47399 Classroom 2 Socialmovements
47399 Classroom 2 Socialmovements
47399 Classroom 2 Socialmovements
Dalits are those groups of people who have faced social discrimination including the
untouchability. They largely belong to the economically disadvantaged groups of our society.
They are placed in the Scheduled Caste categories in our constitution. The category of dalits was
first used by Jyotiba Phule in the nineteenth century. It was first popularly used by the Dalit
Panther in the 1970s. But it has come in currency quite recently – from the 1980s onwards.
Last few decades have seen a spate of dalit movement in various parts of the country. This is
reflected in their social, cultural and political activities at various levels, i.e., state, local and all
India.
Ghanshyam Shah classifies the Dalit movements into reformative and alternative movements.
The former tries to reform the caste system to solve the problem of untouchability. The
alternative movement attempts to create an alternative socio-cultural structure by conversion
to some other religion or by acquiring education, economic status and political power. Both
types of movements use political means to attain their objectives.
Dalit movement in the post – Independence period in India can be divided into three phases,
i.e., phase I (1950s – 1960s), phase II (1970s –1980s); and phase III (1990s) onwards.
There has been a common feature of dalit politics throughout the post – Independence period,
especially from the 1960s onwards, e.g., to strive to have a party of their own or a party led by
the dalits. The shift in dalit support from the Congress to RPI in the 1960s, to the Janata Party in
1977, the Janata Dal in 1989 and to the BSP in the 1990s onwards are examples of this desire of
the dalits. Several factors have contributed to the rise of dalit movement, especially from the
1980s onwards. These include emergence of a new generation among dalits, which is conscious
of their rights, explosion of mass media and the impact of the ideas of Dr. B R Ambedkar.
Meanwhile, there emerged the first generation of dalit leadership borne after
independence, which included educated middle class professional as well. This group
became critical of dominant political parties and the cultural ethos, especially the Congress
and the Hindu belief system. They started feeling that the Congress was using them as the
vote bank; the high castes were holding the leadership of this party and not allowing dalits
to get the leadership. On the cultural front they felt that the Hindu religion does not provide
them a respectable place. Therefore, in order to live respectfully they should discard Hindu
religion and convert to Buddhism. The advocates of this opinion were influenced by the
ideas of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Ambedkar, understanding his responsibility as a political leader
of a vast population, formulated a new politi-cal outfit, the Republican Party of India (RPI)
to be able to parti-cipate in the democratic polity. Surprisingly, the secular principles of the
political organizations, which Ambedkar established, reiterated the teachings and social
ideals of Buddhism. For Ambedkar societal reforms vis-à-vis the Constitution became the
prime task and therefore his new political party never constructed any hyperactive political
ideology, but revolved round the same principles of social change.
In the late 1950s and 1960s RPI launched a cultural and political movement in UP and
Maharashtra for achieving political and cultural autonomy. A large number of dalits got
converted to Buddhism. The RPI emerged one of the important political parties in the
assembly and parliamentary elections held in UP during the 1960s. But the RPI could not
remain a force in UP after the 1960s because its main leadership got co-opted into the
Congress, a party against whom it had launched movement in the preceding decade.
Phase II : This phase was marked by the combination of class and caste struggles. In the
rural areas of West Bengal, Bihar and Andhra Pradesh the naxalite movement launched a
struggle against the caste and class exploitation. In the cities of Bombay and Pune, the Dalit
Panther launched the similar kind of movement. .min
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An educated group of dalits – young dalit writers and poets, in two major cities of
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Amedkarism, Marxism and “Negro literature”, they aimed at rejecting the caste system,
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which according to them was based on the Brahmincal Hinduism. Spreading their ideas
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through the media and communication network, through the discussions and debate in the
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public space, i.e., offices, houses, tea shops, public libraries, dalit writes and poets provided
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the critique of the Hindu caste system and exploitative economic system..The activists of
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Dalit Panther belonged to first generation educated youth, whose parents were poor
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peasants and laborer, who had inherited the legacy of Ambedkar movement.
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But like the RPI movement, it had to suffer from the split. Two main leaders of the Dalit
Panther Raja Dhale and Namdev Dhasal developed differences on the ideological ground.
The former an ardent Ambedkarite accused Namdev Dhasal, a Marxist of ignoring the caste
problem and helping the communists to peneterate the Dalit Panther movement. There
after The Dalit Panther could not be able to make an alliance of all exploited. It got divided
between the Ambedkarites and Marxists, particularly after the 1974 by election to the
Bombay parliamentary constituency.
Unlike the dalits of west UP or Maharashtra, those of Bihar did not experience anti-caste
movement in the colonial period. While the non-dalit peasantry was mobilized by different
peasant or caste organizations in Bihar, to mobilise them excepting for getting their votes. It
was only since the late 1960s that dalits of central Bihar were initiated into the political
movement. But it was not the exclusively on the caste lines; it was on the mix of caste and
class exploitation.
