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 Abraham Ibn Ezra
The Book of the World
 Études sur
le Judaïsme Médiéval
Fondées par
Georges Vajda

Dirigées par
Paul B. Fenton

TOME XXXIX
 Abraham Ibn Ezra
The Book of the World
A Parallel Hebrew-English Critical Edition
of the Two Versions of the Text

Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Astrological Writings, Volume 2

Edited, translated, and annotated by

Shlomo Sela

LEIDEN • BOSTON
2010
This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ibn Ezra, Abraham ben Meir, 1092-1167

[Sefer ha-'olam u-mahberot ha-meshartim kulam. English & Hebrew]
The book of the world : a parallel Hebrew-English critical edition of the two versions of the
text / edited, translated and annotated by Shlomo Sela. – 1st critical ed.
p. cm. – (Études sur le judaïsme médiéval ; t. 39)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-17914-1 (hard cover : alk. paper)
1. Jewish astrology. 2. Masha'allah, 730?-815? I. Sela, Shlomo. II. Masha'allah, 730?-815? III.
Title.

QB26.I323513 2010
133.5–dc22
2009038915

ISSN: 0169-815X
ISBN: 978 9004 17914 1

Copyright 2010 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing,
IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV
provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center,
222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.
Fees are subject to change.

printed in the netherlands

To the memory of my father,
David Slucki
 CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Early-Jewish World Astrology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Main Sources, Theories and Doctrines in #Olam I and #Olam II . . 11
The Ancient Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Hellenistic Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
Persian and Indian Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Arabic Contributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
Links to Twelfth-Century Latin Works on World Astrology . . . 27
World Astrology in Other Parts of Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Oeuvre . . 28
. The Tenth Chapter of Reshit Hokhmah . ...................... 29
. The Long Commentary on Exodus : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
. The Introduction to Sefer ha-Moladot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Place and Date of Composition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
The Critical Edition of the Hebrew Text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Manuscripts for the Critical Edition of #Olam I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
Manuscripts for the Critical Edition of #Olam II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Editorial and Translation Principles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Editorial and Translation Changes with Respect to the
Previous Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
Abbreviations and Sigla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

Part One: First Version of the Book of the World by Abraham Ibn
Ezra. Hebrew Text and English Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

Part Two: Notes to the First Version of the Book of the World . . . . . . 99

Part Three: Second Version of the Book of the World by Abraham

Ibn Ezra. Hebrew Text and English Translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155

Part Four: Notes to the Second Version of the Book of the World . . . 193
viii contents

Part Five: Related Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233

The Book of Māshā"allāh on Eclipses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Was Ibn Ezra the translator of Māshā"allāh’s Book
on Eclipses? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236
The Tenth Chapter of Reshit Hokhmah . ............................. 261
A Fragment of the Long Commentary on Ex. : . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
The Introduction to Sefer ha-Moladot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281

Part Six: Appendixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293

A. Manuscripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
B. References to Sefer ha-#Olam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
C. Contents of #Olam I and Concordance to #Olam II . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
D. Contents of #Olam II and Concordance to #Olam I . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
E. Liber Primus de Gentibus and Concordance to #Olam I and
#Olam II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
F. Zodiacal Signs of Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
G. Zodiacal Signs and Planets Assigned to Lands
and Kingdoms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
H. Authorities and Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
Glossary of Technical Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
 PREFACE

