VCSRHRPPT
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| 37
|»ptologi sche Studie n
Virginia Condon-Seven Royal Hymns
wt the Ramesside Period
Deutscher Kunstverlag
The Library
SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY
AT CLAREMONT
Munchener Universitatsschriften
Philosophische Fakultat
Miinchner Agyptologische Studien
Herausgegeben
von Hans Wolfgang Miller
1978
Deutscher Kunstverlag Miinchen Berli
n
eo! “Seven Royal Hymns
@ of the Ramesside Period LY
Papyrus Turin CG 54031
1978
SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY
AT CLAREMONT
California
The aim of the present study is to present a full edition of three large
frag-
ments of a hieratic papyrus conserved in the Turin Museum! but, hitherto known
only from the publication by Pleyte and Rossi and scattered references
to iso-
lated lines among the works of Erman, Grapow, and Steindorff,
The fragments contain parts of what must have been a collection of separate
tian Dynasty.
The study was originally presented in 1973 for the degree of Doctor of
William Kelly Simpson, who directed the dissertation and called my at-
Goedicke also read the manuscript and offered a number of useful comments.
papyrus which forms the subject of this study. Special recognition is due also to
Dr. Alessandro Roccati, who gave freely of his time on several occasions and
criptions prepared many years ago by Sir Alan Gardiner for the Worterbuch.
They remain unpublished and came to my notice only as this monograph was
being completed, but every effort has been made to incorporate them wherever
Il. Transcriptions
IV. Translations 17
VIII. Conclusions 54
. Bibliography 59
XI. Palaeography 63
XII. Glossary . 14
XIII. Plates 77
NOTE TO THE READER
The plate numbers used in identifying the fragments studied herein are those
is given in the list of selected texts and in the bibliography towards the end of the
volume.
For the abbreviations, the reader is referred to the lists in Janssen, An-
nual Egyptological Bibliography, published yearly in Leiden, and in Rykle Bor-
scription)
Urk.IV K. Sethe and W. Helck, Urkunden der 28. Dynastie, 2. Auflage Berlin 1961
Leipzig 1926-50
I, DESCRIPTION OF THE PAPYRUS
The three large fragments were made available by Pleyte and Rossi in sepa-
While the hand-facsimiles are not wholly reliable, I have turned to them where
the papyrus is now illegible or lacking, for the papyrus has deteriorated in the
century which has elapsed since its reproduction. Indeed, the vertical strip
which had constituted the reinforcement at the end of the roll subsequently broke
off, and when the reinforcement was finally rejoined to the rest of the sheet two
of the smaller fragments has been indicated there and in the transcription (Plate
88).
The upper and lower margins of the papyrus are relatively complete. At the
sides the varying amounts of text missing have been indicated in the transcrip-
tions. Although none of the sheets (the segments of which a roll is composed)
has been preserved in its entirety, it is apparent that they were somewhat longer
pyri.
The overall disposition of the roll is also as we might expect, the top of the
verso falling against the top of the recto, which is to say that when the roll was
not readily apparent. That, in fact, I have not everywhere followed the des-
ignations of recto and verso found in Pleyte and Rossi is evident from what fol-
lows.
3 Jaroslav Cerny, Paper and Books in Ancient Egypt, London 1952, passim.
Lie ies
A, Plates 21-22 (recto) and 20 (verso): length 41 cm., height 20.5 cm. The frag-
thin and is transparent. In addition, faint traces of erasures indicate that the papy-
rus had been previously used. A neat join, visible only when the papyrus is ex-
amined under light, coincides on the recto with the space between the two col-
a poorer condition than the preceding fragment. Though there is no longer any
visible evidence that the manuscript is palimpsest, here, too, the papyrus is
most clearly on the verso (right edge). The overall appearance is relatively
careless,
not so well-preserved as the other two fragments, the writing here is clear
and neat on both sides. Traces of a previous text can be seen readily on the
recto between lines 9 and 10, and on the verso between lines 6 and 7. The pa-
pyrus having been rubbed thin, the material is transparent here as in the other
fragments. When held to the light, a join is visible on the recto along the edge of
Close consideration of these three fragments leads to the conclusion that they
are somehow connected. The more tangible evidence is now singled out,
while other factors having a bearing on their relationship have been reserved
as follows:
1a yO-cm..
The estimated diameter of the first section, then, is about 3.5 cm., that of
the succeeding one 2.75 cm. Since the papyrus would have been rolled from
left to right, with the recto inside, it follows that initially 21-22 preceded 88.
In all likelihood these were separated by another column, now entirely lost.
While there is no external evidence which might assure us that 86/87 had
also belonged to the same roll, a tentative sequence is proposed here. Ad-
ditional data which tend to corroborate this arrangement of the texts have been
titutes the end of the roll might explain the relatively careless and small writ-
ing there. It would seem that the scribe filled out the last sheet in an indif-
ferent manner and that he left little or no margin on the left, writing over the
Furthermore, of the entire group 89 alone has black ink for the sign of pause
#7x—) Perhaps in the course of rotating the roll the attention of the scribe
was momentarily diverted. That the text of 88 was probably carried over to
RECTO:
undetermined
87 med. brown Usima'ré'
one or more
21-22 med, brown Usima'ré'!
one
88 brown-ash-pink Nebma'ré'
none
VERSO:
89 brown-ash- pink Usima're'
one
20,1 brown-ash- pink Nebma're'
II med. brown Usima're'
one or more
86 med. brown Usima'reé'
undetermined
Il. DATE AND PROVENANCE
ments having come to the Turin Museum in 1824 along with the collection of
Bernardino Drovetti.
Be that as it may, the epithets and thematic material, while selected in ac-
cordance with the purpose of the texts and arranged with a certain measure of
originality and spontaneity, were drawn essentially from the same basic store
evidence suggests also a possible northern origin for 89 and 86, while 87, 88,
and 21 might have come from the Theban area; the provenance of the texts on
The language is for the most part the formal version of late Egyptian com-
monly employed in royal hymns of the period. The orthography, too, is a blend
for example, from the various forms of the pronouns and the determinative
of goddesses, for the most part written 9 (@.) sithough found also in its
earlier form q (M3't, Pl. 87,7). Of special interest is the syllabic writing
Punt (225.3).
In Plate 89, line 6 there is a reference to Khatti which, to judge by the writ-
ing (with this compare Koller I, 6 and Anastasi IV, 17, 9), could place the origi-
present text has here the determinative ‘4 4} generally employed for peoples
as distinguished from specific locales. By itself this does not constitute con-
clusive evidence but it is not to be excluded that the text refers to the period
after the disappearance from Egyptian texts of the Hittites as an empire, name-
ly Dynasty XIX after the reign of Merneptah as well as Dynasty XX, by which
time the Hittites had been submerged by the Peoples of the Sea. That the Hit-
tites are, on the other hand, also mentioned in the same line as being subject
to Egypt need not be taken seriously and cannot be used per se to prove
that the text was first composed as early as Dynasty XVIII or the beginning of
= 5 -
Dynasty XIX when Egypt was still dominant in that area. What is certain is that
the original text cannot antedate the Eighteenth Dynasty, for the first extant
mention of Khatti and the Hittites occurs in the Annals of Thutmose III, where
they are referred to as Ht3 '3, and the first known direct confrontatio:: be-
tween Egypt and Hatti occured during the reign of Tutankhamin.
tieth dynasties.
The foregoing would preclude any possibility that the hymns had been first
composed after the death of Usima'ré!' and would minimize the possibility of
such a late date for the manuscripts as well. It is far more likely that the hymns
were copies which, although made during the reign of Usima'ré', were based
which is to say before the middle of the twelfth century. Additional evidence
will be given throughout the study (see especially Chapters VI and VII) to show
that the original compositions probably date from the early part of Dynasty XIX
in particular.
