If the reading of i3t and the restoration n3 tp are correct, the writing

of tp ought to be amended to fA | . Gardiner has [ t3y.k i8t,] "thy time".

9. It is just possible that the first extant signs of the line ( , .a ) represent

here the determinative of one of the many musical instruments made of wood.
Py

In view of the verse-point immediately following hr, it is conceivable that this

was used elliptically for br dd. Following the verse-point I have restored the

infinitive of 'S (Wb.I, 227, 13).


On the Theban goddess Ipet- (ta)weris see Hans Bonnet, Reallexikon der Agyp-

tischen Religionsgeschichte, Berlin 1952, 534 ff., and C.F. Nims, Thebes of

the Pharaohs, New York 1965, 114. For the restoration here of the epithet

"mother of the gods" cf. ZAS 71, 47.

10. wpwt: lit., "household", "crowd". This has been left untranslated since

that word has been restored with much hesitation and is not normally written

with the determinative & 5

21:
1, Restoring iw. tw (hr) hnk hrrwt.

sty: The determinative has been borrowed perhaps from sty "Nubian ochre(?)"

(Faulkner, A Concise Dictionary of Middle Egyptian, Oxford 1962, p.253).

2. iyh, var. ihy: Wb. I, 39 and 122; see also Urk. IV, 772,1 and Grapow, Bild-

lichen Ausdriicke, 101, n.3. A kind of reed or other marsh-plant which grows

in abundance in the Delta.

inr(w) m3'(w): Note that in the writing of m3'(w) the scribe has borrowed the

determinative ( Shi ) from the word m3'w "products".

3. ddw: Wh. V, 626,8. The writing does not appear in J.R.Harris, Lexico-

graphical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, Berlin 1961. Perhaps it is a-

variant spelling of ddi "haematite" (Faulkner, op.cit., 317).

S3wt: (as) "fit to be" (fine things), Wb. IV, 404,17.

4, thnw iwnw: lit., gleaming-ones of colours.

m'r; Wb.I], 49,3 lists only this passage. Probably the word is the same as

m'r "successful", ''flourishing" (Wb. I, 48). Certainly the determinative xf

has been used elsewhere in the text with great freedom, - in the writings of
sty (1 ), m3'w ( 2 ), and thnw ( 4 ), (In the latter instance it was probably

taken over from thnt ''fayence",)


wm (w)t; lit., "thick-ones", m inr "consisting of stone".

ae s'h'°[m] drt: Note the omission of the preposition after the verse-point.

m3w3: Wb. II, 28,10 cites only this passage. In a note accompanying his tran-
= O27

scription Gardiner suggests that the word might be the same as the Coptic

SLEE yé ) pacceye "think", "design against", also a substantive (W.E,


Crum, A Coptic Dictionary, Oxford 1939, p. 199 ff.) Wilhelm Spiegelberg gives
a derivation from m3wi IWGOc A (Koptisches ameciced Hei-
delberg 1921, p.67 ff.), for which compare Wb. II, 34,18 m3(w)t.
te TRCO4A

6. inn: Cf. Cerny, "Inn in Late- Egyptian", JEA 27 ('41) 106. Note that the
scribe has confused direct and indirect speech (hr ds. w).

7. pnk: "empty out", bale out", and "divide up" in the sense of moving some-
thing from one place to another or of giving the things of one person to another

(Peter Seibert, Die Characteristik, Wiesbaden 1967, I, 153-54).

8. w'f: lit., "subdue'', The form here is that of the passive participle, fol-
lowed by the dependent pronoun as the retained direct object (cf. Gardiner,

Grammar, par.377, with pp. 425-26 for an opposing view).

bw rh.w r wnwt.w: lit., "they are unaware in their hour", "without their being

aware in their hour".

9. hnr (hl): Coptic 2WA _ . Loan-word from the Akkadian stem halalu II (von

Soden, Akkadisches Worterbuch, Wiesbaden 1965, p.309). See W. A. Ward,

"Notes on some Semitic loan-words. . .'', OrNS 32 ('63), 429 and, for

hrw hnr, Caminos, LEM, 152.

Lines 8 and 9 are quoted by Spiegelberg, in ZAS 62, 46.

22:

2s hr 38 hr inr; The meaning of this phrase is not clear. Perhaps one should

translate "flowing fast (3s) upon stone". To judge from its position, pare

seems to be intended as a determinative of inr, '(records in) stone".

3. Compare Sallier I, 8,10 (p3 h'py hr f3y hy "the Nile lifts high"). Here, the

verb f3i is used with the dependent pronoun as reflexive object.

Note the full, syllabic writing of Pweéne(t). Comparable spellings are given in

Gauthier, Dictionnaire, II, 45. Some discussion of the question of the vocalisation

of this toponym can be found in M. Alliot's article entitled ''Pount- Pwane, L'Op6né
du Géographe Ptolémée". RdE8 ('51), 1-7.
- 28 -

4, n'y: Gardiner, Onomastica, I, p. 69.

w3nr: See 89, 1.

5. The insertion in red ink, above ~™™”™\_, is scarcely legible. { J Si)

is a logical reading, however.

6. The determinative of mswt seems almost a composite of several signs. Cis

Moller, Pal., Il, numbers 31, 30 (n.1), and Vol. II, 30 (n. 3). The sign

resembles no. 67 as well.

Following hr.w Gardiner reads iS where I have read > . See also 20,

Il, 5.

7. sn:
sp lit. "twice", See the article by S. Schott," 'Zweimal' als Ausrufungs-

zeichen", ZAS 79 ('54), 54-65.


dmi thhwt. w° nb t3wy: The translation given in the text is based on the sup-
position that the verse-point marked the end of a verse. On the other hand, if

the verse-point constitutes the division between two cola then nb t3wy is to be

regarded here as direct object of dmi and its nominal subject (Fecht, Litera-

rische Zeugnisse zur ''Personlichen Frommigkeit" in Agypten, Heidelberg '65,

p.37, N2). One might then translate 'may their exultation move (lit. attain)

the Lord of the Two Lands''. Compare Anastasi III, 4,5 (Gardiner, LEM, 24;

Caminos, LEM, 86) where, however, dmi is used with the indirect object.

Finally, Gardiner reads here dmi.k "you participate" (in their exultation);

there is, however, no longer any visible trace of the sign 7

8. kbh(w): On the significance of this word see the important and engaging study

in Elmar Edel, Zu den Inschriften auf den Jahreszeitenreliefs der 'Weltkam-


mer! aus dem Sonnenheiligtum des Niuserre, Part II, NAWG '63, p.105-14,
The word kbh refers first of all to a mythical water-region of the sky on the
side of Nut which is opposite the earth and beyond the sun's course. The origi-
nal home of migratory birds is located within this general area extending from

northeast to northwest and corresponding to the northern part of the earth.

From here wild fowl and marsh-birds migrated in the autumn in their flight
down the coast of the eastern Mediterranean and the Sinai peninsula to the "cool-
water" regions of Egypt to which the word also refers. A distinction is fre-
_ 29 «

quently made between the kbh of Horus in the Delta, and the kbh of Seth, the
region of the First Cataract. Some birds continued on farther south and this
is possibly the significance of line 10 (the birds "turn their faces toward Na-

pata"). The well-known passage from Wen-Amon is worth quoting here: "Haven't
you seen the birds go down to Egypt a second time? Look at them - how they
travel to the cool pools (kbh) . . .'' (Gardiner, Late- Egyptian Stories, Bibli-
otheca Aegyptiaca I, Brussels '32, p.73, 1.16). Cf. also Anastasi III, 3,1,

where birds from the Cataract-region (p3 3pdw m kbh) flock to Pi-Ra'messe.

9. m tnw: lit. "in (great) number".

swnw: Cf. Caminos, LEM, 418.

10. Napata; The full, syllabic writing found here is worth noting and is not lis-

ted in Wb. II, 247,15 nor in Gauthier, Dictionnaire II, p. 86 ( re SS she

P3-8s [-Hr(?)]: the Biblical Shihor. Located in the northeastern part of the Del-

ta, perhaps modern Lake Menzalah (Gardiner, Onomastica, II, p.201f.). A

marshy region teeming with fish and fowl. The restoration depends, of course,

to some extent on the reading of the place-name immediately preceding it.

sp3t: also "nome" although it is possible that the name which follows is that
of a foreign region. Unfortunately, the sign(s) after STs is almost entirely

lost. Unless the sign ~www under ~~! is amere space-filler the name

is probably to be read (sp3t)[ ]- '-n-m-t (determinative hoon 7S Ne

Gardiner reads the broken signs as 18 and tentatively suggests that the
wn °
writing might be amended to ee Mee a) D'nt, i.e. Tanis, located
ads et

not far from Menzalah.

88:
1. t-nt $3: perhaps ''the (district) of the marsh", t-nt being employed here as

the prefix of a toponym. However, Gardiner translates the group simply ''the

pool of the garden'' wherein nt is treated as the substantive "water" preceded

by the article t3 (here written Ne

wdi: an unidentified fish (Caminos, LEM, 77) sometimes described as red in

colour (cf. Cairo Ostracon 25218 in G. Daressy, Ostraca, Cat. gén. ... du

Musée du Caire, Cairo 1901, Pl.43, line 5.). Cf. also Ingrid Wallert, '"Fische
= BO:=

u. Fischkulte im alten Agypten", Agyptologische Abhandlung en 21, Wiesbaden

1970.
i oa °* F F ¢ eho
The correction ma a written in red under the line is introduced

in such a way as to cancel (n3y).f. The resulting clause would then read iw.f

(hr) irt° hb-sd knw.