The present volume represents the first critical edition of the Hebrew text
of the two versions of Abrahan Ibn Ezra’s Sefer ha-#Olam (Book of the
World), accompanied by an English translation and commentary. Sefer
ha-#Olam was the first theoretical work in Hebrew to discuss the theories
and techniques of historical and meteorological astrology, as they had
accumulated from Antiquity to Ibn Ezra’s own time, and drew on Greek,
Hindu, Persian, and Arabic sources.
This volume also incorporates the first critical edition, again accom-
panied by an English translation and commentary, of the Hebrew trans-
lation, ascribed to Ibn Ezra, of Māshā"allāh’s Book on Eclipses, a work on
mundane astrology. Other appendices contain three brief texts in which
Ibn Ezra either conveyed his own opinion about world astrology or pre-
sented astrological techniques that are not discussed in the two versions
of Sefer ha-#Olam.
The title page and cover refer to the present work as volume  of Abra-
ham Ibn Era’s Astrological Writings. This series is intended to comprise
critical editions of all of Abraham Ibn Ezra’s astrological works, with
English translation and commentary. The first volume in this series, pub-
lished in , contained the two versions of Sefer ha-Te#amim
. (Book
of Reasons); unfortunately, owing to a technical problem, this first vol-
ume of Abraham Ibn Era’s Astrological Writings was not described as such
there.
Lenn Schramm revised the translations and the English sections of
this book and contributed valuable suggestions about the interpretation
of the Hebrew texts. Prof. Charles Burnett carefully read the translations
and offered helpful comments on matters astrological, astronomical, and
linguistic. Prof. Gad Freudenthal provided advice about the organiza-
tion of the volume as a whole, along with useful assistance, suggestions,
and criticism in related fields. I am grateful to the Israel Science Foun-
dation (Grant No.  / ) and the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación
de España (proyecto de investigación HUM–/FILO), which
provided generous grants that made this work possible.
Sh.S.
July , Kfar Saba
 ABBREVIATIONS

BNF Bibliothèque Nationale de France

JNUL Jewish National and University Library
IMHM Institute for Microfilmed Hebrew
Manuscripts, Jewish National and
University Library, Jerusalem
Long comm. Ex. :, §: Abraham Ibn Ezra, long commentary on
Ex. :, section , sentence , in Part
Five, Related Texts: A Fragment of the
Long Commentary on Ex. :, below, on
pp. –
Māshā"allāh, Book on Eclipses, §: Māshā"allāh, The Book on Eclipses, section
, sentence , in Part Five, Related Texts:
The Book of Māshā"allāh on the Eclipses of
the Moon and the Sun, the Conjunctions
of the Planets, and the Revolutions of the
Years, below, on pp. –
Mivharim
. I First version of Sefer ha-Mivharim
.
Mivharim
. II Second version of Sefer ha-Mivharim .
Mivharim
. III Third version of Sefer ha-Mivharim .
Moladot, Introduction, §: Abraham Ibn Ezra, Sefer haMoladot,
Introduction, section , sentence , in Part
Five, Related Texts: The Introduction to
Sefer haMoladot, below, on pp. –
Nehoshet
. I First version of Keli ha-Nehoshet
.
Nehoshet
. II Second version of Keli ha-Nehoshet
.
Nehoshet
. III Third version of Keli ha-Nehoshet
.
#Olam I First version of Sefer ha#Olam
#Olam II Second version of Sefer ha#Olam
Reshit Hokhmah,
. ch. X, §: Abraham Ibn Ezra, Reshit Hokhmah,
.
chapter X, section , sentence , in Part
Five, Related Texts: The Tenth Chapter of
Reshit Hokhmah,
. below, on pp. –
Reshit Hokhmah,
. , V, li: Abraham Ibn Ezra, Reshit Hokhmah
. in
The Beginning of Wisdom, An Astrological
Treatise by Abraham Ibn Ezra, edited
by Raphael Levy and Francisco Cantera,
Baltimore, , fifth chapter, page li,
line .
Reshit Hokhmah
. I First version of Reshit Hokhmah.
.
xii abbreviations

Reshit Hokhmah
. II Second version of Reshit Hokhmah.
.
She"elot I First version of Sefer ha-She"elot
She"elot II Second version of Sefer ha-She"elot
She"elot III Third version of Sefer ha-She"elot
Te#amim
. I, §.:, pp. – First version of Sefer ha-Te#amim,
. ed.
Sela, chapter , section , sentence  on
pp. –
Te#amim
. II, §.:, pp. – Second version of Sefer ha-Te#amim,
. ed.
Sela, chapter , section , sentence  on
pp. –
Te#amim
. I First version of Sefer ha-Te#amim
.
Te#amim
. II Second version of Sefer ha-Te#amim
.
 INTRODUCTION