Although it is possible that the roll represents the work of several scribes *
the above hypothesis would also help to explain the noticeable variation
in the very character of the writing on the roll, no two pages of which seem on
the surface to be the product of the same scribe. An interval of time between
writing-sessions could account for other, minor variations within the same
hand, namely the size of the writing, which begins to increase progressively
as one nears the end of the group (Pls. 20 and 86), as well as the relative care-
lessness at the end of the roll (88/89). Finally, while the similarities in spel-
ling and vocabulary might be due to a mere coincidence arising from the simi-
larities or single authorship of the original texts from which the hymns were
copied, probably the ees roll is to be regarded as the work of one scribe.
This scribe seems to have been a student who had attained some degree of
well as corrections and insertions are not substantial when compared with other
Ramesside literary papyri. Whether or not the texts had been genuine hymns
sung or recited in connection with royal festivals before being put to use in the
scribal curriculum the present versions are no doubt purely literary com-
positions. Perhaps they formed part of an anthology of model texts not unlike
The restorations included with the transcriptions are often arbitrary, par-
ticularly where large portions of the text are lost, and are offered here merely
by way of suggestion.
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PLATE 87:
2. for thou art chosen among them to serve as supreme leader of the Black-
land, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usima're'-
4, The land is become like the calm waters, for thou hast entered into the pal-
5. [ (thou) whom] Pré' [beholds]. Thou art honored with numerous Sed-Fes-
6. [thou, (who appearest) in] the Upper- Egyptian Heliopolis; the [Ennead] has
accepted thee, thy mooring-stake being made firm in Thebes, and the palace,
9. [... ](uttering) and [reciting] in unison thy name. Ipet-weris, who bore
10. [the gods ...], she] speaks [with] her mouth and [they] receive (thee)
Column II,
1
II, Hymn to Ramses VII
PLATE 21:
1. [They offer] sweet-smelling [flowers] in thy beloved sight; they are for the
neck of the Lord of Thebes, that he be filled with love of thee,
2. [King of Upper and] Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usima'ré'-
setpenré', beloved of Amun, made to flourish like the iyh-plants, .— The gen-
3. [augment] the gifts of haematite (?) in their kind. They are made into fitting
4, Their choicest, most brightly-colored ones are for the crowns which are
upon thy head. Their more abundant (?), opaque (?) stone(s),
5. they are (made) into vases to be set up by the butlers at the august palace
6, thou actest according to their plotting; thy force has slain them. Those who
heeds not what they say. He makes their canals (in such a way that)
8. they are isolated (?); their homes are in the roads. They have succumbed
unwittingly in their hour. Their voices are hoarse
9. from calling aloud, "How beautiful is thy name!"', millions of times. '(O)
Pharaoh, 1.p.h., the hand of Amun is in thy hand. When thou callest out to
him in the
10. depth of the night, thou findest him standing behind thee. May he act on
thy behalf, O sole-one among a hundred-thousand; may he make millions (of
years) as one!"'
PLATE 22:
1. There is come the time of day when the entire land is assembled before
thee;
2D =
the four corners of the sky [are set in place (?) when there is bequeathed to
thee ] the
2. office of thy father. That which Amun utters shall abide forever; it (shall)
3. The sea raises itself for thee jubilantly. Punt, it sends forth fragrances
firing
4, heaven. (When) the rope-makers make cord, it is Ptah himself who makes
it, in order to make glad [the heart of thee, whom the] god [has created (?)],
(-nitehekaGn), divine of ]
6. birth, gentle of charm.~—\Praised be thou, say they, all the gods; (those)
The birds, those in the cool waters, [they fly down in]
9. a flock when they have migrated to the Black-land. Every pond is full; To-
10. Ré' (?). They turn their faces toward Napata; they fill the district of [.. .]
PLATE 88;
1. his (?) [...] and t-nt-$3 abounds in wadj-fish; they shall behold the Lord,
2, ...] who ensnares(?) both fowl and fish. Momentous things have befallen
us. Those who took from us the food of [... are (now)]
+ 20.-
3. widows; those who caused to be consumed the best portion of the geese are
in the hand of harlots. We abandoned the territory of our fathers and mothers;
we [...
4, ...] desert. Behold! Amun has turned himself around (again) to the Black-
land. Those who were lowly are (now) notables. Amun has been given to us that
5. ...] while he sits (in judgment) in our sight. His broad courts have been
made as great waves [from] all the choicest things of the [entire] land.
6. [The] fowl of (the land) being well-fed and its harvest made ripe, he shall
have the best portions taken to the city of Amun, Mut [and Khons;]
7. he [shall (?) bring] the oblation of the altar of Pré', the wrd-bird for Ptah.
9. which] are made into every kind of food for your pure offerings, King of
11, ... the] head(?) of the Great Green. They have turned their backs upon
their gods; they have forgotten the temples. He pulls in those who [go adrift ?]
PLATE 89:
3. Ré', thou shinest like Khopri. Thine army stands in exultation; the horses
4. convey the love of thee, say they, from one land to another. Nekhbet-of-
5.72 The one who shooteth the arrow(s?) against the land of Khor, thou
6. The one who chargeth into the land of Khatti, thou overturnest its mountains.
7. summer and reap in winter, thou dost heap up their provisions. Those who
8. drink their blood, thy uraeus sets fire to their corpses within their [...
They are ]
9. removed from their tombs and scattered to the wind. Thou art Ba'al ap-
10. over the two far lands, who residest in the Black-land. Thy pure of-
ferings [...]
V. Hymn to Ramses VI
PLATE 20:
Column I,
1. [...] ?, and their life is good. The inundation has come in its season and
the flood waters have arisen in thy residence (or, within thee).
3. O son of Amun, of his body. There is no heritage of life (?) for him who
4. O issue (?) of Amun. Thy fleet is loaded amid jubilation - "Pre' is the one
5, is the one who pilots thee. Atum shall be thine oarsman; the sky(-goddess)
6. thou who moorest to Ipet-Esut, (thou) whom its gods receive. Its monuments
7. [How sweet is the sound] of thy mooring-stake; how sweet is the sound of
8. [pleasant] by means of thine awnings. The islands before (?) Amun are for
the ksbt-tree of Opet; they are as (numerous) as the stars which are in the sky,
9. which [lead] forth the land to thee. ~_» Praised be thou, O issue(?) of
10. to whom [are given] years like the sands, Sed-festivals as (perennial as)
the constellations. The four monuments are set in place, one at the corner of
every district
Column II
1. of the Black-land. Every foreign land is brought to thee with gifts, this house
2. solar bark, who art beautiful as the coming forth of the ''cedar" [.. .]
3. toward whom the trees incline, O bright-of-face, who entereth the [pal-
ACG, aees..|
5. art thou, say they, the Ennead. Thy fleet is in the canal [... They make]
6. gifts to flow during the Sed-festivals. Their sounding-poles are joyful [..
.]
8. thy two beloved lands, which Amun entrusts to thee. [Every foreign country]
is inclined [toward thee... .]
9. are emptied out before thee. ~—\ How beautiful art thou when thou ap-
10. western (frontier), thou who stormest on thy eastern (frontier), The sands(?)
ere |
11. kingship. ~——\ How beautiful art [thou]; thou art the son of Amun, thou
che 3aieee |
PLATE 86:
1. [. ..] Hail to thee, thou who appearest with the White-Crown; (all the world)
becomes "white" when thou traversest the sky. Hail to thee, thou who appearest
2. [thou hast power over the Two Lands.] Hail to thee, thou who appearest
with the nemes-cloth; the entire land advances toward thee (exclaiming), ''Ado-
ration, adoration!"