2. shni(?): "to arrest" (Wb.IV, 253, 7). The word is scarcely legible and a

trace of red ink, probably a correction, is visible at the very beginning of the

line. Gardiner ee a is , amending this, however, to & q 5

He feels that it is the birds and the fish who are speaking here as well as in

line 4, and accordingly translates ''so speak the birds and fish".

n3y: The plural demonstrative here corresponds to Middle Egyptian pw and

is followed by the old perfective. Where I have read ZR CQ Gardiner tran-

scribes fe
AOPEA
h

m'k: Wb. II, 50.

3. Probably the verb d3i, infinitive, with }) as a graphic variantofa .

WD. Vy 018, Lo if.

hnmty: Wb. III, 292, 16-17. Lit., "those who give pleasure" (Caminos, LEM,

187). Note the insertion in black of the signs Q above the owl. Apparently

the student noticed his ommission before handing the papyrus over to the teacher

for correction.
OCA
At the end of this line Gardiner reads ©

4, pn': here with the reflexive pronoun sw. For an exact parallel see the Israel
Stela” 1,20 (Kitehen, pels, io. to peeo, te

5. Where I have transcribed © Gardiner has th although he leaves the

beginning of the line untranslated.


’ ACSA a

6, Where I have snm ''feed'' Gardiner readS Awa eat sa) nnmst (a
: : = NAM
kind of jar) and for y he reads iti us leaving, however, this section
VA

untranslated.

Tea bts “offering Cfst'3bt, Wh 1-167 20;


wrd; Wb. I, 336, 17-18; Caminos, LEM, 142. An unidentified bird, although
probably not a specific species: see W. Erichsen, Pap. Harris I, Bibliotheca
Aegyptiaca V, Brussels 1933, P1.53b, items 8 and 9 (in a list of gifts for Ptah).
=o —

8. sdmyw: lit., "judges", Wh. IV, 388, 13 ff. Compare there the term knbt
sdmyw '"'court of judges" and in IV, 5, 10, st smtr "court of investigation".

9. htpt: "offerings", here feminine in form notwithstanding the presence of


the masculine definite article. The determinative “er here and in htp, 89, 10
has been borrowed from htp "basket". Gardiner reads the sign as fp

i. tp: possibly the component of a geographical name P[3 T]pn W3d-wr unless

the gist here is that the menesh-ships who once brought the "best'' (tp) products of

the ''Great-Green" now turn their backs on their gods.

mh.f n3 nty: For the end of the line, now lost, the reader is referred to the

facsimile given by Pleyte and Rossi. For (mh).f n3 nty Gardiner has (mh). w dr.

M
w'r is only a guess based on what seems to be the sense of the rest of this

section of the text.

89:

a weanr: The word occurs in 22,4 with the determinative of plants and objects

made therefrom (although the hieratic form of the sign Wis not unlike that

of the fishing-net 36 ). Wh. I, 252, 1 suggests the possibility that the

word is the same as that for reed-flute (w3r), with which it is clearly not iden-

tical, however. Undoubtedly wsnr, here and in 22,4, is a variant writing of

w3nrt (Det. 4 ) "(ship's) cord", "draw-rope" (Wb. I, 252, 3 ff.; Caminos,

Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script, Oxford '56, p.15). The choice of

the determinative ft here was probably influenced by the similar deter-


minative qi of w3nrt "(ship's) mat" (Wb. I, 251, 17).

4, Lit., '... from the end of (one) land to (another) land", that is, from one

end of the earth to the other.

‘Nhbt: The writing of the name of the goddess Nekhbet is noteworthy.

5. fk3; a word of relatively infrequent usage, found also in Anastasi IV, 2, 10

(Gardiner, LEM, 36; translated in Caminos, LEM, 132).

Probably it is the Lebanon rather than Libya which is mentioned in this line.

For the writing see, for example, the hymn to Ramses V, line 32.

7. stwt: causative of twt. On the latter see the Piankhy Stela, lines 108-09,
= 32=

Where I have transcribed ) § ty § 4 Be a Gardiner has VST. % S Re 3

"they eat! (iw sdm.f form).


= ie a
8. whd: here ed a it instead of the more usual writing ed \\ i

9, mrw: also used figuratively to describe the bodies of the slain enemy which

are piled up in a "pyramid-"like formation (Wb. II, 94, 16).

10. hry-ib: The adjective is used here with reference to the Syrian god Ba'al

as worshipped in Egypt.

htp: On the determinative, see htpt haltetel 45)

20:

Column I

1. A better reading of the signs at the beginning of the line might be that of

Gardiner, who transcribes the first sign of the group as {@ . ae Zeff

wh' "release", "loose", used of the beginning of the Inundation, and of the land

when it was created (cf. Urk. IV, 162, 6), would suit the context well.

3. hr(.f) hr tow. k: a somewhat abbreviated if not corrupt version of what

is a stock phrase in late-Egyptian texts notwithstanding the ommission of the

subject (cf. G. Rtihlmann, ''Deine Feinde fallen unter deine Sohlen'; Bemer-

kungen zu einem altorientalischen Machtsymbol", Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift

Martin- Luther-Universitat, Halle-Wittenberg 20, No.2 ('71), pp. 61-84.). ,

Gardiner takes the subject of br to be hry and proposes the following trans-

lation: ''He falls who (comes) under your horns (reading | +> )'". See B.

Couroyer, "Corne et arc', Revue Biblique 73 ('66), 510-21 for a study of the

well-known metaphoric use of "horn" for "bow" in Greek, Latin, Hebrew,

Ugaritic, as well as Egyptian (e.g. Sinuhe B54-55, B274-78).

In any case, the preceding clause is corrupt, for the genetive (n) 'nh undoubtedly

belongs immediately after iw't. a

Gardiner reads isw "reward" instead of iw't although his transcription, ® =

does not fully agree with the hieratic.

4, p3 iy n Imn: perhaps here simply ''thou who comest to Amun", Similarly,

p3 iy n it.f in line 9.
a

m p3 R' etc.: The construction at the end of line 4 and also at the beginning of

line 5 is the participial statement with m, comparable to Middle Egyptian in,

used to emphasize the subject; the participle, invariable in gender and number,

is written with prothetic <> for the more common } & (Erman, Neu-
agyptische Grammatik, par. 367).

5. iry hmwy: Gardiner, Onomastica, I, p.94. Note that hmwy here is dual.

h'w: also "ship's gear" (W.K.Simpson, Pap. Reisner II, B 3, 6, 12, 14).

Gardiner reads the determinative as ft

w'w: The word first appears in Egyptian during the early New Kingdom and

occurs (wéu) only in Amarna texts (A, Leo Oppenheim, in a communication of

September 1971; for the Akkadian spellings cf. J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna

Tafeln, Leipzig 1910-15, II, p.1541). The word has been translated "lower

officer", "petty officer" by, among others, W.F. Albright (JEA 23 ('37), 196,

n.2); cf. also Wb. I, 280, 3 ff. For the view that w'w denotes a soldier inde-

pendent of rank see Gardiner, Onomastica, I, p.25 and especially the article

by Faulkner, "Egyptian Military Organisation", JEA 39 ('53), 45 wherein the

author points out that the propaganda found in the school 'miscellanies", whose

description of the pleasant life of the scribe as contrasted to the hard lot of the

w'w (Caminos, LEM, 537) is well known, suggests ipso facto that the term

refers to volunteer soldiers (as distinct from the 'nhw nw mS'). For the use

of the term w'w in connection with ships see Wb.1, 280, 5 and Caminos, LEM,
102 and 283 (w'w n mnS "soldier of the (war-)ship"); also, Urk. IV, 2, 10 ff.

and 895, 9 ff. where the title or rank is borne by persons of some standing.

A pronunciation wé' or wé' 6, at least during the Eighteenth Dynasty, is sug-

gested by the above-mentioned Akkadian writings of the word (communication

from Klaus Baer, November 7, 1971; cf. Albright, loc. cit.). Baer suggests

a possible connection with w'w' "slay" (Wb.I, 280, 9-11), the noun being perhaps

the original. He further points out what w'w is in all probability to be regarded

as a derivation of the Egyptian rootw' "one" for which there is, by way of

analogy at least, the semantic development of the English word "private". With

regard to the general question of its etymology see also Save-Sdéderbergh, The

Navy of the 18th Egyptian Dynasty, Uppsala- Leipzig '46, p.72 f.


« 82%

TMDL VES CC SillyOe


h3pw: Wb. III, 230 suggests that the word, unattested elsewhere, might refer

to a part of the temple. The determinative is of little help, vaguely resembling

the sign determinative of watery regions and marsh plants but also

SG (sm3) and A (Gardiner, Grammar, p.542, Aa21). The homonym

meaning "bank" of Pap. Chester Beatty VII, Vs.1,5 (Helck, Die Beziehungen

Agyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. u. 2. Jahrtausend v.Chr., Wiesbaden '62, 567)

does not suit the context. Rather, some part of a ship is what is expected here.

Could the writing be a variant of brpw "mallet" in which the r has. disappeared?

Hrpw is attested in close association with mnit ''mooring-post" (Wb, III, 326, 7-

Shipwrecked Sailor, 3-4), a word which is similar in use to n'yt (Wb. II, 207,17).

mryt: also ''quay" (Wb. II, 110, 3).

8. ht3w: The word has the additional meaning ''sails".


nhrn hr Imn; lit., "in face of Amun's face", ''face to Amun's face", with the

first n representing perhaps a mere space-filler. A possible alternative is to

read the entire phrase as follows: n3 iw nhrn hr Imn "the islands which are
like unto (i.e. worthy of) the face of Amun", taking nhr as the verb ''resemble",

"be equivalent to'' followed by the prepositionn (cf. Wh. II, 298, 3 ff., and

PT 74, R.O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Oxford '69, p. 25).