Abraham Ibn Ezra (ca. –ca. ) was born in Muslim Spain. He
left there when he was about fifty years old, led the life of an intellec-
tual vagabond in Italy, France and England,1 and finally vanished from
the scene in London after having made a very significant contribution in
the field of astrology to both Christian and Jewish readers. For medieval
Latin culture, Abraham Avenezra was considered to be mainly an inter-
mediary and transmitter of Arabic science and astrology in twelfth-
century Europe.2 From a Jewish perspective, Abraham Ibn Ezra’s con-
tribution was quite different: by incorporating astrological ideas into his
influential biblical exegesis he promoted the smooth absorption of astro-
logical content into the hard core of Jewish culture;3 on the other hand, he
created the first comprehensive corpus of Hebrew astrological textbooks
that address the main systems of Arabic astrology and provided Hebrew
readers with access to astrology. The list of his Hebrew astrological writ-
ings has been recently enlarged by new discoveries; today we know of
sixteen works.4 They include the two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam (Book
of the World), which deals with “world astrology,” the branch of Arabic

1 For his biography during his wanderings through Italy, France and England, see
Fleischer, / , pp. –; Fleischer, , pp. –, –, –, –,
–; Fleischer, / , pp. –, –, –, – (), –,
– (); Fleischer, , pp. –; Friedlander, / , pp. –; Golb,
, pp. –.
2 Thorndike, ; Smithuis, , chapter ; Smithuis, , pp. –.
3 Langermann, ; Sela, ; Sela, , pp. –, –. See below, pp. –.
4 Ibn Ezra’s extant Hebrew astrological corpus comprises the following: (a) introduc-

tions to astrology: the extant version of Reshit Hokhmah

. (Beginning of Wisdom), the
recently discovered fragment of the second version of Reshit Hokhmah,
. the two ver-
sions of Sefer ha-Te#amim
. (Book of Reasons), and Mishpet. ei ha-Mazzalot (Judgments
of the Zodiacal Signs); (b) world astrology: the two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam (Book
of the World); (c) nativities: Sefer ha-Moladot (Book of Nativities) and the recently dis-
covered Sefer ha-Tequfah (Book of the Revolution); (d) elections and interrogations:
three versions of Sefer ha-She"elot (Book of Interrogations) and three versions of Sefer
ha-Mivharim
. (Book of Elections), including the recently discovered fragments of the
third versions of Sefer ha-She"elot and Sefer ha-Mivharim;
. (e) medical astrology: Sefer
ha-Me"orot (Book of the Luminaries). For the new discoveries see: Sela, “Sefer ha-
 introduction

astrology concerned with the reconstruction, interpretation, and prog-

nostication of political, historical, and religious events, on the one hand,
and with weather forecasting, on the other.
The present volume is part of the larger enterprise of producing a crit-
ical edition, with English translation and commentary, of all of Abraham
Ibn Ezra’s astrological writings, a project begun with the two versions of
Sefer ha-Te#amim
. (Book of Reasons).5 Here I offer the first critical edi-
tion of the Hebrew text of the two versions of Ibn Ezra’s Sefer ha-#Olam,
accompanied by an English translation and a commentary. These twin
treatises represent the first Hebrew theoretical work, unique in medieval
Jewish science, to discuss the theories and techniques of historical and
meteorological astrology that had accumulated from Antiquity to Ibn
Ezra’s time, on the basis of Greek, Hindu, Persian, and Arabic sources.6
In addition, because the two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam are not the only
place where Ibn Ezra addressed “world astrology,” this volume includes
a study of four brief texts that are directly concerned with that topic. I
decided to incorporate the four here because in them Ibn Ezra either con-
veyed his own opinion about world astrology or presented astrological
techniques that are not discussed in the two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam.7
The phenomenon of two different versions of Sefer ha-#Olam is typical
of Ibn Ezra’s literary career in general: there are at least two versions of
most of his biblical commentaries, scientific treatises, and astrological
writings—an artifact of his nomadic existence and a manifestation of the
fact that Ibn Ezra supported himself by his pen. He would write a new
version of an old work for a new patron when he arrived in a new town,
continuing to stimulate the attention and curiosity of readers along his
itinerary through Latin Europe.