8. [Hail to thee, thou who appearest with the (?)] crown; the first-born of Ré'
hath appeared for the bequeathal of his office to his beloved son.
6. [King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Usima'ré!' -set-
penré'-mera]
min, Son of Re', Lord of Diadems, Ra'messe-itamun-nttehekaon,
7. [the Two Lands with thy beauty, made to appear] as ruler, l.p.h., of the
palace and as the one who bringeth to port mankind [in] the tomb.
V. NOTES TO THE TRANSLATIONS
Plate 87:
irt idnw '3 n Kmt: lit., "to exercise (the office of) supreme representative of
the Black-land". On the title idnw cf. Gardiner, The Wilbour Papyrus, II,
4, On the writing of the verb hpr where the final r has been dropped (also 22,1;
22,9; 88,2) see Erman, Neudgyptische Grammatik, par.49, and Lacau Etudes
d'Egyptologie I, 81.
[m(or iw)] "k. kr "h. t: perhaps here in the sense "when you take possession
of the palace", although if it is the temple ('h.t) which is intended here then
gives p3 'n (?) but the signs are almost completely illegible.
m3wd: lit., "be provided", "decorated" (Wb. II, 28, 17). To my knowledge
m3wd is not used elsewhere in the sense of "honored", but seems to have been
W3st nht. ti: a relatively common New Kingdom designation (cf. E,Otto, Topo-
graphie des Thebanischen Gaues, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte u. Altertums-
9. It is just possible that the first extant signs of the line ( , .a ) represent
here the determinative of one of the many musical instruments made of wood.
Py
was used elliptically for br dd. Following the verse-point I have restored the
tischen Religionsgeschichte, Berlin 1952, 534 ff., and C.F. Nims, Thebes of
the Pharaohs, New York 1965, 114. For the restoration here of the epithet
10. wpwt: lit., "household", "crowd". This has been left untranslated since
that word has been restored with much hesitation and is not normally written
21:
1, Restoring iw. tw (hr) hnk hrrwt.
sty: The determinative has been borrowed perhaps from sty "Nubian ochre(?)"
2. iyh, var. ihy: Wb. I, 39 and 122; see also Urk. IV, 772,1 and Grapow, Bild-
lichen Ausdriicke, 101, n.3. A kind of reed or other marsh-plant which grows
inr(w) m3'(w): Note that in the writing of m3'(w) the scribe has borrowed the
3. ddw: Wh. V, 626,8. The writing does not appear in J.R.Harris, Lexico-
m'r; Wb.I], 49,3 lists only this passage. Probably the word is the same as
has been used elsewhere in the text with great freedom, - in the writings of
sty (1 ), m3'w ( 2 ), and thnw ( 4 ), (In the latter instance it was probably
ae s'h'°[m] drt: Note the omission of the preposition after the verse-point.
m3w3: Wb. II, 28,10 cites only this passage. In a note accompanying his tran-
= O27
scription Gardiner suggests that the word might be the same as the Coptic
6. inn: Cf. Cerny, "Inn in Late- Egyptian", JEA 27 ('41) 106. Note that the
scribe has confused direct and indirect speech (hr ds. w).
7. pnk: "empty out", bale out", and "divide up" in the sense of moving some-
thing from one place to another or of giving the things of one person to another
8. w'f: lit., "subdue'', The form here is that of the passive participle, fol-
lowed by the dependent pronoun as the retained direct object (cf. Gardiner,
bw rh.w r wnwt.w: lit., "they are unaware in their hour", "without their being
9. hnr (hl): Coptic 2WA _ . Loan-word from the Akkadian stem halalu II (von
"Notes on some Semitic loan-words. . .'', OrNS 32 ('63), 429 and, for
22:
2s hr 38 hr inr; The meaning of this phrase is not clear. Perhaps one should
translate "flowing fast (3s) upon stone". To judge from its position, pare
3. Compare Sallier I, 8,10 (p3 h'py hr f3y hy "the Nile lifts high"). Here, the
Note the full, syllabic writing of Pweéne(t). Comparable spellings are given in
Gauthier, Dictionnaire, II, 45. Some discussion of the question of the vocalisation
of this toponym can be found in M. Alliot's article entitled ''Pount- Pwane, L'Op6né
du Géographe Ptolémée". RdE8 ('51), 1-7.
- 28 -
Moller, Pal., Il, numbers 31, 30 (n.1), and Vol. II, 30 (n. 3). The sign
Following hr.w Gardiner reads iS where I have read > . See also 20,
Il, 5.
7. sn:
sp lit. "twice", See the article by S. Schott," 'Zweimal' als Ausrufungs-
the verse-point constitutes the division between two cola then nb t3wy is to be
regarded here as direct object of dmi and its nominal subject (Fecht, Litera-
p.37, N2). One might then translate 'may their exultation move (lit. attain)
the Lord of the Two Lands''. Compare Anastasi III, 4,5 (Gardiner, LEM, 24;
Caminos, LEM, 86) where, however, dmi is used with the indirect object.
Finally, Gardiner reads here dmi.k "you participate" (in their exultation);
8. kbh(w): On the significance of this word see the important and engaging study
From here wild fowl and marsh-birds migrated in the autumn in their flight
down the coast of the eastern Mediterranean and the Sinai peninsula to the "cool-
water" regions of Egypt to which the word also refers. A distinction is fre-
_ 29 «
quently made between the kbh of Horus in the Delta, and the kbh of Seth, the
region of the First Cataract. Some birds continued on farther south and this
is possibly the significance of line 10 (the birds "turn their faces toward Na-
pata"). The well-known passage from Wen-Amon is worth quoting here: "Haven't
you seen the birds go down to Egypt a second time? Look at them - how they
travel to the cool pools (kbh) . . .'' (Gardiner, Late- Egyptian Stories, Bibli-
otheca Aegyptiaca I, Brussels '32, p.73, 1.16). Cf. also Anastasi III, 3,1,
where birds from the Cataract-region (p3 3pdw m kbh) flock to Pi-Ra'messe.
10. Napata; The full, syllabic writing found here is worth noting and is not lis-
P3-8s [-Hr(?)]: the Biblical Shihor. Located in the northeastern part of the Del-
marshy region teeming with fish and fowl. The restoration depends, of course,
sp3t: also "nome" although it is possible that the name which follows is that
of a foreign region. Unfortunately, the sign(s) after STs is almost entirely
lost. Unless the sign ~www under ~~! is amere space-filler the name
Gardiner reads the broken signs as 18 and tentatively suggests that the
wn °
writing might be amended to ee Mee a) D'nt, i.e. Tanis, located
ads et
88:
1. t-nt $3: perhaps ''the (district) of the marsh", t-nt being employed here as
the prefix of a toponym. However, Gardiner translates the group simply ''the
colour (cf. Cairo Ostracon 25218 in G. Daressy, Ostraca, Cat. gén. ... du
Musée du Caire, Cairo 1901, Pl.43, line 5.). Cf. also Ingrid Wallert, '"Fische
= BO:=
1970.
i oa °* F F ¢ eho
The correction ma a written in red under the line is introduced
in such a way as to cancel (n3y).f. The resulting clause would then read iw.f
2. shni(?): "to arrest" (Wb.IV, 253, 7). The word is scarcely legible and a
trace of red ink, probably a correction, is visible at the very beginning of the
He feels that it is the birds and the fish who are speaking here as well as in
line 4, and accordingly translates ''so speak the birds and fish".
scribes fe
AOPEA
h
hnmty: Wb. III, 292, 16-17. Lit., "those who give pleasure" (Caminos, LEM,
187). Note the insertion in black of the signs Q above the owl. Apparently
the student noticed his ommission before handing the papyrus over to the teacher
for correction.