It is also conceivable that we have a genitival adjective ny followed by a variant

of the place-name Hr. (i)-hr-Imn (PI) econ & lit., "My face is upon
Amun") in which the secondn might be a space-filler. The entire verse would .
then read: "The islands belonging to Hori-hir-Amun are for (the cultivation of)

the ksbt-tree of Opet.'' On this village and the question of its precise location
see Gardiner, Onomastica II, p.27, no.338 and E. Otto, Topographie des The-

banischen Gaues, Untersuchungen zur Gesch. u. Altertumskunde Agyptens Les

Leipzig and Berlin 1952, pp.2, 16, 80, and especially 62. The name is first
attested in a list of temples in the biography of Ineni (Urk. IV, 71, last item),
although Otto suggests that if the name once referred to a specific temple it
probably was eventually made to include the northern part of western Thebes.

On the other hand, Gardiner shows a verse-point over the n inn hr Imn which
reduces the likelihood that a toponym is what is involved here.

ksbt: Quite by coincidence the above-mentioned biography of Ineni (op. cit. 73,
= 35)=

no.13 in a list of trees) mentions this word, which stands for some unidentified

tree (Caminos, LEM, 135).

9. m3': also "steer", "guide". Gardiner has restored here h3' "abandon".
bnr: here translated "forth", "out'' although it might also be regarded as a

qualification of t3 in t3 bnr "foreign land" (Wb. I, 461).

10. h3b3s: also ''the starry sky"'.

20:

Column II:

7 ‘SB: generally translated "cedar" (cf. Caminos, LEM, 29) though probably

a fir-tree (cf. Couroyer, "Sapin vrai et sapin nouveau", Orientalia, N.S., 42,

no.3, Rome 1973, pp. 339-356.)

4, tsw mnmnt; also ''gatherer of cattle" in the literal sense (Caminos, LEM,

396). The idea of the king as shepherd of his flock is a familiar one and only

the hymn to Ramses V (line 13) is cited here. See Pl. 86,7, mni(w) (?).

5. Gardiner reads hr.w m ( i instead of + ) psdt. See also 22,6.

6. inw: the determinative has probably been taken over from the writing of inw

"matting" (Caminos, Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script, Oxford '56,

Del2ye

sm3!': Wb. IV, 125. Compare sm! (ibid., 130; also W.K. Simpson, Pap. Reis-

ner II, p.39, BS).

9. Sw(i): Wb. IV, 428, 1, and Anastasi V, 24,8 where it is used of ships (Ca-

minos, LEM, 266).

10. wnmy; "right-hand". The right and left hands were associated with the West

and East respectively.

rnt (nSni): Cf. Wh. II, 455, with 340; also nSnty, 341,19,

86:

1. hd: here, in a play on words, "white", that is, bright.

is here translated literally, in accordance


shmty: The word for the Double Crown

with the paronomasia of these lines.


-BE=

2. nms: "advance(?)"'. I know of no other place where the word occurs, Prob-

ably it ought to be regarded as a mere sportive writing of the nearly homo-

phonous nmi, lit. "travel".

3. Assuming also that the paronomasia had been carried over into this line

then probably the sign D> immediately following the lacuna was the determi-

native of h'w "crown" not hprs "Blue Crown", in accordance with h'' here, It
is less likely that the scribe had in mind some connection between tpy ("first")

and the young sun-god Hpri (with whose name that of the Blue Crown is in part

homophonous).

h'' tp(y) n R'r rdi[t] i3wt.f n s3.f mry.f: Two alternatives are possible here.

1) tpy is the "first (-born)" and the subject of a sdm.f form the writing of

which is probably better emended to the perfective form Bo . It is on this

basis that the verse has been translated in the text. 2) Alternately reat QO

refers to the "first rising" h'w tpy (Wb. III, 241, 12; 243, 18) of the sun-god

Re! over the primeval hill and his assumption of the kingship. Strictly speaking,

the preposition m ought to have preceded h'w tpy: [''Hail to thee, thou who ap-

pearest in the] crown(?) (upon, m) the first rising of Ré'" etc. A translation

by George Steindorff of the first three lines of the text may be found in his ar-

ticle entitled "Die blaue Kénigskrone", ZAS 53 ('17), 67.

4, For the restoration at the beginning of the line see the hymn to Ré' (British

Mus. 552) from the tomb of general Haremhab, partially transcribed in Gardiner,

Grammar, 291, line 16.

msktt: Gardiner transcribes here yiAtewow & ,» Sm3-bark (Wb

IV, 124, 12, of which, however, no other example is known to me).

a aes oS {Y § | SS : probably a corrupt form of the participle of muni,

lit. 'to moor", and an allusion to the renewal of life and order when the sun

journeys westward during his night-journey through the realm of the dead, dis-
pelling chaos and darkness. See, for example, the hymn to the setting sun from
Theban tomb 192 (Fakhry, ASAE 42 ('43), 462 ff., and J. Zandee, "Prayers to
the Sun-god from Theban Tombs", JEOL 16 ('64), 65). Mni(w) "(act as) herds-
man" might be an equally plausible restoration here. The notion of Ré' as well
as the king as shepherd is well attested in New-Kingdom sun-hymns and else-
where. On the sun-god see the references in A. Volten, '"Demotische Traum-
— 3m =

deutung’, Analecta Aegyptiaca III, Kopenhagen '42; Scharff, Aegyptische

Sonnenlieder, pp. 47 ff., 57, 61 ff., 67; Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the

British Museum I, Third Series, London 1935, p. 36; and Receuil de Travaux

22, (1900), 128 (mniw nfr n rhyt "good shepherd of the people"). On the king

Ein
see Wb. II, 75, 9, 12, 13. See also the study by Dieter Miiller, ''Der Gute Hirte;

Beitrag zur Geschichte dgyptischer Bildrede", ZAS 86 ('61) 126-44, and Jozef Jans-
Antwerpen-Amsterdam 1954,
sen, De farao als goede herder, in Mens en dier,

(les
Finally, it might be mentioned here that the tomb of Ramses VI contains a

number of texts which share some of the features of the present text (Piankoff,

La création du disque solaire, Bibliothéque d'étude XIX, Le Caire 1950).


VI. THE SUBJECT OF THE HYMNS

It is unfortunate that none of the hymns has survived in its entirety. Some

qualification might be made in the case of the text on Plate 86, for while a sub-

stantial portion of the text has been lost and the section might have been linked

to the adjacent columns it is not to be excluded that the first and last lines of

the first column constituted the beginning and conclusion respectively of a

single hymn.

Although the texts allow room for more than one interpretation on account

of the breadth and occasional obscurity of their allusions the underlying theme

seems on the whole to be the royal coronation.

I. 87, hymn to Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramin Ra'messe-itamun-nutehekaon.


The first extant line contains what is probably a reference to the initiation of

a peaceful reign (h3w nfr iw). For this we have parallel expressions in the open-

ing lines of the Hymn for the Accession of Ramses IV and the short accession-

hymn in Sallier I, 8, 7-9, 1 with which our hymn has many themes in com-

mon. Following is the proclamation of Ramses as King of Upper and Lower

Egypt, as well as the closely-associated and familiar theme of renewed order,

justice, and serenity*®. Of special interest is the king's appearance first in the

"Lower- Egyptian Heliopolis'"' in the presence of Ré' and then in the "Upper-

Egyptian Heliopolis" where he is acknowledged by the gods. That the king

establishes his residence and rule in Thebes is suggested by the figurative use

of the phrase smn n'yt for which there is, incidentally, an analogy in the Eng-

lish colloquial expressions "drive stakes", "put in stakes", and "stake out".

(On the term n'yt see also the discussion below of Pl.20, Col.I.) The hymn

is carried over in the next column, of Which only a small fraction is preserved.

II, 21-22, hymn to Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramiin Ra'messe-itamtn. The


first column opens with the presentation of offerings to Amun on behalf of the

5 On the bond between Maat and the king see S. Morenz La religion égyptienne,
Paris '62, 157-76 and W. Westendorf, Ursprung u. Wesen der Maat, der
altagyptischen Gottin des Rechts, der Gerechtigkeit u, der Weltordnung,
in Festgabe fiir Dr. Walter Till, Miinich '66, 201-25,
=§30u-

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, and the fashioning of crowns and a sound- eye
amulet for Ramses. Mention is then made of the triumphs of the king through
the help of Amun, following which the subdued enemy extols the king's name,
In Column II the royal office is handed down. Noteworthy is the reference
in 22,1 to the four cardinal points, with which the assumption of kingship was
sometimes associated (Assmann, Liturgische Lieder, 275-76, and Gardiner,
"The Baptism of Pharaoh", JEA 36 ('50), 3 ff.). The craftsman-god Ptah of
Memphis, known elsewhere to have enjoyed an important role in the coronation

ceremony, also appears. Of interest is the possible mention in line 6 of the

itrt or rows of shrines in which th Upper and Lower Egyptian gods or their

emblems are thought to have assembled at the beginning of the coronation

ceremony in order to acknowledge the king. On the other hand, the itrt (as also

the god Ptah) seem to have had some connection with the Sed-festival as well

(Gardiner, JEA 30, p.27), and that term is attested also in broader contexts

(cf. the hymn to Osiris in Sethe, Lesestiicke, 64,12). This section of the

hymn terminates with a description of renewed well-being throughout the land.

The ponds teem with wildlife and birds flock to Egypt and to Napata in the far

South. It is not inconceivable that the hymn included at this point some allusion

to the four quarters of the earth to which four birds flew off in order to an-

nounce the new king (Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, 96). On this matter we can

only speculate since the text breaks off at this point.