In Karnataka also dalits organized into the Dalit Sanghasrsh Samiti (DSS). It was an
organization which was set up in 1973 and set up its units in most districts of Karnataka. Like
Bihar it also took up caste and class issues and attempted to build an alliance of diverse
groups of the exploited classes. It also brought dalits of different persuasions – Marxism,
socialism, Ambedkarism, etc, under the banner of a single organization.
Phase III: The 1990s have seen the proliferation of dalit organizations in different
states of the country. The case of the BSP in Uttar Pradesh is most important. Though
the RPI had been influential in Uttar Pradesh like Maharashtra since the 1950s, the rise
of the BSP has been the most striking feature of dalit identity and politics in India.
The BSP aimed to mobilize the majority other sections of the society, the Bahujan Samaj,
consisting of the dalits, backward class and religious minorities which excluded the high
castes like Brahmans, Rajputs, and Banias. The BSP believes that the minority high castes
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have been using the votes of the majority communities or the Bahujan Samaj. They did not
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let them become the leaders or the rulers. As in a democracy it is the majority who should
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rule, the Bahujan Samaj should become the ruling class. With this perspective the BSP
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contested the assembly and parliamentary elections in several states in the country from
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1985 onwards. The BSP made its present felt in North Indian states, especially Punjab, UP,
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The BSP has been able to consolidate its position among dalits mainly for its strategy of
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electoral alliances and the public policies. In later years, party declared to serve the serva
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samaj; it was shift from her earlier position where BSP vowed to fight for the Bahujan
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Samaj. It was beginning of the BSP’s change in the electoral or alliance strategy. In the
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subsequent elections, contrary to original principles, it gave tickets even to the high castes
Brahmins, Rajputs, Banias and Kayasthas gave them representation as ministers in her
government.
However, BSP introduced special policies for dalits. The most important of these included: –
Ambedkar Village Programmes consisting of the special programmes for the welfare of the
weaker sections in the villages identified as the Ambedakar Villages on the basis of the
substantial dalit population in such villages, and naming of the public institutions after the
low caste historical personalities. It also took prompt action against those who involved in
the discriminatory activities against the dalits. The rise of the BSP has imparted a sense of
pride and confidence among the dalits in the country.
The political power seizure by BSP had introduced the party in public with a new political
ideology different from the consistent idea of “social engineering” between the deprived
sections of the country. It led to dilution of the vital issues of social justice, law and order
and secularism.
Secondly, due to its fixation on power, the BSP forgot the ethical idea of empowering the
“bahujans”. Thirdly In the thirst of capturing “sarvajan”, it compromised in delivering social
justice to the bahujan masses. Openness to the non-bahujans undermined the moral
guidelines of the movements and offered an opportunity to the manuwadis to gradually
consolidate their domination under the garb of sarvajan. It was a mistake by the BSP to
think that hierarchical social relations based on sanctioned religiosity can be overhauled
through the employment of power. BSP thus underestimated the values of social
movements in fighting these ills at the ground level, especially of the Buddhist social
movement. Even Ambedkar had warned the deprived sections not to solely depend
on political power for their emancipation.
Women’s movement
Women’s movement can be defined as the organized effort to achieve a common goal of
equality and liberation of women and it presupposes sensitivities to crucial issues affecting the
life of women. It comprises all the forms and processes of women's upsurge and assertion,
including their fights alongside of men as well as their more obviously 'anti-patriarchal struggles
with men.
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The women’s movement, like other social movements, brings about or intends to bring about a
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The social change that result from a movement may be seen first in terms of the changes in the
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positions of the concerned section of a movement and secondly in terms of their impact on the
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wider society. One of the consequences of the women’s movement has been the infusion of a
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keen sensitivity on the question of women’s oppression and their contribution to all spheres of
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Women’s movements in India can be divided into the following periods or waves:
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The origin of contemporary women’s movements in India is often stressed to the social reform
movement within the Hindu fold. Due to the influence of the reformers, the British government
enacted laws against the sati system, permitting widow remarriage, abolishing child marriage
etc. Efforts were also made for education of girls. This phase had immense contribution towards
women’s movement in India.
The rights bestowed proved to be the foundation of the Women’s rights in India. The movement
in this era was limited in terms of lack of mobilization of women themselves for their own
issues.
Political rights such as equal franchise and representation in legislatures for women were
demanded by women leaders. Women’s organizations such as All India women’s conference
(AIWC) came into existence in the 1920s to spread education among women. They raised similar
issues and carried out welfare programmes
Freedom Struggle
Freedom movement was an important landmark in the history of women’s movement. It helped
women in their struggle for ‘liberation’ as feminism and nationalism were closely interlinked.