Tequfah”; Sela and Smithuis, “Two Hebrew Fragments”; Sela, “Unknown Redaction of
Re"šit Hokmah.
. ” For a chronological listing of the other treatises, see Sela and Freuden-
thal, , pp. –.
5 Te#amim, .
.
6 The fifth chapter of Abraham Bar Hiyya’s Megillat ha-Megalleh (Scroll of the Reveal-
.
er), which slightly predates Ibn Ezra’s Sefer ha-#Olam, is definitely concerned with world
astrology. As we shall see, however, Bar Hiyya’s
. work is not a theoretical compendium but
a Jewish and universal astrological history. The only theoretical discussion in Bar Hiyya’s
.
work is related to the various cycles of the Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions. See Sela, ,
pp. –.
7 These texts are: (a) the tenth chapter of Reshit Hokhmah; (b) the astrological section
.
of the exegetical excursus in the long commentary on Ex. :; (c) the introduction
to Sefer ha-Moladot; (d) the Hebrew translation of Māshā"allāh’s Book on Eclipses. The
first three texts will be discussed below (pp. –). For the Hebrew of these four texts,
accompanied by an English translation and commentary, see Part Five.
 introduction 

The two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam circulated widely during the Mid-
dle Ages and modern times. Their prospective or actual existence was
first made known by Ibn Ezra himself, who announced his intention to
write a book on topics related to historical and meteorological astrologi-
cal, or referred to it as already written, in various places in his astrological
corpus. As a rule he used the name Sefer ha-#Olam to designate both the
first version of Sefer ha-#Olam (henceforth #Olam I) or the second ver-
sion of Sefer ha-#Olam (henceforth #Olam II);8 in other cases, however, he
referred to #Olam I as Sefer Mishpet. ei ha-#Olam (Book of the Judgments
of the World) or Sefer ha-Mahbarot. (Book of Conjunctions).9 That the
title of this work never crystallized in Ibn Ezra’s mind is borne out by the
fact that in three anticipatory references to #Olam I in the first version of
Sefer ha-Te#amim
. he designates it by two different names: Sefer ha-#Olam
and Sefer ha-Mahbarot; 10 and in the first canticle of #Olam I he called it
.
as Sefer ha-#Olam we-mahberot. ha-mes. aretim kullam (Book of the World
and of the Conjunctions of all the Planets).11
The most important factor in the spread of #Olam I and #Olam II
during the Middle Ages and modern era was the repeated copying of
manuscripts of these twin works: the earliest surviving copy dates from
the fourteenth century, the latest from the nineteenth century. Today we
know of at least  copies of #Olam I and of at least  copies of #Olam II.12
#Olam I and #Olam II were also transmitted in the Middle Ages through
incorporation by scribes (named and unnamed) into manuscript
anthologies of Hebrew texts on astrology and astronomy.13 Another
channel of transmission was provided by the supercommentaries on

8 References to the Hebrew text or corresponding translation of these two works are

in the following format: (a) #Olam I, § : = first version of Sefer ha-#Olam, section ,
sentence ; (b) #Olam II, § : = second version of Sefer ha-#Olam, section , sentence .
For the Hebrew texts and their corresponding translations, see Part One and Part Three.
9 See Appendix B, notably examples  and .
10 See Appendix B, examples ,  and .
11 See, below, #Olam I, initial canticle, on pp. –.
12 See Appendix A.
13 One example is the anonymous anthology composed no later than  and found

in MS Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, héb. , ff. –. Its contents are
described in detail below (pp. –). It includes an excerpt from #Olam I (ff. a–b)
and a complete copy of #Olam II (ff. b–a). The anthologist contributed his own
commentary on the  conjunctions of the seven planets (ff. b–b), a topic developed
by Ibn Ezra in #Olam I and #Olam II. A second example is the so-called Sefer ha-Kolel (The
Comprehensive Book), attributed to Levi ben Abraham ben Hayyim. (–), which
incorporates a complete copy of #Olam I. See, inter alia, MS New York, Jewish Theological
Seminary  (IMHM: F ), ff. a–a.
 introduction