III, 88, 1-10, hymn in honor of Nebma'ré'-meramun Ra'messe-Amenhi-

khopshef- niitehekaon. Inthis section the third person is used in more than one

place in reference to Nebma'ré', and, in the middle, in reference to Amun.

In addition, the second person is employed twice, the addressee being in each

case Nebma'ré'. The ''speaker'', denoted by the first person plural, is pre-

sumably the Egyptian people. The theme appears to be the suppression of the

forces of evil, described in metaphorical language as the "birds'' and the

"fish''6 , and the restoration of order, justice, and well-being. The reader

need not be reminded that this theme enjoyed a wide range of application in

6 The latter term is an attested metaphor for fallen captives (Urk. IV, 659,
3-4, and Grapow, Bildlichen Ausdriicke, 94-95).
- 40 -

Egyptian literature’ and that, therefore, any attempt to connect it with the

coronation i pettinalignneuld certainly be open to question. On the other hand,

such ideas were not infrequently incorporated within hymns whose underlying

subject was the coronation, and, in any case, a more specific reference to that

institution might have been included at the beginning of the hymn, which is now

lost. The text also mentions offerings to the divinities Amun, Mut, Reée', Ptah,

and, toward the end, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt as well.

Although the relatively obscure nature of the text at hand raises a number of

questions concerning its full significance, here and there comparable ideas

and even close parallels can readily be found elsewhere. The association of

Amun with justice, to name only one example, is so well attested as to require

no additional comment’. Noteworthy, however, are the similarities between

our text and the short composition Anastasi II, 1, 1-2, 5 (with our line 7, e.g.,

compare 2,1; also, Sallier I, 8, 7 f.). The hymn is reminiscent in several

places of the short Hymn for the Accession of Ramses IV (with our lines 3 and 8

compare, e.g., line 2; also Anastasi II, 1, 3-1, 4) and of certain passages

of the "Israel Stela" (e.g. Kitchen, p.16, line 12 to p.17, line 1; p.18, line 15).

Before leaving this section something ought to be said concerning the identi-

fication of its terminal point. The latter depends in part on the precise function

of the pause-mark 7a—\ of line 10 following the name of Ramses VI. Now

this sign could have served to separate two stanzas, whereas if what followed

the sign ~a_v represented the commencement of a new hymn this might rea-

sonably have been postponed, since the scribe had reached the end of the roll. ,

Furthermore, the first of the stanzas in question ends with n3 3pdw and the stanza

7 For a parallel from the literature of pessimism to our lines 2-3 see Ipuwer,
section 8, last line (translated by Faulkner in W.K.Simpson, The Literature
of Ancient Egypt, New Haven 1972, 222). The interpretation of line 4,
however, is probably not to be sought in the complaint frequently found in
the literature of pessimism (cf., e.g., Ipuwer 2,5) that the lower classes
have upset the social equilibrium by arrogantly appropriating the riches
of the propertied classes.
8 Cf. the recent study by G.Posener, "Amon juge du pauvre", Beitrage zur
agyptischen Bauforschung u. Altertumskunde 12, Wiesbaden '71, (Aufsatze
zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke), 59-63.
~ hi

following the sign ~—A begins with n3 mn3w. These terms, as will be seen
below, seem to have been analogous in their application and might, therefore,
have constituted a stylistic device whereby
two stanzas of the same hymn were
linked. So far it would seem less likely that they formed a transition between
distinct hymns. Whatever the value of such arguments may be, it is certain
that the texts are related. At the same time, it will be evident from what
follows below that the pause-sign here marks some division greater than
that between stanzas, and on the whole it seems safer to consider the

eulogy of Ramses VI an interpolation included within a hymn to Usima'ré'!-

setpenré'-meramun if not an absolutely separate composition.

IV. 88, 10 - 89, 10, hymn to Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramtn Ra'messe-

itamun-nutehekaon. The form of address here is the second person. The first

stanza begins with the words n3 mn$w, and preceding the first pause-sign of

89 the text has again n3 mnSw. This tends to confirm the view that the sheet

in question constitutes the end of the roll and that the text of plate 88 was car-

ried over onto 89, while also enabling us to identify the end of the first stanza

of the present text.

In addition, the term ''menesh-ships" here seems to be analogous to the

"birds" and "fish" of the previous hymn. Specifically, it is a figurative ex-

pression used in the sense of "'rebels''". These seem to be "pulled in" (88, 11)

on behalf of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt whose triumphs the hymn

celebrates. Acting together as defenders of the king are ''Nekhbet of Nekhen

(Hieraconpolis)" and her northern counterpart Edjo, the personifications of

the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt respectively. Here, the term s3 h'w

denotes the protection of the living body as a unit, as distinguished from the

individual limbs ('wt) of the dead (Ghattas, Das Buch mkt h'w).

Similarities in content and choice of expressions can be found in the hymn

to Ramses II from the temple at Abu Simbel and the Stela of Sehetep-ib-Re'

(Sethe, Agyptische Lesestiicke, 68, 17 ff.).

V. 20., Col.I, hymn to Nebma'ré'-meramun Ra'messe- Amenhikhopshef-

natehekadn. In the first extant line the king is linked with the regular rise of

the inundation and the renewal of order and well-being throughout the land.

In fact, the implication here is that the king is actually identified with the Nile
= 42,.-

(compare Sethe, op.cit., 68, 16-17, and especially Breasted, Ancient Records
IV, par. 92, 47). This theme is frequently found alongside that of the victorious

king. The following line of the present hymn extols the king as a protective

"wall of earth", a favorite metaphor found in Egyptian literature (cf. Grapow,

Bildlichen Ausdriicke, 163)9, and the epithet inw phwy h3swt probably had a

two-fold meaning here: the king is in one sense a conqueror ''who makes an end

of the foreign-lands" and in another sense an abundant Nile ''who reaches the

ends of the deserts". In any case, texts whose setting is the coronation fre-

quently utilize both themes, and inpassing it might be pointed out here that

the Hymn to Ramses V, which seems to have some bearing on the accession

or some similar event, compares the ruler to a "good Nile coming in thy time

(i.e. reign)" (h'py nfr iw n h3w.k, lines 25-26; see also 3-4 there as well

as the accession hymn of Merneptah, Sallier I, 8, 10)!°,

Next, the text describes a journey by boat in which the king is led by the

Heliopolitan divinities Ré', Nut, Atum, and lus'aas (on the latter see Vandier,

"TIousaas et (Hathor)-Nébet-Hétépet", RdE16 ('64) 55 ff., 17 ('65) 89 ff., 18


('66) 67 ff.). Ramses arrives at Ipetesut, the Temple of Karnak, to be recog-

nized by the gods there, possibly after having been crowned in Heliopolis, Fol-

lowing, in line 7, is the term n'yt, a word similar in meaning to mnit "mooring-

post", which is used figuratively in connection with the king who steers the ship

of state (Wb. II, 207, 17 with 72, 13) and which occurs in a similar context in

Pl, 87, 6. The section closes with a kind of prayer for a long life filled with

numerous Sed-festivals, as does the coronation-inscription of Haremhab, al-

though such prayers can of course be found in a wide variety of texts having no

bearing on the coronation or other similar occasions. The same passage (line 10)

mentions also the setting up of four monuments (mnw) at the corners of Egypt.

This, while denoting the establishment of the king's boundaries, is probably

linked with the assumption of the kingship specifically. The frequent connection

between the four cardinal points (the importance of which was especially em-

9 W.Spiegelberg, Der Sagenkreis des Kénigs Petubastis, 12, 13.


10 On the causal relation between a high inundation and the Sed-festival cf.
W.Helck, "Nilhdhe u. Jubildumsfest", ZAS 93 ('66), 74-79.
eeeAuah2

phasized by the Heliopolitan tradition) and the latter was pointed out in the re-

marks concerning the setting of the text on Pl. 22. For the time being it is
worth noting that the number four figures also in the Festival of Opet.

Thus far it has been assumed that the coronation was here regarded, at least
by the poet, as having been celebrated in the North at Heliopolis, a possibility
for which there is a likely precedent in the coronation of Ramses II by Atum of
of Heliopolis (Alan W.Shorter, "Reliefs showing the Coronation of Ramses II",
JEA 20, 18-19). An alternate interpretation, if the 'Opet'’ mentioned in line
8 refers to Ipt-rst, is the Temple of Luxor. For the latter we have an important

precedent in the coronation of Haremhab during the Festival of Opet. The in-

scription recounts his journey to Wéset (Thebes) and thence to Ipt-rst where,

in all probability, the actual ceremony took place. The account is comparable

in content to the hymn under discussion and to others of the present group as

well. The various points of similarity are too numerous to list here and the

reader is referred to the translation and commentary by Gardiner (''The Coro-

nation of King Haremhab", JEA 39 ('53), 13-31). A third possibility is that,

while the time chosen for the coronation of Ramses might well be the Festival

of Opet, the celebration itself is to be regarded as taking place at the Temple

of Karnak. In any case, that festival was considered an advantageous moment

for royal visits to Thebes and we have only to recall the example of Ramses II,

who attended that festival during a visit to the South not long after his accession

(ZAS 44, 30 ff.). In addition, the inclusion of a royal coronation within the frame-

work of such an important festival would help to explain the somewhat general-

ized character of the present description. The end of the hymn seems to fall in

the middle of the first line of the next column.