OCA
At the end of this line Gardiner reads ©
4, pn': here with the reflexive pronoun sw. For an exact parallel see the Israel
Stela” 1,20 (Kitehen, pels, io. to peeo, te
6, Where I have snm ''feed'' Gardiner readS Awa eat sa) nnmst (a
: : = NAM
kind of jar) and for y he reads iti us leaving, however, this section
VA
untranslated.
8. sdmyw: lit., "judges", Wh. IV, 388, 13 ff. Compare there the term knbt
sdmyw '"'court of judges" and in IV, 5, 10, st smtr "court of investigation".
i. tp: possibly the component of a geographical name P[3 T]pn W3d-wr unless
the gist here is that the menesh-ships who once brought the "best'' (tp) products of
mh.f n3 nty: For the end of the line, now lost, the reader is referred to the
facsimile given by Pleyte and Rossi. For (mh).f n3 nty Gardiner has (mh). w dr.
M
w'r is only a guess based on what seems to be the sense of the rest of this
89:
a weanr: The word occurs in 22,4 with the determinative of plants and objects
made therefrom (although the hieratic form of the sign Wis not unlike that
word is the same as that for reed-flute (w3r), with which it is clearly not iden-
Literary Fragments in the Hieratic Script, Oxford '56, p.15). The choice of
4, Lit., '... from the end of (one) land to (another) land", that is, from one
Probably it is the Lebanon rather than Libya which is mentioned in this line.
For the writing see, for example, the hymn to Ramses V, line 32.
7. stwt: causative of twt. On the latter see the Piankhy Stela, lines 108-09,
= 32=
9, mrw: also used figuratively to describe the bodies of the slain enemy which
10. hry-ib: The adjective is used here with reference to the Syrian god Ba'al
as worshipped in Egypt.
20:
Column I
1. A better reading of the signs at the beginning of the line might be that of
wh' "release", "loose", used of the beginning of the Inundation, and of the land
when it was created (cf. Urk. IV, 162, 6), would suit the context well.
subject (cf. G. Rtihlmann, ''Deine Feinde fallen unter deine Sohlen'; Bemer-
Gardiner takes the subject of br to be hry and proposes the following trans-
lation: ''He falls who (comes) under your horns (reading | +> )'". See B.
Couroyer, "Corne et arc', Revue Biblique 73 ('66), 510-21 for a study of the
In any case, the preceding clause is corrupt, for the genetive (n) 'nh undoubtedly
p3 iy n it.f in line 9.
a
m p3 R' etc.: The construction at the end of line 4 and also at the beginning of
used to emphasize the subject; the participle, invariable in gender and number,
is written with prothetic <> for the more common } & (Erman, Neu-
agyptische Grammatik, par. 367).
5. iry hmwy: Gardiner, Onomastica, I, p.94. Note that hmwy here is dual.
h'w: also "ship's gear" (W.K.Simpson, Pap. Reisner II, B 3, 6, 12, 14).
w'w: The word first appears in Egyptian during the early New Kingdom and
September 1971; for the Akkadian spellings cf. J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna
Tafeln, Leipzig 1910-15, II, p.1541). The word has been translated "lower
officer", "petty officer" by, among others, W.F. Albright (JEA 23 ('37), 196,
n.2); cf. also Wb. I, 280, 3 ff. For the view that w'w denotes a soldier inde-
pendent of rank see Gardiner, Onomastica, I, p.25 and especially the article
author points out that the propaganda found in the school 'miscellanies", whose
description of the pleasant life of the scribe as contrasted to the hard lot of the
w'w (Caminos, LEM, 537) is well known, suggests ipso facto that the term
refers to volunteer soldiers (as distinct from the 'nhw nw mS'). For the use
of the term w'w in connection with ships see Wb.1, 280, 5 and Caminos, LEM,
102 and 283 (w'w n mnS "soldier of the (war-)ship"); also, Urk. IV, 2, 10 ff.
and 895, 9 ff. where the title or rank is borne by persons of some standing.
from Klaus Baer, November 7, 1971; cf. Albright, loc. cit.). Baer suggests
a possible connection with w'w' "slay" (Wb.I, 280, 9-11), the noun being perhaps
the original. He further points out what w'w is in all probability to be regarded
as a derivation of the Egyptian rootw' "one" for which there is, by way of
analogy at least, the semantic development of the English word "private". With
regard to the general question of its etymology see also Save-Sdéderbergh, The
the sign determinative of watery regions and marsh plants but also
meaning "bank" of Pap. Chester Beatty VII, Vs.1,5 (Helck, Die Beziehungen
does not suit the context. Rather, some part of a ship is what is expected here.
Could the writing be a variant of brpw "mallet" in which the r has. disappeared?
Hrpw is attested in close association with mnit ''mooring-post" (Wb, III, 326, 7-
Shipwrecked Sailor, 3-4), a word which is similar in use to n'yt (Wb. II, 207,17).
read the entire phrase as follows: n3 iw nhrn hr Imn "the islands which are
like unto (i.e. worthy of) the face of Amun", taking nhr as the verb ''resemble",
"be equivalent to'' followed by the prepositionn (cf. Wh. II, 298, 3 ff., and
PT 74, R.O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Oxford '69, p. 25).
of the place-name Hr. (i)-hr-Imn (PI) econ & lit., "My face is upon
Amun") in which the secondn might be a space-filler. The entire verse would .
then read: "The islands belonging to Hori-hir-Amun are for (the cultivation of)
the ksbt-tree of Opet.'' On this village and the question of its precise location
see Gardiner, Onomastica II, p.27, no.338 and E. Otto, Topographie des The-
Leipzig and Berlin 1952, pp.2, 16, 80, and especially 62. The name is first
attested in a list of temples in the biography of Ineni (Urk. IV, 71, last item),
although Otto suggests that if the name once referred to a specific temple it
probably was eventually made to include the northern part of western Thebes.
On the other hand, Gardiner shows a verse-point over the n inn hr Imn which
reduces the likelihood that a toponym is what is involved here.
ksbt: Quite by coincidence the above-mentioned biography of Ineni (op. cit. 73,
= 35)=
no.13 in a list of trees) mentions this word, which stands for some unidentified
9. m3': also "steer", "guide". Gardiner has restored here h3' "abandon".
bnr: here translated "forth", "out'' although it might also be regarded as a
20:
Column II:
7 ‘SB: generally translated "cedar" (cf. Caminos, LEM, 29) though probably
a fir-tree (cf. Couroyer, "Sapin vrai et sapin nouveau", Orientalia, N.S., 42,
4, tsw mnmnt; also ''gatherer of cattle" in the literal sense (Caminos, LEM,
396). The idea of the king as shepherd of his flock is a familiar one and only
the hymn to Ramses V (line 13) is cited here. See Pl. 86,7, mni(w) (?).
6. inw: the determinative has probably been taken over from the writing of inw
Del2ye
sm3!': Wb. IV, 125. Compare sm! (ibid., 130; also W.K. Simpson, Pap. Reis-
9. Sw(i): Wb. IV, 428, 1, and Anastasi V, 24,8 where it is used of ships (Ca-
10. wnmy; "right-hand". The right and left hands were associated with the West
rnt (nSni): Cf. Wh. II, 455, with 340; also nSnty, 341,19,
86:
2. nms: "advance(?)"'. I know of no other place where the word occurs, Prob-
3. Assuming also that the paronomasia had been carried over into this line
then probably the sign D> immediately following the lacuna was the determi-
native of h'w "crown" not hprs "Blue Crown", in accordance with h'' here, It
is less likely that the scribe had in mind some connection between tpy ("first")
and the young sun-god Hpri (with whose name that of the Blue Crown is in part
homophonous).
h'' tp(y) n R'r rdi[t] i3wt.f n s3.f mry.f: Two alternatives are possible here.