Ibn Ezra’s biblical commentaries, such as S. afenat Pa#neah—a . supercom-

mentary on Ibn Ezra’s commentary on the Pentateuch, written by Joseph
ben Eliezer Bonfils (or Tov Elem) at the end of the fourteenth century—
in which #Olam I is either paraphrased or quoted under three different
names and #Olam II is also alluded to.14
Several factors suggest that the two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam circu-
lated in the Middle Ages and modern era as two distinct treatises rather
than as variants of a single text. For one thing, in at least nine manuscript
collections of Ibn Ezra’s astrological treatises #Olam I and #Olam II were
copied one after the other—discontinuously in four manuscripts15 and
consecutively in the other five16—as if they were two dissimilar treatises
that should be read separately. In one notable case #Olam I and #Olam
II were not only copied discontinuously but at different times: #Olam I
in the fourteenth century and #Olam II in the seventeenth century.17 In
addition, although #Olam I and #Olam II share the same central topics,
as may be expected of two texts written by the same author on the same
astrological genre, they differ sharply in their organization: common top-
ics are addressed in a different order and fashion and sometimes at very
different length: a long digression in one version in contrast to a single
sentence in the other;18 some topics covered in #Olam I are altogether
absent from #Olam II, and vice versa.19
We turn now to the impact of Sefer ha-#Olam on medieval Latin
culture. Henry Bate of Malines (–ca. ), a student in theology
and the arts at the University of Paris, incumbent of several ecclesiastical

14 In S. afenat Pa#neah,
. Joseph Bonfils refers three times to the astronomical digression
in #Olam I, §§ –, with regard to calendar issues. He mentions éèôùîá úåøáçîä øôñ
íìåòä (Book on the Conjunctions about the Judgments of the World) and paraphrases
#Olam I, § : (S. afenat Pa#neah, . , I, p. ); he refers to íìåòä éèôùî øôñ (Book
on Judgments of the World) and quotes #Olam I, § :– literally (ibid., II, p. ); and
he refers to úéðùä äçñðá íìåòä øôñ (Second version of the Book of the World), thereby
implicitly alluding to the other version as well, and paraphrases #Olam I, § :– (ibid.,
II, p. ).
15 See Appendix A, Manuscripts of #Olam I, n. , , , ; Manuscripts of #Olam II,

n. , , , .
16 See Appendix A, Manuscripts of #Olam I, n. , , , , ; Manuscripts of #Olam

II, n. , , , , .

17 See Appendix A, Manuscripts of #Olam I, n. ; Manuscripts of #Olam II, n. .
18 This is noticeable in the treatment of the topic of the  conjunctions of the seven

planets. See #Olam I, § :–; § :–; § :–; § :–; § :– in contrast to #Olam II,
§ :.
19 This can be seen from Appendices C and D, which display the tables of contents of

#Olam I and #Olam II and the correspondences between them.