VI. 20, Col. I, hymn to [Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramin] Ra'messe-itamtn-


nitehekaon. Probably this section is to be regarded as a separate entity distinct

from the preceding hymn, although the presence of the terminal sign j~o—\

in line 1 does not in itself constitute proof. Apparently the scribe chose not to

complete the preceding hymn within the first column, so that we are confronted

with a situation comparable to that already encountered in 88 (line 10), with the

important exception that here we are not dealing with the end of a roll. More

will be said elsewhere about the arrangement of the texts. For the present it

should be noted that while the refrain of Column | is consistently i3w.tw_ that
2 4A

of Column II is 'n. wy.tw. While a change of refrain is no proof that the two texts

are separate hymns, nevertheless, since the former one is addressed to Ramse:

VI it seems wiser to treat them separately (without, however, excluding the

possibility that the hymn to Usima'ré' included a eulogy of Ramses VI).

The theme is developed along the same lines as that of the first column.

Although a substantial portion of the column is lost mention is made of the

king's arrival in Opet. He is compared to a storm in defense of his boundaries,

and to a shepherd herding his flock (tsw mnmnt "herdsman of cattle", 4), a

metaphor which is often encountered in the literatures of Egypt and the Near

East!!, Except for a reference to an appearance of the king (h'w tw, 9) about

which some comment is given below, the content of the hymn does not differ

greatly from that of the preceding hymn.

VII. 86, hymn to Usima'ré'-setpenré'-meramun Ra'messe-itamun-nutehekaon

This text likens the "rise" of the king to the sun's course. It describes first

his appearance successively in the White Crown, the Double Crown, and the

royal head-cloth, and the acclamation of the king by the entire land. Following

this and the bequeathal of the office of Re' the king ferries the day-bark (if the

restoration here of m'ndt is accepted) and the night-bark of the sun-god. Pos-

sibly the implication here is that the king after having been crowned, in Helio-

polis perhaps, visited various cities of the North and South respectively in what

was a symbolic gesture of his having taken possession of the Two Lands (Ass-

mann, Liturgische Lieder, 132; E. Thomas, JEA 42, 65 ff.). By the same token,

the passage which had originally preceded the first extant portion of the text,

wherein the crown of Upper Egypt is mentioned, might naturally have included

some reference to the Lower- Egyptian crown notwithstanding the Egyptian

11 Cf. 86,7 with the references there. From Mesopotamia there are, in ad-
dition to the Prologue and Epilogue of the Hammurabi Code, the following
examples: 1.5 of a Shulgi hymn in ZA 50 ('52), 64 ff., the Ur-Nammu texts
in ZA 53 ('57), 1-5 and 106-18, passim, and the Prologue to the Lipsit-
Ishtar Law Code in AJA 52 ('48), 425 f. See also I. Seibert, Hirt, Herde,
Konig. Zur Herausbildung des Konigstums in Mesopotamia, Berlin 1969.
5 Ait

preference for the order South, North, West, East generally and in matters

pertaining to the king's assumption of universal dominion as well.

Only a few signs at the beginning of each line remain from the second column,

The first line could of course represent the continuation of the preceding hymn,

but it is equally possible that it began a new text. Lines 1 and 2 begin, res-

pectively aS ae isertyaAnd, S Fa ofl I$} a) (the lower portion of the


sign © iis visible) and the last extant line contains part of a cartouche. It

is quite conceivable, then, that the first line included the formula rswt. k htp.
ti

"thine awakening is peaceful''3 found frequently in morning-hymns. While this

seems to have been recited when the king was awakened in his palace (hnw)

it was used also at other times of the day and in the temple-cult. Here, in ac-

cordance with the contents of the previous column, it might have been employed

to greet the newly-crowned king in his appearance as the rising sun-god Re’,

the passage forming a morning-hymn"™ which was incorporated in the previous

hymn.
Summing up what has been said thus far concerning the contents of the seven

hymns, it is clear that they are indeed related. In the case of the two eulogies

of Nebma'ré! (88, 1-10; 20, Col.1) allowance was made for the possibility that

these had been included in the framework of hymns to Usima'ré'. It was also

shown that there is nothing about the physical arrangement of these hymns which

would preclude this. Nevertheless, the use of the terminal sign as the mark

of division between individual texts which use the same device to mark off the

the stanzas is well attested, and the miscellany Anastasi II illustrates the prac-

tice of setting off solely by means of the terminal sign distinct hymns to dif-

ferent kings (Ramses II in Anastasi II, 2, 5-3,6 and Merneptah in 3, 6-44). That

the eulogies of Ramses VI were not included in the hymns to Usima're'

12 G.Posener, Sur l'orientation et l'ordre des points cardinaux chez les Egyp-
tiens (NAWG '65, No. 2).
13 References in Wb. II, 452,4.
14 On the liturgical hymns to Ré' and morning-hymns see e.g., Stewart,
"Traditional Egyptian Sun Hymns of the New Kingdom", Bull. of the Inst.
of Archaeology, London 6, 1966 ('67), 29 ff.
+ 46 =

will seem probable also from the discussion which pouewe. In the last an-

alysis it may be best to regard the present group of hymns as separate

compositions which at one time formed part of a collection of consecutive

texts of similar content.

In view of the very nature of Egyptian royal hymns perhaps the less said about

their relationship to specific events and historical situations the better. Any

attempt to fill the large gaps in our knowledge of the reigns of late Ramesside

kings on the basis of such texts would surely be fruitless. Nevertheless, royal

hymns do take into account events which are in any case conceivable and for

this reason their relevance to the royal coronation as an institution need not

be seriously doubted. The subject of the coronation will be dealt with below.

For the present, the tenuous connection between the kings honored in these

hymns is worthy of mention on account of their close association in at least

two places (88-89; 20). In both instances Nebma'ré! is followed by Usima're’,

and the king whom most Egyptologists number as Ramses VIII does not figure

at all in the group. Now the entire question of their ties and, in the case of

Ramses VII and VIII, the order of succession constitutes a rather complicated

problem and has given rise to a great number of studies, summaries of which

may be found in Drioton and Vandier, L'Egypte (380-81, 388-89, 662), Helck,
Geschichte (200-02) and Cerny, Egypt from the Death of Ramesses III. At-

tention is drawn here to the publication by Professor von Beckerath (ZAS


97 ('71) 7-12) of a Marseille monument which he feels suggests that Usima're'-

setpenre'-meramutn might have been the father of Ramses IX and provides fresh

evidence in favor of his view set forth in Tanis u. Theben (p. 87) that Usima'ré'
-akhenamtn Ra'messe-Sethikhopshef-meramiin might have been the eldest
son of Ramses VI, his short reign immediately following that of Ramses VI and
he being in turn succeeded (probably removed by) Usima're'-setpenré' -
meramun (the Ramses VII of most Egyptologists), with whom a new line of the
dynasty begins. In another recent study, however, which includes discus-
sions of the succession-order of Ramses VII and VIII, the relationships
of Ramses IV - VI, and the genealogy of Dynasty Twenty, Kitchen (''Rames-
ses VII and the Twentieth Dynasty", JEA 58 ('72) 182-94) suggests that Ramses
VII is to be regarded as the son of Ramses VI. As evidence he cites a doorjamb
from Deir el-Medineh, published in 1925 by B. Bruyére (Rapport sur les fouilles
a Alfie

de Deir el Médineh (1923-24), 92, par.6), which contains the following text:

", . . the good god, lord of the two lands, Usima'ré'-meryamin-setpenré’,

Son of Ré', lord of epiphanies, Ramses (VII), [It-] Amun, god, ruler of Helio-

polis - he has made as his monument for his father, (may) Jive the good god,

lord of the two lands, Nebma'ré'-meryamin, Son of Ré', [Ramses (VI) ...]."

Now while any king could call his predecessors it ("father", '(fore) father"),

he points out that during the reigns of Ramses IV-XI there are no other examples

of one king commemorating another.

Be that as it may, the absence from our hymns of Usima'ré'-akhenamiin would

in no way require a modification of the various trends of thought here and could

be explained, for example, by the presence of some measure of disturbance

during his reign, which was in any case ephemeral, or by a lack of favor for

some reason in the particular place and period of authorship (or copying).

That the hymns deal in general with the subject of the coronation seems plau-

sible enough although it is apparent that certain themes, while often found in

connection with the coronation, would be equally appropriate in other contexts.

The celebrations of royal victories, the accession, and the Sed-festival as well

as the coronation have been repeatedly studied and somewhat detailed discus-

sions which may be found useful here are available in Bleeker, Egyptian Fes-

tivals (ch. V) and A. Moret, Du caractére religieux de la royauté pharaonique

(cf. especially chapter III).


Some indication of the range of possible interpretation having already been

given in the description of the individual hymns, it remains to take up some of

the problems common to the group as a whole. It is well known, for example,

that the term h'i ("rise', "'appear'') when used with reference to the king can

indicate not only his appearance in the royal crowns during the coronation but

also the accession of the king on the morning following the death of his prede-

cessor. In fact, the term can be applied to any state appearance of the king!>.

Conversely, the hymns make no specific mention of the other two most promi-

nent rituals of the coronation, namely the sm3 t3wy ("union of the two lands"’)

15 On the verb h'i and its derivatives see D, Redford, History and Chronology
of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt, Toronto '67, 3-27.
- 48 -

and the phr h3 inb ("'circumambulation of the walls"). Nevertheless, it is to be

expected that the poet would have been concerned more with matters of form

than with the actual ceremony of the coronation, the basic rituals of which were

in any case familiar to the Egyptian reader. Even in those texts whose literary

style presumably constituted a secondary interest concrete descriptions of the

ceremony are rare. An illustration of this fact is provided by the Coronation

Inscription of Thutmosis III (Urk.IV, 160,10 ff.). The inscription on the statue

of Haremhab in the Turin Museum (Gardiner, 'The Coronation of King Harem-

hab", JEA 39 ('53) 13-31), while furnishing a fairly clear account, of that king's

coronation, neglects to mention several of the rituals which accompanied the

coronation, notably the sm3 t3wy and phr h3 inb, and is in any case no more

explicit on the subject than the hymns at hand. There is, in addition, the record

of the festival celebrating the accession of Sesostris I'*, where the reference

to some of the most fundamental features of the accession is occasionally rather

cursory. It is superfluous to add that the hymns celebrating the royal accession

are characteristically lacking in detailed descriptions.