1) tpy is the "first (-born)" and the subject of a sdm.f form the writing of
basis that the verse has been translated in the text. 2) Alternately reat QO
refers to the "first rising" h'w tpy (Wb. III, 241, 12; 243, 18) of the sun-god
Re! over the primeval hill and his assumption of the kingship. Strictly speaking,
the preposition m ought to have preceded h'w tpy: [''Hail to thee, thou who ap-
pearest in the] crown(?) (upon, m) the first rising of Ré'" etc. A translation
by George Steindorff of the first three lines of the text may be found in his ar-
4, For the restoration at the beginning of the line see the hymn to Ré' (British
Mus. 552) from the tomb of general Haremhab, partially transcribed in Gardiner,
lit. 'to moor", and an allusion to the renewal of life and order when the sun
journeys westward during his night-journey through the realm of the dead, dis-
pelling chaos and darkness. See, for example, the hymn to the setting sun from
Theban tomb 192 (Fakhry, ASAE 42 ('43), 462 ff., and J. Zandee, "Prayers to
the Sun-god from Theban Tombs", JEOL 16 ('64), 65). Mni(w) "(act as) herds-
man" might be an equally plausible restoration here. The notion of Ré' as well
as the king as shepherd is well attested in New-Kingdom sun-hymns and else-
where. On the sun-god see the references in A. Volten, '"Demotische Traum-
— 3m =
Sonnenlieder, pp. 47 ff., 57, 61 ff., 67; Gardiner, Hieratic Papyri in the
British Museum I, Third Series, London 1935, p. 36; and Receuil de Travaux
22, (1900), 128 (mniw nfr n rhyt "good shepherd of the people"). On the king
Ein
see Wb. II, 75, 9, 12, 13. See also the study by Dieter Miiller, ''Der Gute Hirte;
Beitrag zur Geschichte dgyptischer Bildrede", ZAS 86 ('61) 126-44, and Jozef Jans-
Antwerpen-Amsterdam 1954,
sen, De farao als goede herder, in Mens en dier,
(les
Finally, it might be mentioned here that the tomb of Ramses VI contains a
number of texts which share some of the features of the present text (Piankoff,
It is unfortunate that none of the hymns has survived in its entirety. Some
qualification might be made in the case of the text on Plate 86, for while a sub-
stantial portion of the text has been lost and the section might have been linked
to the adjacent columns it is not to be excluded that the first and last lines of
single hymn.
Although the texts allow room for more than one interpretation on account
of the breadth and occasional obscurity of their allusions the underlying theme
a peaceful reign (h3w nfr iw). For this we have parallel expressions in the open-
ing lines of the Hymn for the Accession of Ramses IV and the short accession-
hymn in Sallier I, 8, 7-9, 1 with which our hymn has many themes in com-
justice, and serenity*®. Of special interest is the king's appearance first in the
"Lower- Egyptian Heliopolis'"' in the presence of Ré' and then in the "Upper-
establishes his residence and rule in Thebes is suggested by the figurative use
of the phrase smn n'yt for which there is, incidentally, an analogy in the Eng-
lish colloquial expressions "drive stakes", "put in stakes", and "stake out".
(On the term n'yt see also the discussion below of Pl.20, Col.I.) The hymn
is carried over in the next column, of Which only a small fraction is preserved.
5 On the bond between Maat and the king see S. Morenz La religion égyptienne,
Paris '62, 157-76 and W. Westendorf, Ursprung u. Wesen der Maat, der
altagyptischen Gottin des Rechts, der Gerechtigkeit u, der Weltordnung,
in Festgabe fiir Dr. Walter Till, Miinich '66, 201-25,
=§30u-
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, and the fashioning of crowns and a sound- eye
amulet for Ramses. Mention is then made of the triumphs of the king through
the help of Amun, following which the subdued enemy extols the king's name,
In Column II the royal office is handed down. Noteworthy is the reference
in 22,1 to the four cardinal points, with which the assumption of kingship was
sometimes associated (Assmann, Liturgische Lieder, 275-76, and Gardiner,
"The Baptism of Pharaoh", JEA 36 ('50), 3 ff.). The craftsman-god Ptah of
Memphis, known elsewhere to have enjoyed an important role in the coronation
itrt or rows of shrines in which th Upper and Lower Egyptian gods or their
ceremony in order to acknowledge the king. On the other hand, the itrt (as also
the god Ptah) seem to have had some connection with the Sed-festival as well
(Gardiner, JEA 30, p.27), and that term is attested also in broader contexts
(cf. the hymn to Osiris in Sethe, Lesestiicke, 64,12). This section of the
The ponds teem with wildlife and birds flock to Egypt and to Napata in the far
South. It is not inconceivable that the hymn included at this point some allusion
to the four quarters of the earth to which four birds flew off in order to an-
nounce the new king (Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, 96). On this matter we can
khopshef- niitehekaon. Inthis section the third person is used in more than one
In addition, the second person is employed twice, the addressee being in each
case Nebma'ré'. The ''speaker'', denoted by the first person plural, is pre-
sumably the Egyptian people. The theme appears to be the suppression of the
"fish''6 , and the restoration of order, justice, and well-being. The reader
need not be reminded that this theme enjoyed a wide range of application in
6 The latter term is an attested metaphor for fallen captives (Urk. IV, 659,
3-4, and Grapow, Bildlichen Ausdriicke, 94-95).
- 40 -
Egyptian literature’ and that, therefore, any attempt to connect it with the
such ideas were not infrequently incorporated within hymns whose underlying
subject was the coronation, and, in any case, a more specific reference to that
institution might have been included at the beginning of the hymn, which is now
lost. The text also mentions offerings to the divinities Amun, Mut, Reée', Ptah,
and, toward the end, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt as well.
Although the relatively obscure nature of the text at hand raises a number of
questions concerning its full significance, here and there comparable ideas
and even close parallels can readily be found elsewhere. The association of
Amun with justice, to name only one example, is so well attested as to require
our text and the short composition Anastasi II, 1, 1-2, 5 (with our line 7, e.g.,
places of the short Hymn for the Accession of Ramses IV (with our lines 3 and 8
compare, e.g., line 2; also Anastasi II, 1, 3-1, 4) and of certain passages
of the "Israel Stela" (e.g. Kitchen, p.16, line 12 to p.17, line 1; p.18, line 15).
Before leaving this section something ought to be said concerning the identi-
fication of its terminal point. The latter depends in part on the precise function
of the pause-mark 7a—\ of line 10 following the name of Ramses VI. Now
this sign could have served to separate two stanzas, whereas if what followed
the sign ~a_v represented the commencement of a new hymn this might rea-
sonably have been postponed, since the scribe had reached the end of the roll. ,
Furthermore, the first of the stanzas in question ends with n3 3pdw and the stanza
7 For a parallel from the literature of pessimism to our lines 2-3 see Ipuwer,
section 8, last line (translated by Faulkner in W.K.Simpson, The Literature
of Ancient Egypt, New Haven 1972, 222). The interpretation of line 4,
however, is probably not to be sought in the complaint frequently found in
the literature of pessimism (cf., e.g., Ipuwer 2,5) that the lower classes
have upset the social equilibrium by arrogantly appropriating the riches
of the propertied classes.
8 Cf. the recent study by G.Posener, "Amon juge du pauvre", Beitrage zur
agyptischen Bauforschung u. Altertumskunde 12, Wiesbaden '71, (Aufsatze
zum 70. Geburtstag von Herbert Ricke), 59-63.