Gandhi’s ideology of recruiting women in public life without disturbing their social role as
housewives and his efforts at mobilizing women were responsible for women’s participation in
the freedom struggle.
Aparna Basu says that women were accepted in India’s freedom struggle as political comrades
and given equal opportunities for participation. This paved the way for involvement of women
in the wider sphere of social, political and economic life in future.
Rajani Alexander on the other hand says that women’s participation in the independence
movement took diverse forms and was not always in the form of organized and orchestrated
political protests. Most of women’s involvement in the independence movement was based on
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community and home based participation. Nevertheless, the recognition of women as equal
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participants in the freedom movement gave a boost both to the status of women and women’s
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movement.
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After Independence
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Peasant movements, tribal movements, student’s movements etc. witnessed the participation
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of women. These movements do not raise the issues affecting women per se but they do raise
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Gail Omvedt aptly describes their significance when she denotes them as “pre-movements” as
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far as women are concerned. Their contribution to the cause of women in India can be gauged
from the following:
Illina Sen says that women in these movements do not strive for autonomous or independent
articulation of only their women specific demands. At the same time their articulation of
demands and issues exerts a pressure on their movements to take cognizance of the women in
their mass base.
Various studies also show the militant role played by women in various agrarian movements.
Meera Velayudhanin her study on women workers and class struggles in Alleppey examines the
role and participation of women. She shows that women participated on a large scale in the
1938 strikes. Later on, the women workers launched struggles on issues such as maternity
benefits and retrenchment of women workers.
Moreover, the promulgation of the constitution and enactment of various laws for women such
as the Hindu marriage act, the Hindu succession act etc. prepared ground for further struggle.
By this time women’s mass movements had realized those women’s issues and problems to be
solved completely required to confront issues head on. Thus they went to the forefront of all
major socio-economic, political and related environmental issues.
During the last three decades a number of micro and macro struggles have been initiated by
autonomous women’s groups around issues which directly affect women and address the
question of emancipation of women.
Anti-Price Rise Movement: In 1973, Women of the urban areas organized to fight against the
hike in the prices of essential commodities that was followed by the famine. The movement
grew rapidly becoming a mass women’s movement for consumer protection.
Anti Arrack Movement: Thousands of women joined in picketing liquor outlets, disciplining
habitual drunkards, and demanding from the administration a total ban on alcohol sales.
Women realized their strength and importance and the government bowed to the wishes of
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people. Sale of arrack was banned in the district of Nellore to begin with and later on the ban
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was extended to the rest of the state of Andhra Pradesh. This agitation inspired people of other
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Chipko Movement: The Chipko movement originated around 1970s (though the seeds of the
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movement were there from the British period) against indiscriminate forest felling for
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commercial interests.
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Anti Rape Movement: The anti rape movement begun in 1977 by the Civil Rights groups
following an incidence of custodial rape. The Mathura rape case in 1978 was a landmark in the
history of mobilization of women. Demonstrations, dharnas, public mass petitions etc were
sparked off with the incident. Rape was signified as a form of violence by the powerful on
powerless, poor and disadvantaged. Desai and Patel say that when women’s groups condemned
the state and society, they signified that the laws and institutions have created hierarchies
between men and women.
Anti Dowry Movement: It began around 1977 with the organized protest of Mahila Dakshata
Samiti. They protested against the violence inflicted upon women for dowry, especially against
murder and abetment of suicide. Protests in the form of demonstrations and other means by
feminist groups were able to change the indifferent attitude of the wider public and policy
makers to the issues of women’s death by kerosene. The feminist groups devised a series of
strategies to enhance the public awareness of the problems associated with dowry. In 1980 a
year after the anti dowry agitation began, the government passed a law against dowry related
crimes that recognized abetment of suicide because of dowry demands as a special crime and
made mandatory a police investigation into the death of any women within five years of
marriage.
Anti Sexual Harassment Movement: In the Vishaka case a petition in the Supreme Court was
filed by social action groups and NGOs seeking legal redress for women whose work was
obstructed or inhibited because of sexual harassment at the workplace. The Supreme Court
issued guidelines to tackle the menace in the absence of action from executive and legislature.
The movement continued by advocacy groups. Its culmination is the bill for protection against
sexual harassment at the workplace which has recently been passed by the Loksabha, signifying
an important step towards complete emancipation of women in India.
Today a number of women’s organizations have mushroomed with and without the support of
the state and donor international organizations. The contemporary women’s movement in India
is characterized by decentralized structure and multiple arenas of interaction. Women’s
movement is also widening its domain and getting involved with issues related to environment,
population, child rights, globalization, marketisation etc.