A particular aspect of the present coronation hymns which ought not to be


passed over in silence is the setting as this is visualized by our poet. Much
has been written about the various locations in which tia. coronation is believed

to have been celebrated and only the above-mentioned article by Gardiner


need be cited here. Within the present group of hymns, wherever a potential
line of direction seems perceptible, the texts mention first the North and then
the South (87, 86, 201, and 20 II). Thus, we are faced with two possibilities:
the king left the North to be crowned at Karnak or Luxor, or, what is
on the whole more likely, the king journeyed to the southern capital to be ac-
knowledged as the new king after his coronation at Heliopolis. It is of course
not to be excluded that the setting changed from one text to another according

to the whims of the poet.

16 K.Sethe, Dramatische Texte zu alttigyptischen Mysterienspielen,


83 ff.
For the view that the record is related to the Sed-festival rather than
the
accession or the coronation see H,Altenmiiller, "Zur Lesung u. Deutung
des Dramatischen Ramesseum Papyrus", JEOL 6, No.19, ('65-66)
1967,
p. 421-42,
Spits

A related issue is the question as to how the phrase 'k, k r "het (87,4) '(when)

you enter into the palace (or temple)" is to be interpreted here, While this could

refer to a symbolic act whereby the king took possession of his residence upon

his coronation, Gardiner (op. cit., p.25) has convincingly shown that the terms

'h (fem. 'h- t), and pr-nsw (87,6) in so far as the latter is a synonym of "h, could

apply to the temple as the specific setting of the coronation ceremony, for the

coronation inscription of Haremhab apparently uses the term pr-nsw ''King's

House" with reference to the Southern Harim (Ipt-rst) of Amun, that is, the

Temple of Luxor.
VII. POETIC STYLE

Red terminal signs and verse-points are found in all the texts but the last of

the group. Partial exceptions to this statement are noted below where the

hymns are discussed in sequence. The terminal sign ~_\ has been used to

mark the end of stanzas except in Pl. 88, where it is first found only at the

end of the hymn (10). Noteworthy is the occasional insertion of the verse-

point between the infinitive and its direct object, namely the direct genitive:

irt° idnw (87, 2), irt Ohp (87,3), and the scribal correction irt°hb-sd (88,1).

In each of these cases the verse-point must have been employed for mechanical

reasons (probably the number of words), since that construction by its very

nature does not constitute two cola!’,

The king is addressed essentially in the second person. Straightforward de-

partures from the direct address are conspicuous in 20, I, 9f., 20, II, 3 and

in several places in the text 88, 1-10. The latter hymn, like the cycle of hymns

in honor of Sesostris III!8, contains a reference to the speaker in the use of

the first person plural.

The hymns share a number of verbal forms which deserve notice here. A

characteristic feature of the group is the frequent use, not only in main clauses

but also in dependent clauses, of the construction perfective active participle

plus dependent pronoun as subject (Gardiner, Grammar, Par.374B). The fol-

lowing examples of its use in dependent clauses are worth pointing out: [mn]i tw
(20,I, 6) and h' tw (20, II, 9; 86, 1-2).
Most of the hymns also make regular use of anaphora. 21-22 utilizes this
device to the extent that the stanzas begin with words which bear an overall

17 Gerhard Fecht, Literarische Zeugnisse zur''Persdnlichen Frommigkeit"


in Agypten, Heidelberg 1965, p.31, E, 1. Among the other scholars
who
have explored the formal aspects of Egyptian poetry are Erman,
Grapow,
Firchow and, more recently, Assmann. See also W. Schenkel, "Zur
Rele-
vanz der altagyptischen 'Metrik''"', MDAIK 28, No.1 ('72) 103-07,
and
J. Foster, "Thought Couplets in Khety's "Hymn to the Inundatio
n'", JNES
34, No.1 ('75), pp.1-29,
18 The first line of both the first and the fourth songs.
« SH «

mutual resemblance in form and sound (n3 inr(w) m3'w, n3 ir(w) m3w3, n3 3pdw),
although an isolated i3w.
tw crops up in 22,6. Elsewhere the device is exploited
to its fullest extent in the greetings 'n. wy tw (20, II), ind hr. k (86), and i3w. tw!?
(20,1; 87, except 8). In addition, these refrains are generally followed by
some form of the active participle.

As in the Hymn to Ramses V and that to Ramses II from the Temple at Abu
Simbel, one or more stanzas have been made to end with the name of the king

in 87, 21-22, 88, 89, and perhaps also 86 although here there are no verse-

points or terminal signs to mark the end of the stanzas. In the present group

the names are more often than not followed by epithets based on a participle.

A brief discussion of the formal aspects of the individual poems now follows.

87:The reader will no doubt already have noticed that in the third line the scribe

evidently forgot to allow space before the refrain for the subsequent insertion

of the terminal sign. The most significant feature of the hymn, noticeable

throughout the section beginning in line 4 and ending in line 8, is the marked

parallelism of members combined with the use of alliteration (mhw/[m33]/


m3wd; Sm'w/Ssp; ntrw/n'yt). M3wd, literally "be provided", "decorated" (Wb.
II, 28, 17) and to my knowledge not used in the sense of "honored", seems to

have been chosen for its alliterative value.

21-22: This hymn relies heavily on the use of alliteration, of which the fol-

lowing are examples:

(21) inr(w)/inwt (2)


k3b/kd (2-3)
hrw/hnr (8-9)
grh/gm (10)
hfn/bh (10) (This is bound up with a rather

unimaginative play on words.)


(22) twt/t3-tmw (1)

On the significance of sp sn, lit. "twice" (following rswt, 22,7) see S. Schott,

" '7Zweimal' als Ausrufungszeichen", ZAS 79 ('54), 54-65.

19 On the melodic quality of the refrain i3w see e. g. H. Hickmann, ''Alt-


igyptische Musik", in Orientalische Musik (Handbuch der Orientalistik I,
iv), Leiden '70, p.143.
2 5O

88, 1-10: The scribe has employed a number of metaphors, notably hnw '3w

"high waves" (5) for that which is lofty; rmw "fish" and 3pdw "birds" (Grapow,
Bildlichen Ausdriicke, 91) here denote the forces of chaos suppressed by the king.

Otherwise, however, this text is distinguished from the other, more traditional

hymns by the absence of clearly-defined formal poetic devices.

88, 10 - 89, 10: In this hymn the scribe has used black ink for the terminal

signs, perhaps out of negligence if not because the original text itself had used

black rather than red ink. Beginning with 89,5 the rhythm of the verses is well

marked by a thorough parallelism of members formed around a participal con-

struction in the first clause and a sdm.f form in the second. The same section

incorporates the use of both alliteration (8, wbhd/w3dyt; h3t/hnw) and end-

rhyme (7-8, wnm/['m]; iwf/snfw).

20,1: Of particular interest are the second and third stanzas, in each of which

the use of parallelism is set off in the form of a direct quotation. These same

lines include alliterative devices (4, R'/rdi; 7, ([ndm]/n'yt, hrw/h3pw or

hrpw), end-rhyme (5, Itm/hmwy) and even metonomy (5, t3 pt for Nut).
—_—- a or

Alliteration is found also in lines 8 (iw/Imn/Ipt) and 3-4 (i3w/iy/Imn, sim.


9) while end-rhyme is used in line 1 (nfr/tr). Line 10 contains a partial
play on words in hb-sd and h3b3s. The figurative use of stars there and in
line 8 for that which is numerous or enduring is well known (Grapow, Bild-
lichen Ausdrticke, 35).

20, Il: Despite the very fragmentary state of the column it is clear that the
verse-points were discontinued after line 4. Now unless this was due to negli-
gence on the part of the scribe it is possible that the beginning of this hymn
is to be sought not in the middle of line 1 but toward the end of line 4 where,
furthermore, the new refrain 'n. wy tw'can first be restored with any certainty.
If such is the case it follows that the refrain of line 1 should be restored as
i3w.tw and that the restoration in line 4 of the name Usima'ré' is unjustified.
Nor would there be any reason to suppose that the stanza ended with the name

of Nebma'ré' since the hymn in his honor does not employ that device in Column

I, The name "Usima'ré' " could, however, be safely restored in line 6.


Whatever the actual terminal point of the hymn in honor of Nebma'r
é' Column
II contains a notable example of the use of alliteration in
line 2. Note also the
ES in

occurrence there of the word 'n, which would tie in well with the refrain 'n.
Wy

tw if such were the proper restoration for the preceding line.

For the well-attested writing of 9 for “Uh and the use of swht "'egg"'

fors3 "son" (4) compare, for example, Anastasi II, 4, 5 (also Grapow, op.

Climo alle 2)
86; This hymn is unusual in that it appears, at least on the surface, to have

been arranged on the papyrus according to the poetic structure of the text. How-

ever, close examination of the lines, especially the end of line 6, reveals that

such was not entirely the case.

On the sign of repetition sp sn (2) see Siegfried Schott, '''Zweimal' als

Ausrufungszeichen", ZAS 79 ('54) 54-65.

A salient feature of the hymn is the extensive use of paronomasia in lines

1 and 2 where, however, the scribe does not exhibit a great measure of origi-

nality in his choice of vocabulary.