~ hi
following the sign ~—A begins with n3 mn3w. These terms, as will be seen
below, seem to have been analogous in their application and might, therefore,
have constituted a stylistic device whereby
two stanzas of the same hymn were
linked. So far it would seem less likely that they formed a transition between
distinct hymns. Whatever the value of such arguments may be, it is certain
that the texts are related. At the same time, it will be evident from what
follows below that the pause-sign here marks some division greater than
that between stanzas, and on the whole it seems safer to consider the
itamun-nutehekaon. The form of address here is the second person. The first
stanza begins with the words n3 mn$w, and preceding the first pause-sign of
89 the text has again n3 mnSw. This tends to confirm the view that the sheet
in question constitutes the end of the roll and that the text of plate 88 was car-
ried over onto 89, while also enabling us to identify the end of the first stanza
pression used in the sense of "'rebels''". These seem to be "pulled in" (88, 11)
on behalf of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt whose triumphs the hymn
the crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt respectively. Here, the term s3 h'w
denotes the protection of the living body as a unit, as distinguished from the
individual limbs ('wt) of the dead (Ghattas, Das Buch mkt h'w).
to Ramses II from the temple at Abu Simbel and the Stela of Sehetep-ib-Re'
natehekadn. In the first extant line the king is linked with the regular rise of
the inundation and the renewal of order and well-being throughout the land.
In fact, the implication here is that the king is actually identified with the Nile
= 42,.-
(compare Sethe, op.cit., 68, 16-17, and especially Breasted, Ancient Records
IV, par. 92, 47). This theme is frequently found alongside that of the victorious
king. The following line of the present hymn extols the king as a protective
Bildlichen Ausdriicke, 163)9, and the epithet inw phwy h3swt probably had a
two-fold meaning here: the king is in one sense a conqueror ''who makes an end
of the foreign-lands" and in another sense an abundant Nile ''who reaches the
ends of the deserts". In any case, texts whose setting is the coronation fre-
quently utilize both themes, and inpassing it might be pointed out here that
the Hymn to Ramses V, which seems to have some bearing on the accession
or some similar event, compares the ruler to a "good Nile coming in thy time
(i.e. reign)" (h'py nfr iw n h3w.k, lines 25-26; see also 3-4 there as well
Next, the text describes a journey by boat in which the king is led by the
Heliopolitan divinities Ré', Nut, Atum, and lus'aas (on the latter see Vandier,
nized by the gods there, possibly after having been crowned in Heliopolis, Fol-
lowing, in line 7, is the term n'yt, a word similar in meaning to mnit "mooring-
post", which is used figuratively in connection with the king who steers the ship
of state (Wb. II, 207, 17 with 72, 13) and which occurs in a similar context in
Pl, 87, 6. The section closes with a kind of prayer for a long life filled with
though such prayers can of course be found in a wide variety of texts having no
bearing on the coronation or other similar occasions. The same passage (line 10)
mentions also the setting up of four monuments (mnw) at the corners of Egypt.
linked with the assumption of the kingship specifically. The frequent connection
between the four cardinal points (the importance of which was especially em-
phasized by the Heliopolitan tradition) and the latter was pointed out in the re-
marks concerning the setting of the text on Pl. 22. For the time being it is
worth noting that the number four figures also in the Festival of Opet.
Thus far it has been assumed that the coronation was here regarded, at least
by the poet, as having been celebrated in the North at Heliopolis, a possibility
for which there is a likely precedent in the coronation of Ramses II by Atum of
of Heliopolis (Alan W.Shorter, "Reliefs showing the Coronation of Ramses II",
JEA 20, 18-19). An alternate interpretation, if the 'Opet'’ mentioned in line
8 refers to Ipt-rst, is the Temple of Luxor. For the latter we have an important
precedent in the coronation of Haremhab during the Festival of Opet. The in-
scription recounts his journey to Wéset (Thebes) and thence to Ipt-rst where,
in all probability, the actual ceremony took place. The account is comparable
in content to the hymn under discussion and to others of the present group as
well. The various points of similarity are too numerous to list here and the
while the time chosen for the coronation of Ramses might well be the Festival
for royal visits to Thebes and we have only to recall the example of Ramses II,
who attended that festival during a visit to the South not long after his accession
(ZAS 44, 30 ff.). In addition, the inclusion of a royal coronation within the frame-
work of such an important festival would help to explain the somewhat general-
ized character of the present description. The end of the hymn seems to fall in
from the preceding hymn, although the presence of the terminal sign j~o—\
in line 1 does not in itself constitute proof. Apparently the scribe chose not to
complete the preceding hymn within the first column, so that we are confronted
with a situation comparable to that already encountered in 88 (line 10), with the
important exception that here we are not dealing with the end of a roll. More
will be said elsewhere about the arrangement of the texts. For the present it
should be noted that while the refrain of Column | is consistently i3w.tw_ that
2 4A
of Column II is 'n. wy.tw. While a change of refrain is no proof that the two texts
are separate hymns, nevertheless, since the former one is addressed to Ramse:
The theme is developed along the same lines as that of the first column.
and to a shepherd herding his flock (tsw mnmnt "herdsman of cattle", 4), a
metaphor which is often encountered in the literatures of Egypt and the Near
East!!, Except for a reference to an appearance of the king (h'w tw, 9) about
which some comment is given below, the content of the hymn does not differ
This text likens the "rise" of the king to the sun's course. It describes first
his appearance successively in the White Crown, the Double Crown, and the
royal head-cloth, and the acclamation of the king by the entire land. Following
this and the bequeathal of the office of Re' the king ferries the day-bark (if the
restoration here of m'ndt is accepted) and the night-bark of the sun-god. Pos-
sibly the implication here is that the king after having been crowned, in Helio-
polis perhaps, visited various cities of the North and South respectively in what
was a symbolic gesture of his having taken possession of the Two Lands (Ass-
mann, Liturgische Lieder, 132; E. Thomas, JEA 42, 65 ff.). By the same token,
the passage which had originally preceded the first extant portion of the text,
wherein the crown of Upper Egypt is mentioned, might naturally have included
11 Cf. 86,7 with the references there. From Mesopotamia there are, in ad-
dition to the Prologue and Epilogue of the Hammurabi Code, the following
examples: 1.5 of a Shulgi hymn in ZA 50 ('52), 64 ff., the Ur-Nammu texts
in ZA 53 ('57), 1-5 and 106-18, passim, and the Prologue to the Lipsit-
Ishtar Law Code in AJA 52 ('48), 425 f. See also I. Seibert, Hirt, Herde,
Konig. Zur Herausbildung des Konigstums in Mesopotamia, Berlin 1969.
5 Ait
preference for the order South, North, West, East generally and in matters
Only a few signs at the beginning of each line remain from the second column,
The first line could of course represent the continuation of the preceding hymn,
but it is equally possible that it began a new text. Lines 1 and 2 begin, res-
is quite conceivable, then, that the first line included the formula rswt. k htp.
ti
seems to have been recited when the king was awakened in his palace (hnw)
it was used also at other times of the day and in the temple-cult. Here, in ac-
cordance with the contents of the previous column, it might have been employed
to greet the newly-crowned king in his appearance as the rising sun-god Re’,
hymn.