Social and liberal feminists criticize the rise of right forces in India and the world over which
have mobilized middle class women for creating hatred against others including the women of
other community. Barbara Epstein says that it is strongly felt by many that women’s movements
are in doldrums and almost directionless. It has become more an idea than a movement.
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Nevertheless, it is beyond any doubt that women’s movement in India in each stage contributed
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to the emancipation of women- though the magnitude of contribution may have varied.
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Over the decades, women’s groups stood for issues that are not just women-centric but are
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concerns of wider society as well. The problems that women face are that of other social
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categories too. Women’s mobilizations of the past proved their intended organized actions (as
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in the case of anti-arrack, anti-price rise, Chipko etc.) always bring about wider social
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repercussions. Participating in such mobilizations definitely gives the women of the community
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a social identity. And this social identity of course makes way for their empowerment. Their
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further empowerment is realized through the affirmative actions taken by the state as well as
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the civil society organizations in response to their efforts and capacity to initiate collective
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action.
Environmental movement
The genesis of the environmental movement in India can be traced to the Chipko movement
(1973) in Garhwal region in the new state of Uttaranchal. In fact, between1970s and 1980s
there were several struggles in India around issues of rights to forest and water which raised
larger ecological concerns likerights of communities in forest resources, sustainability of
large scale environmental projects like dams, issues of displacement and
rehabilitation etc.
Environmental movements in India, therefore, are not necessarily for the 'green' or 'clean' earth
or for saving mankind’s' heritage and endangered species as in the west, but for the very
survival of the local poor .
Gadgil and Guha identify four broad strands within the environmental movements
in India based on vision, ideology and strategy. The first types are those which emphasize on
the moral necessity to restrain overuse and ensure justice to the poor and marginalised.Mainly
Gandhians belong to this strand. The second strand stresses on the need to dismantle the unjust
social order through struggle. Marxists mostly follow this strand. The Third and fourth
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strands advocate reconstruction, i.e. employing tech nologies appropriate to the given
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context and time. They reflect the concerns of the scientists or the spontaneous efforts of the
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communities at the village level who aim at protecting local community forests or the right to
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movement in India. Some good examples of these kinds of movements are like Chipko and
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N.B.A. In the first case, the reason for conflict was control over forest; whereas, in the second
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SOCIO-ECONOMIC REASONS
The other angles by which we look upon the cause of emergence of environmental movements
are the socio-economic reasons. Almost most of the environmental movements in India are
somehow related with this aspect, also, if we see the location where these movements have
started then we would found that most of these areas are tribal dominated. These people have
strong beliefs regarding their forests, land and water. At the same time they are also totally
dependent upon these resources for their survival hood. Therefore, when these forests or other
sources of livelihood get disturbed by the outsiders, their socio-economic conditions get
hampered and the ultimate recourse is the movement against those people who were
harnessing those resources. Also, women had generally played an important role in these
movements, in tribal groups; women are accustomed to responsibility and leadership for
community survival. There work involves them directly and daily with forests and natural
resources. So, whenever their survival came into risk, they take the lead role for the protection
of their community and its resources
ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION/DESTRUCTION
Environmental degradation is also an important cause which many time leads to environmental
movement. One such e.g. was the silent valley case.
One another e.g. of movement which arose due to the degradation of local environment was
the movement against the limestone quarrying, in the Doon Valley in the late 1970s and early
1980s.
The spread of environmental awareness and media has also played pivotal role in emergence of
environmental movement in urban areas. People were previously unaware of the importance of
the environment.
But as the environmental awareness increased due various reasons people started protecting
their environment. Some e.g. are the local movements to protect the purity of different rivers
such as Ganga and Yamuna. The greening of many Indian cities also comes under this category.
The Bhagidari movement of Delhi is a good e.g. of this kind of environmental movement. Media
has also played an important role in sustaining theses movements.
Forced displacement:
The governmental policies resulted into a lot of displacement of people due to large projects
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such as dams like Bhakra–Nangal and many others. These policies pushed the local people on
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the edges. Due to large scale displacement of local people have resulted many environment
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Now on the above arguments the conclusion could be drawn that the nature based conflicts, the
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false developmental policies of the government, the marginalization of the tribal and other
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underprivileged groups and the environmental degradation are the root causes of emergence of
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processes of development have propelled the people to go against the state in many cases and
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this leads to the emergence of environmental movements in the country. The risks on the
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survival hood of the marginal people due to the above mentioned factors had resulted in the
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emergence of these movements. Therefore the point comes that the environmental movements
in different parts of the country grows out of the distribution conflict over the ecological
resources needed for livelihood.
So we can conclude that environmental movements in India are the resistances by the people
for their livelihood and for their survival.