VII. CONCLUSIONS

The evidence points to the probability that all three fragments had originally

belonged to the same roll and that the texts are also closely related to each

other on various grounds. Concerning the interpretation of their contents there

seems to be no serious reason to doubt that most if not all of the hymns deal to

a greater or lesser extent with the royal coronation. ;

While the manuscript can be assigned to the reign of Usima'reé', the hymns

themselves are in all likelihood copies of compositions which, to judge from

the evidence of language, style, content, and specific parallels with other

sources, can be said to date from at least as far back as the early Twentieth

Dynasty; probably they ought to be attributed to the early part of Dynasty XIX.

In their present form the hymns are purely literary compositions which served

as model texts in the scribal curriculum.

Although the texts are comparable both in form and content to other Egyptian

royal hymns they are significant for the light which they shed on a number of

words which are elsewhere poorly attested or unknown. Other words are here

given a slightly new twist. Noteworthy, too, is the scribe's apparent predilection

for certain determinatives ( fF and 7 , for example). Of special interest

are the spellings of a number of place-names, some of which occur but seldom

in Egyptian literature.

The hymns are useful also for the study of the stylistic elements of Egyptian

poetry. In a general way it may be said that the scribe displays a sense of

imagination and, in some places, probably also humor in his choice of expres-

sions and the concreteness of his visual imagery. Lastly, the fresh, figurative

meaning given to several terms enhances our enjoyment of the hymns.

We may regret only that the hymns provide no conclusive evidence with regard

to any actual situations or events surrounding the kings in question.


IX. SELECTED TEXTS

Eulogies of Sesostris I in the Tale of Sinuhe:

Transcription, transliteration, translation, and commentary in H. Grapow,

Untersuchungen zur d4gyptischen Stilistik I, Der stilistische Bau der Ge-

schichte des Sinuhe, (Berlin '52), Pars. 25-37, 95-96 (Berlin Pap. 3022,

lines 47-73, 269-79).

Cycle of Hymns in Honor of Sesostris III:

F. Ll. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, (London 1898), 1-3.

E. Bresciani, Letteratura e Poesia dell'antico Egitto, (Turin '69), 198.

H. Grapow, 'Der Liederkranz zu Ehren Konigs Sesostris des Dritten aus

Kahun", MIO 1 ('53), 189-209.

Stela of Sehetep-ib-Ré' (Cairo 20538) containing an adaptation of a Pan-

egyric to Amenemhet III:

K. Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestiicke, 3. Auflage (Hildesheim '59), 68.

ANET, 431,

Eulogy of Ahmose from a Karnak stela (Cairo 34001):

Legrain, ''Fouilles 4 la face sud du Ville Pylone", ASAE 4 ('03), 25 ff.

Urk. IV, 14 ff.

Victory-hymn of Thutmose III ("'Poetical" Stela):

Urk. IV, 610-19; 619-24.

ANET, 373.

Eulogy of Amenhotep III (Cairo 34025), adaptation of Victory-hymn of Thut-

mose III;

P. Lacau, Stéles du Nouvel Empire, Cat. gén. ... du Musée du Caire,

(Cairo 1909), I, 47-52; Pls. 15-16.


ANET, 376.
=< 56he

=~]e EA No. 147, Letter from Abimilki of Tyre to Amenhotep IV containing

two royal hymns (lines 5-15, 41-56) thought to be translations from Egyptian

models:

J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln (VAB II), (Leipzig '07-15).

O.Schroeder, Die Tontafeln von El-Amarna, (Leipzig '15).

W.F. Albright, 'The Egyptian Correspondence of Abimilki..."" JEA 23

(137), 196 f.
ANET, 484,

Adaptation by Seti I of Victory-hymn of Thutmose III:

K. A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions I, (Oxford '69), i, 26.

E. Bresciani, Letteratura e Poesia dell'antico Egitto, (Torino, '69), 260.

Hymn to Ramses II from the Temple at Abu Simbel:

Lepsius, Denkmaeler aus Aegypten u. Aethiopen, (Berlin 1849-59), III, 195a,

Adolf Erman, The Ancient Egyptians, (New York '66), 258.

OF Literary Record (''Epic Poem") of the Battle of Qadesh:

C.Kuentz, La bataille de Qadesh, (Le Caire, '28-34), 212-326.

A.H.Gardiner, The Kadesh Inscriptions of Ramesses II (Oxford '60).

E. Bresciani, Letteratura e Poesia dell'antico Egitto, (Turin '69), 263.

as Papyrus Anastasi II:

a) 1,1 - 2,5 (Praise of the Delta Residence):


Gardiner, LEM, 12; Caminos, LEM, 37.

b) 2,5 - 3,6 (Hymn in Praise of Ramses II):

Gardiner, LEM, 13; Caminos, LEM, 40.

c) 3,6 - 4,4 (Hymn in Praise of Merneptah):

Gardiner, LEM, 14; Caminos, LEM, 43.

d) 4,4 - 5,4 (Hymn in Praise of Merneptah):

Gardiner, LEM, 14; Caminos, LEM, 44,

e ~— 8,5 - 9,1 (Prayer of a Defendant to Amun):

Gardiner, LEM, 17; Caminos, LEM, 56,

f) 9,2 - 10,1 (Amun is My Helper):

Gardiner, LEM, 17; Caminos, LEM, 58.


aR s,

2: Papyrus Anastasi III:

a) 1,11 - 3,9 (In Praise of the Delta Residence):

Gardiner, LEM, 21; Caminos, LEM, 73.

b) 7,2 - 7,10 (In Praise of Merneptah and of His Delta Residence):

Gardiner, LEM, 28; Caminos, LEM, 101.

13. Papyrus Sallier I:

a) 8,7 - 9,1 (Eulogy of Merneptah upon His Accession):

Gardiner, LEM, 86; Caminos, LEM, 23.

14, "Israel Stela" (Caire 34025) with a eulogy of Merneptah:

K. A. Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions IV, (Oxford '68), i, 12-19.

ANET, 376,

15. Adaptation by Ramses III of Victory-hymn of Thutmose III:

W. F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, Historical Records of Ramses III, SAOC 12,

(Chicago '36), 111-12; P1.102.

16, Hymn in Praise of Ramses III from the Poem on the Libyan War of Year 11:

W.F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, op.cit., 87 ff.; Pls. 85-86, lines 1-7, 10-18,

34-51,

UT. Hymn for the Accession of Ramses IV (unnumbered ostracon in the Turin

Museum):
G. Maspero, Recueil de travaux ... II, (Paris 1880), 116-17.

ANET, 378.

ice Hymn to Ramses V:

Gardiner, The Library of A. Chester Beatty: Description of a hieratic

papyrus with a mythological story, love-songs and other miscellaneous

texts, (Oxford '31), 39-42; Pls,19-21.


~*, Aconnaki sant
tea cael eke
a ue beta nesler Bia:
Tuntlll
5a ialWass a
¥-;
w.F Hibetabty. ‘The Hpyptian penne sl foe
rie 2eg f.
: -yqpataensod RLM shqu dcoqoveuate wy
a i Mag eoniesO'ib SES
& A@matatlon bw Sert i of Vietory- iy oe of Thuterss Tir ~~ * 7
- ‘ iqeeriel We jug lw ot te
GA. peelag seer te A done 2 at eto - i, 4
. @t-tr 1 76)" Biola) VT paeisgtiogal sbiaeymen of
¥. iresctae:, TetseratuI3 2 a i ee
mitie - tai)
a a

a ee]
a

gi: ‘Slvnys ic Tiaweee UH tris he “oyieie-t Pte Siebvie


‘ til one nol nga “omit
agkt«.- Goon re
8h iya pees
308 rr stale if
—— Saran
ie
"\ieerwey Record MR, Pes 1 Qulbie of Gradeali oa;
8

7 >

tee GW vevdil i afofttra ao wre, Ww


5 Rd
Sa4=, —_" mtg ’ ¥ a 7 AS LU

sens ithe: he elei eens


aa
i a2 ie Py ra
7 7 te amr

> SPOS pay Loerie Bs 2 nade tess) } ‘pntico Sziits: etucin


a

nbs adi mt m0awsreo beavelroumase VI auequsfi do aaleeso3A vit


na rat
i. Sey fue “Oa lisi nie

“. x i a. mr Pelee Gl ibe De a: ces


a g
: < a oa? af Tule . 1s Spans ”
absweat: ae
urdice a =; “SRyine sa
% 2.5 - 2.4@
oi
(ema [np Ppawe of Raegiees Tip
—~~ ‘
ame
we
aeds
6 a
, ag i, 4 CAG Aes wht, “, . LV eamamuait bt r
Sebsid cid sail vapid —
yr

No
EE aa rontiraeday
:Purehied Sty ‘gulletone
ee
La ¥,4 - 3,4 Btyog a Pewee of alaeparietiees rr
:
a
Wuraises, LEA, st: Coginis, Lae ¥ 2 a

- #2 (Prayer of a ratenianst t Angulo 9, Oe


Gaxdingt, LEM, 17; Comings, LEM GE = eS
f, 49 = 79,) (Anat fo Mp iin veaf . con

LEM, 25 Coea eit 38, :

mere
? 2 os a

=
X. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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iow

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Helck, Wolfgang: "Die Agypter u.die Fremden", Saeculum 15 (1964), 103-15.

— : Geschichte des Alten Agypten (Handbuch der Orientalistik I, 3), Leiden1968

Hickmann, H.: ''Altigyptische Musik" in Orientalische Musik (Handbuch der

Orientalistik I, 4), Leiden 1970, 135-70.

Lacau, Pierre: Etudes d' Egyptologie I, Phonétique Egyptienne Ancienne, Cairo

1970.