Summing up what has been said thus far concerning the contents of the seven
hymns, it is clear that they are indeed related. In the case of the two eulogies
of Nebma'ré! (88, 1-10; 20, Col.1) allowance was made for the possibility that
these had been included in the framework of hymns to Usima'ré'. It was also
shown that there is nothing about the physical arrangement of these hymns which
would preclude this. Nevertheless, the use of the terminal sign as the mark
of division between individual texts which use the same device to mark off the
the stanzas is well attested, and the miscellany Anastasi II illustrates the prac-
tice of setting off solely by means of the terminal sign distinct hymns to dif-
ferent kings (Ramses II in Anastasi II, 2, 5-3,6 and Merneptah in 3, 6-44). That
12 G.Posener, Sur l'orientation et l'ordre des points cardinaux chez les Egyp-
tiens (NAWG '65, No. 2).
13 References in Wb. II, 452,4.
14 On the liturgical hymns to Ré' and morning-hymns see e.g., Stewart,
"Traditional Egyptian Sun Hymns of the New Kingdom", Bull. of the Inst.
of Archaeology, London 6, 1966 ('67), 29 ff.
+ 46 =
will seem probable also from the discussion which pouewe. In the last an-
In view of the very nature of Egyptian royal hymns perhaps the less said about
their relationship to specific events and historical situations the better. Any
attempt to fill the large gaps in our knowledge of the reigns of late Ramesside
kings on the basis of such texts would surely be fruitless. Nevertheless, royal
hymns do take into account events which are in any case conceivable and for
this reason their relevance to the royal coronation as an institution need not
be seriously doubted. The subject of the coronation will be dealt with below.
For the present, the tenuous connection between the kings honored in these
and the king whom most Egyptologists number as Ramses VIII does not figure
at all in the group. Now the entire question of their ties and, in the case of
Ramses VII and VIII, the order of succession constitutes a rather complicated
problem and has given rise to a great number of studies, summaries of which
may be found in Drioton and Vandier, L'Egypte (380-81, 388-89, 662), Helck,
Geschichte (200-02) and Cerny, Egypt from the Death of Ramesses III. At-
setpenre'-meramutn might have been the father of Ramses IX and provides fresh
evidence in favor of his view set forth in Tanis u. Theben (p. 87) that Usima'ré'
-akhenamtn Ra'messe-Sethikhopshef-meramiin might have been the eldest
son of Ramses VI, his short reign immediately following that of Ramses VI and
he being in turn succeeded (probably removed by) Usima're'-setpenré' -
meramun (the Ramses VII of most Egyptologists), with whom a new line of the
dynasty begins. In another recent study, however, which includes discus-
sions of the succession-order of Ramses VII and VIII, the relationships
of Ramses IV - VI, and the genealogy of Dynasty Twenty, Kitchen (''Rames-
ses VII and the Twentieth Dynasty", JEA 58 ('72) 182-94) suggests that Ramses
VII is to be regarded as the son of Ramses VI. As evidence he cites a doorjamb
from Deir el-Medineh, published in 1925 by B. Bruyére (Rapport sur les fouilles
a Alfie
de Deir el Médineh (1923-24), 92, par.6), which contains the following text:
Son of Ré', lord of epiphanies, Ramses (VII), [It-] Amun, god, ruler of Helio-
polis - he has made as his monument for his father, (may) Jive the good god,
lord of the two lands, Nebma'ré'-meryamin, Son of Ré', [Ramses (VI) ...]."
Now while any king could call his predecessors it ("father", '(fore) father"),
he points out that during the reigns of Ramses IV-XI there are no other examples
in no way require a modification of the various trends of thought here and could
during his reign, which was in any case ephemeral, or by a lack of favor for
some reason in the particular place and period of authorship (or copying).
That the hymns deal in general with the subject of the coronation seems plau-
sible enough although it is apparent that certain themes, while often found in
The celebrations of royal victories, the accession, and the Sed-festival as well
as the coronation have been repeatedly studied and somewhat detailed discus-
sions which may be found useful here are available in Bleeker, Egyptian Fes-
the problems common to the group as a whole. It is well known, for example,
that the term h'i ("rise', "'appear'') when used with reference to the king can
indicate not only his appearance in the royal crowns during the coronation but
also the accession of the king on the morning following the death of his prede-
cessor. In fact, the term can be applied to any state appearance of the king!>.
Conversely, the hymns make no specific mention of the other two most promi-
nent rituals of the coronation, namely the sm3 t3wy ("union of the two lands"’)
15 On the verb h'i and its derivatives see D, Redford, History and Chronology
of the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt, Toronto '67, 3-27.
- 48 -
expected that the poet would have been concerned more with matters of form
than with the actual ceremony of the coronation, the basic rituals of which were
in any case familiar to the Egyptian reader. Even in those texts whose literary
Inscription of Thutmosis III (Urk.IV, 160,10 ff.). The inscription on the statue
hab", JEA 39 ('53) 13-31), while furnishing a fairly clear account, of that king's
coronation, notably the sm3 t3wy and phr h3 inb, and is in any case no more
explicit on the subject than the hymns at hand. There is, in addition, the record
of the festival celebrating the accession of Sesostris I'*, where the reference
cursory. It is superfluous to add that the hymns celebrating the royal accession
A related issue is the question as to how the phrase 'k, k r "het (87,4) '(when)
you enter into the palace (or temple)" is to be interpreted here, While this could
refer to a symbolic act whereby the king took possession of his residence upon
his coronation, Gardiner (op. cit., p.25) has convincingly shown that the terms
'h (fem. 'h- t), and pr-nsw (87,6) in so far as the latter is a synonym of "h, could
apply to the temple as the specific setting of the coronation ceremony, for the
House" with reference to the Southern Harim (Ipt-rst) of Amun, that is, the
Temple of Luxor.
VII. POETIC STYLE
Red terminal signs and verse-points are found in all the texts but the last of
the group. Partial exceptions to this statement are noted below where the
hymns are discussed in sequence. The terminal sign ~_\ has been used to
mark the end of stanzas except in Pl. 88, where it is first found only at the
end of the hymn (10). Noteworthy is the occasional insertion of the verse-
point between the infinitive and its direct object, namely the direct genitive:
irt° idnw (87, 2), irt Ohp (87,3), and the scribal correction irt°hb-sd (88,1).
In each of these cases the verse-point must have been employed for mechanical
reasons (probably the number of words), since that construction by its very
partures from the direct address are conspicuous in 20, I, 9f., 20, II, 3 and
in several places in the text 88, 1-10. The latter hymn, like the cycle of hymns
The hymns share a number of verbal forms which deserve notice here. A
characteristic feature of the group is the frequent use, not only in main clauses
lowing examples of its use in dependent clauses are worth pointing out: [mn]i tw
(20,I, 6) and h' tw (20, II, 9; 86, 1-2).
Most of the hymns also make regular use of anaphora. 21-22 utilizes this
device to the extent that the stanzas begin with words which bear an overall
mutual resemblance in form and sound (n3 inr(w) m3'w, n3 ir(w) m3w3, n3 3pdw),
although an isolated i3w.
tw crops up in 22,6. Elsewhere the device is exploited
to its fullest extent in the greetings 'n. wy tw (20, II), ind hr. k (86), and i3w. tw!?
(20,1; 87, except 8). In addition, these refrains are generally followed by
some form of the active participle.
As in the Hymn to Ramses V and that to Ramses II from the Temple at Abu
Simbel, one or more stanzas have been made to end with the name of the king
in 87, 21-22, 88, 89, and perhaps also 86 although here there are no verse-
points or terminal signs to mark the end of the stanzas. In the present group
the names are more often than not followed by epithets based on a participle.
A brief discussion of the formal aspects of the individual poems now follows.
87:The reader will no doubt already have noticed that in the third line the scribe
evidently forgot to allow space before the refrain for the subsequent insertion
of the terminal sign. The most significant feature of the hymn, noticeable
throughout the section beginning in line 4 and ending in line 8, is the marked
21-22: This hymn relies heavily on the use of alliteration, of which the fol-
On the significance of sp sn, lit. "twice" (following rswt, 22,7) see S. Schott,
88, 1-10: The scribe has employed a number of metaphors, notably hnw '3w
"high waves" (5) for that which is lofty; rmw "fish" and 3pdw "birds" (Grapow,
Bildlichen Ausdriicke, 91) here denote the forces of chaos suppressed by the king.
Otherwise, however, this text is distinguished from the other, more traditional
88, 10 - 89, 10: In this hymn the scribe has used black ink for the terminal
signs, perhaps out of negligence if not because the original text itself had used
black rather than red ink. Beginning with 89,5 the rhythm of the verses is well
struction in the first clause and a sdm.f form in the second. The same section
incorporates the use of both alliteration (8, wbhd/w3dyt; h3t/hnw) and end-
20,1: Of particular interest are the second and third stanzas, in each of which
the use of parallelism is set off in the form of a direct quotation. These same
hrpw), end-rhyme (5, Itm/hmwy) and even metonomy (5, t3 pt for Nut).
—_—- a or
20, Il: Despite the very fragmentary state of the column it is clear that the
verse-points were discontinued after line 4. Now unless this was due to negli-
gence on the part of the scribe it is possible that the beginning of this hymn
is to be sought not in the middle of line 1 but toward the end of line 4 where,
furthermore, the new refrain 'n. wy tw'can first be restored with any certainty.
If such is the case it follows that the refrain of line 1 should be restored as
i3w.tw and that the restoration in line 4 of the name Usima'ré' is unjustified.
Nor would there be any reason to suppose that the stanza ended with the name
of Nebma'ré' since the hymn in his honor does not employ that device in Column
occurrence there of the word 'n, which would tie in well with the refrain 'n.
Wy
For the well-attested writing of 9 for “Uh and the use of swht "'egg"'
fors3 "son" (4) compare, for example, Anastasi II, 4, 5 (also Grapow, op.
Climo alle 2)
86; This hymn is unusual in that it appears, at least on the surface, to have
been arranged on the papyrus according to the poetic structure of the text. How-
ever, close examination of the lines, especially the end of line 6, reveals that
1 and 2 where, however, the scribe does not exhibit a great measure of origi-
The evidence points to the probability that all three fragments had originally
belonged to the same roll and that the texts are also closely related to each
seems to be no serious reason to doubt that most if not all of the hymns deal to
While the manuscript can be assigned to the reign of Usima'reé', the hymns
the evidence of language, style, content, and specific parallels with other
sources, can be said to date from at least as far back as the early Twentieth
Dynasty; probably they ought to be attributed to the early part of Dynasty XIX.
In their present form the hymns are purely literary compositions which served
Although the texts are comparable both in form and content to other Egyptian
royal hymns they are significant for the light which they shed on a number of
words which are elsewhere poorly attested or unknown. Other words are here
given a slightly new twist. Noteworthy, too, is the scribe's apparent predilection
are the spellings of a number of place-names, some of which occur but seldom
in Egyptian literature.
The hymns are useful also for the study of the stylistic elements of Egyptian
poetry. In a general way it may be said that the scribe displays a sense of
imagination and, in some places, probably also humor in his choice of expres-
sions and the concreteness of his visual imagery. Lastly, the fresh, figurative
We may regret only that the hymns provide no conclusive evidence with regard
schichte des Sinuhe, (Berlin '52), Pars. 25-37, 95-96 (Berlin Pap. 3022,
F. Ll. Griffith, Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob, (London 1898), 1-3.
ANET, 431,
ANET, 373.
mose III;
two royal hymns (lines 5-15, 41-56) thought to be translations from Egyptian
models:
(137), 196 f.
ANET, 484,
ANET, 376,
16, Hymn in Praise of Ramses III from the Poem on the Libyan War of Year 11:
W.F. Edgerton and J. A. Wilson, op.cit., 87 ff.; Pls. 85-86, lines 1-7, 10-18,
34-51,
UT. Hymn for the Accession of Ramses IV (unnumbered ostracon in the Turin
Museum):
G. Maspero, Recueil de travaux ... II, (Paris 1880), 116-17.
ANET, 378.
a ee]
a
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No
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:Purehied Sty ‘gulletone
ee
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X. BIBLIOGRAPHY
— : "Zwei Sonnenhymnen der spdten XVIII. Dynastie", MDAIK 27, 1 (1971), 1-33.
Bakir, Abdel- Mohsen: "A hymn to Amon-Re at Tura", ASAE 42 (1943), 83-91.
von Beckerath, J.: Tanis u. Theben, Gliickstadt 1951.
York. E962)-
Bresciani, E.: Letteratura e Poesia dell'antico Egitto, Torino 1969.
Cerny, J.: Egypt from the Death of Ramesses III to the End of the Twenty-first
1965.
Davies, N.de G.: The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, VI, London 1908, Pl. 27
Museum VIII, London 1939, 22-25 (British Mus. 826, hymn to the sun).
Heidelberg 1965.
54-96,
1960.
Firchow, Otto: Grundziige der Stilistik in den altagytischen Pyramidentexten,
Berlin 1953,
— ; Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, Third Series, Chester Beatty Gift,
London 1935,
350).
— : "Hymns to Sobek in a Ramesseum Papyrus", RdE 11 (1957), 43 ff.
Gauthier, Henri; Dictionnaire des noms géographiques contenus dans les textes
Ghattas, Francis Abdel- Malek: Das Buch mkt-h'w "Schutz des Leibes", Got-
tingen 1968.
Gilbert, Pierre: La Poésie égyptienne, 2. Auflage, Bruxelles 1949,
Goyon, J.C.: Confirmation du pouvoir royal au nouvel an (Brooklyn Museum
pap. 47. 218.50). Text: Bibliothéque d'études, 52, IFAO, Le Caire 1972,
Plates and transcription: Wilbour Monographs, 7, Brooklyn 1974,
Grapow, Hermann: ''Beitrage zur Untersuchung des Stils igyptischer Lieder",
ZAS 79 (1954), 17-27.
— : Die Bildlichen Ausdriicke des Agyptischen, Leipzig 1924,
— : Sprachliche u. schriftliche Formung 4gyptischer Texte, (Leipziger Agypto-
logische Studien 7), Hamburg 1936,
iow
— : Wie die alten Agypter sich anredeten, wie sie sich griissten u. wie sie mit-
1970.
Piankoff, A.: The Litany of Re (Bollingen Series XL: Religious Texts and Rep-
Posener, Georges: Sur l'orientation et l'ordre des points cardinaux chez les
Il, Leipzig 1924, pp. 158 ff. (Berlin 20377, prayer to Amon-Re€’).
Berlin 3050).
Simpson, W.K.: Papyrus Reisner II: Accounts of the Dockyard Workshop at This
(1942), 25-30.
(1958), 367-405.
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XII. GLOSSARY
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THEOLOGY
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A29?533
Condon, Virginia.
Seven royal hymns of the Ramesside period :
Papyrus Turin CG54031 / von Virginia Condon. --
Miinchen: Deutscher Kunst verlag, 1978.
75p. : ill., plates ; 2hem. -- (Miinchner agypto-
logische Studien ; Heft 37) (Mtinchener Universi-
t&tsschriften : Philosophische Fakultat)
A revision of the author's thesis, Yale, 1973.
Bibliography: p.(591-62.
- 1. Hymns, Egyptian. 2. Egyptian language--Papy-
ri, Hieratic. I. Turin, Museo Egizio. Mss.
(Papyrus 0G54031) Itt. Title. III. Series.
IV. Series. ~~ CCSC/mmb <