Leclant, Jean: ''Espace et temps, ordre et chaos, dans l'Egypte pharaonique",

Revue de Synthése, IIle Série, 55-56, (1969), pp. 217-39.


Maspero, G.: Hymne au Nil (Bibliothéque d'étude 5), Cairo 1912,
Miller, Georg: Hieratische Lesestiicke, 2. Auflage, Leipzig 1927.

— : Hieratische Paliographie, 2. Auflage, Leipzig 1927.

Morenz, Siegfried: ''Wortspiele in Agypten", in Festschrift Johannes Jahn,

Leipzig 1957, 23-32.

Moret, A.: Du caractére religieux de la royauté pharaonique, Paris 1902.

Naville, E.: La Litanie du Soleil, Leipzig 1875.

Piankoff, A.: The Litany of Re (Bollingen Series XL: Religious Texts and Rep-

resentations 4), New York 1964.

— +. The Tomb of Ramesses VI (Bollingen Series XL:1) New York 1954.

Polotsky, H.J.: Egyptian Tenses, Jerusalem 1965.

Posener, Georges: Sur l'orientation et l'ordre des points cardinaux chez les

Egyptiens (NAWG 1965, No. 2).


Aegyptische Inschriften aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin
Roeder, Giinther:

Il, Leipzig 1924, pp. 158 ff. (Berlin 20377, prayer to Amon-Re€’).

4 Vols., Ziirich 1959-61.


— : Die agyptische Religion in Texten u. Bildern,

O.: "Das iltere Agyptische Umschreibungssystem fiir Fremdnamen


Rossler,
Lehren", Hamburger Beitr. zur Afrika-
u. seine sprachwissenschaftlichen

Kunde 5 (1966), 218-29.


= 62 =

Sander-Hansen, C.E.: ''Die phonetischen Wortspiele des altesten agyptischen",

AcOr 20 (1948), 1-22. |


Sauneron, S.: "L'hymne au soleil levant...", BIFAO 53 (1953), 65 ff. (Pap.

Berlin 3050).

Scharff, A.: Agyptische Sonnenlieder, Berlin 1922.

Sethe, Kurt: Aegyptische Lesestiicke, 3. Auflage, Hildesheim 1959.

—: Dramatische Texte zu altigyptischen Mysterienspielen, Leipzig 1928, 83 ff.

Simpson, W.K.: Papyrus Reisner II: Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This

in the Reign of Sesostris I, Boston 1965.


Spuler, B. (ed.): Agyptologie, Literatur, 2. Auflage (Handbuch der Orientalistik

I, 2), Leiden 1970.

Steindorff, George: 'Die blaue K6nigskrone", ZAS 53 (1917), 67 (citation of the

first three lines of Pl. 86).

Stewart, H. M.: 'Some Pre-Amarnah Sun-Hymns", JEA 46 (1960), 83-90.

— : "Traditional Egyptian Sun-Hymns of the New Kingdom", Bulletin of the

Institute of Archaeology, University of London, 6 (1967), 29-74.

Uphill, E.: ''The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites", JNES 24 (1965), 365-83.

Varille, A.: 'L'hymne au soleil des architectes d'Aménophis III", BIFAO 41

(1942), 25-30.

Vycichl, W.: "Grundlagen der 4gyptisch-semitischen Wortgleichung", MDAIK 16

(1958), 367-405.

van de Walle, B.: L'Humour dans la Littérature et dans l'Art de l'ancienne

Egypte, Leiden 1969.

— : La transmission des textes littéraires égyptiens, Bruxelles 1948,


Zandee, J.: De Hymnen aan Amon van Papyrus Leiden I 350 (OMRO 28, 1947).

— : "Hymnical Sayings addressed to the Sun-God", JEOL 18 (1964), 253-65.

— :; "Prayers to the Sun-God from Theban Tombs", JEOL 16 (1962), 48-71.


~ (64 =

Noteworthy Hieratic Signs


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213 26
XII. GLOSSARY

3s "flowing fast'', "henceforth(? ?)', 22,2.

lyh “reed 21,2,

iw’ ti?) “heritagel, 20, 153.

inb n t3 "wall of earth", 20,1, 2.

inr ‘(record in) stone (?)''j#22, 2.

idnw '3 "supreme representative", 87, 2.

wsnr "cord", 22,4 and 89,1.

w'w "officer", 20,1, 5.

w'f "subdue", 21,8.

wmwt "opaque(?)", 21,4,

wrd, a bird, 88,7.

Pwnt "Punt? 22,3.

m3'~ "genuine", 21,2.

m3w3(w) "plot'', verb and substantive, 21,5-6.

m3wd "be honored(?)", 87,5.

m'r "abundant(?)", 21,4.

m'k "food", 88,2.

mnie)! moor". 86.7.

mni(w)(?) "(act as) herdsman", 86,7.

n(y)-sw "it belongs to", 87,1.

n'y "rope-maker", 22,4.

n'yt '"mooring-post", 87,6 and 20,I, 7.

Npt '"Napata'", 22,10.

nfrw grh "depth of the night", 21,10. '


nms (nmi?) "advance(?)", 86,2.

nhr(?) "be worthy of", 20,1, 8.

Nhbt 'Nekhbet'', 89,4,


rSnt (nSni) "to storm", 20, 11,10.
Hr(.i)-hr-Imn "Hori-hir-Amun", 20,1, 8.
h3pw (hrpw?) "mallet(?)", 20,1,7.
hpr "become", 87,4; 22,1; 22,9; and 88,2.
hnmty "harlot", 88, 3.

[h]nr "hoarse", 21,9.

st sdmyw "audience-hall", 88,8.

sm3' "sounding-pole", 20, II, 6.

stwt "heap up", 89,7.

S3wt "fit to be’, 21,3.


ksbt, atree, 20,1, 8.

t-nt 53 "the (district) of the marsh", 88,1,

thnw iwnw "brightly-colored ones", 21,4.

dmi "attain", "participate", 22,7.

ddw "haematite(?)", 21,3.


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XII. GLOSSARY

3s "flowing fast", 'henceforth(? ?)", 22,2.

iyh "reed", 21,2.

iw't (?) "heritage", 20,1, 3.

inb nt3 "wall of earth", 20,1, 2.

inr "(record in) stone (?)", 22, 2.

idnw '3 "supreme representative", 87, 2.

w8nr "cord", 22,4 and 89,1.

w'w "officer", 20,1,5,

w'f "subdue", 21,8.

wmwt "opaque(?)", 21,4.

wird, a bird, 88,7.

Pyne) Pune...

m3' "genuine", 21,2.

m3w3(w) "plot", verb and substantive, 21,5-6.

m3wd "be honored(?)'', 87,5.

m'r "abundant(?)", 21,4.

m'k "food", 88,2,

mnt?) “moor, 86,7,

mni(w)(?) "(act as) herdsman", 86,7.

n(y)-sw "it belongs to'', 87,1.

n'y ''rope-maker", 22,4,

n'yt 'mooring-post'", 87,6 and 20,1, 7.

Npt 'Napata", 22,10.

nfrw grh "depth of the night'', 21,10. ’

nms (nmi?) "advance(?)'', 86,2.

nhr(?) "be worthy of", 20,1, 8,

Nhbt '"Nekhbet"', 89,4.

rSnt (nSni) "to storm", 20, II,10.


Hr(.i)-hr-Imn "Hori-hir-Amun", 20,1, 8.

h3pw (hrpw?) "mallet(?)", 20,1,7.

hpr "become", 87,4; 22,1; 22,9; and 88,2.


Slee

hnmty "harlot", 88,3.

[b]or "hoarse", 21,9,

st sdmyw "audience-hall", 88,8.

sm3' "sounding-pole", 20, II, 6.

stwt "heap up", 89,7.

S3wt "fit to be’, 21,3.

ksbt, atree, 20,1, 8.

t-nt $3 "the (district) of the marsh", 88,1.


thnw iwnw "brightly-colored ones", 21,4.

ani “attain”, “participate”, 22,7.

ddw "haematite(?)", 21,3.


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mE "raehenge)", MS, we .
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eH?) Smear”, #6, 7. aN
@oliwH?) 'Vect 25) herdsman”, 86, 7.
niy)-t@ “Ut belongs ta”, 87.1

ay “rone- maker", 22, ¢.


iat opera powt™. 87,6
and 19,5,7 Bin
Neat “Napata”, 23, 16 a 5

ifrw grp “depth of the night”, #4, 10,”


are jomi?) “sclvance( 7)", 66,2.

ahet?) "be worthy of”, 96,1,2


Nhtt "Kelhine”, 0.4, |”
; com nan aes storm", 20, 11, 18,

Br(.t)-fo~ ina “Hort-bbr- Aman, 90,8,


hitpw dire?) "mallet", 20,19. aie
hpr “heonme’', 47, 4; 23,1; 23, 9) and O88
=m «
.
,
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Plate I. 87
9781d
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Plate
III.
=
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- 84-

Plate VI. 86

THEOLOGY
Ul

A-49
us a i‘
iy J re
‘bom. ile
A29?533
Condon, Virginia.
Seven royal hymns of the Ramesside period :
Papyrus Turin CG54031 / von Virginia Condon. --
Miinchen: Deutscher Kunst verlag, 1978.
75p. : ill., plates ; 2hem. -- (Miinchner agypto-
logische Studien ; Heft 37) (Mtinchener Universi-
t&tsschriften : Philosophische Fakultat)
A revision of the author's thesis, Yale, 1973.
Bibliography: p.(591-62.
- 1. Hymns, Egyptian. 2. Egyptian language--Papy-
ri, Hieratic. I. Turin, Museo Egizio. Mss.
(Papyrus 0G54031) Itt. Title. III. Series.
IV. Series. ~~ CCSC/mmb <

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