 introduction 

offices, proficient in astronomy and astrology and an author on these top-

ics, organized a translation project that included Ibn Ezra’s astrological
writings. Bate commissioned a Jewish scholar known as Hagin le Juif
to translate them from Hebrew into French, after which he translated
them from French into Latin. According to the colophons, in  (or
) Bate produced, in Liége and Malines, a Latin version of #Olam I—
De mundo vel seculo—to which he added his own prologue.20 This trans-
lation was printed by Petrus Liechtenstein at Venice in , under the
title Liber coniunctionum planetarum et revolutionum annorum mundi
qui dicitur de mundo vel seculo, together with the Latin translations of
Ibn Ezra’s astrological works that Peter d’Abano (ca. –ca. ) exe-
cuted in  from pre-existing French translations and apparently with-
out reference to the Hebrew original.21 De mundo vel seculo was probably
known to Peter d’Abano and to Arnoul de Quinquempoix (d.  / ), a
physician at the court of Philip the Fair, who also translated a number of
Ibn Ezra’s astrological writings, given that neither attempted to revise or
duplicate it. But no intermediary French translation of #Olam I has been
found, and it has been suggested that Bate learned Hebrew himself and
produced the translation of #Olam I directly from the original.22 Not only
does Bate’s translation of #Olam I belong to the earliest of the four waves
of Latin translation of Ibn Ezra’s astrological writings,23 it also antedates
any of the surviving Hebrew manuscripts of #Olam I. #Olam II remained
unknown to medieval Latin culture.
In the modern era, the bibliographer Moritz Steinschneider, in his
essay “Zur Geschichte der Uebersetzungen aus dem Indischen ins Ara-
bische und ihres Einflusses auf die arabische Literatur” (), unam-
biguously identified both versions of Sefer ha-#Olam, using a nomencla-
ture that is still in use.24 In , J.L. Fleischer, who made an important

20 Smithuis, , Chapter . For a list of manuscripts, see Thorndike, , pp. –
.
21 Abrahe Avenaris Iudei Astrologi Peritissimi in Re Iudicali Opera ab Excellentissimo
Philosopho Petro de Albano post Accuratam Castigationem in Latinum Traducta (Venice:
Petrus Liechtenstein, ), sig. B–A.
22 Thorndike, , p. .
23 The fourth translator is Ludovicus de Angulo or Loys de Langle (th c.), who trans-

lated Sefer ha-Moladot from Catalan into Latin at Lyons in . For their translations of
Ibn Ezra’s astrological writings, see Smithuis, , pp. –.
24 Steinschneider, , pp. –. Steinschneider designated #Olam I as íìåòä A

and #Olam II as íìåòä B. For this identification he employed MS Munich, Bayerische

Staatsbibliothek, Cod. Hebr. , which incorporates a copy of both #Olam I (ff. a–a)
 introduction

contribution to the elucidation of Ibn Ezra’s biography and literary work,

edited and published the Hebrew text of #Olam I on the basis of a single
manuscript.25 Although Fleischer neither commented on the Hebrew
text nor explained astrological terms, he accompanied his edition with an
introduction in which he offered enlightening information about #Olam
II.26 The Hebrew text of #Olam II has never been edited or translated into
a European language. Renate Smithuis has recently offered new insights
and a valuable contribution to the astrological content of #Olam I and
#Olam II, particularly concerning the relationship between them and one
of the components of Epitome totius astrologiae, a twelfth-century Latin
astrological text attributed to John of Seville.27

Early-Jewish World Astrology

Abraham Ibn Ezra was by no means the first Jew to be concerned with
meteorological and historical astrology. Although he anchored his world
astrology in non-Jewish sources, not only was Ibn Ezra aware of previous
Jewish contributions in this field, but also took these Jewish traditions
into account in important places in his own work. In this section I provide
a historical sketch of earlier Jewish contributions to meteorological and
historical astrology. There is no explicit mention of astrological beliefs in
the Bible, let alone of historical or meteorological astrology; but some
verses may be construed as vague references to the influence of the
stars in the context of a repudiation of the diviner and the soothsayer,28
and others as loose allusions to earthquakes, thunderstorms, and solar

and #Olam II (ff. b–a). See Appendix A, manuscripts of #Olam I, item ; manu-
scripts of #Olam II, item . This manuscript was also used in the present edition of
#Olam II (MS ë). #Olam II was unmistakably identified by Steinschneider as íìåòä B by
specifying that “worin das J.  verkommt.” See below, #Olam II, § :. However, only
#Olam I was referred to in Steinschneider, , p. . Later in the nineteenth century,
D. Rosin, too, dealt with Ibn Ezra’s astrological writings but referred only to #Olam I
(Rosin, , p. ).
25 See #Olam I, Fleischer. His edition was based on MS Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica

Vaticana ebr. , ff. a–b, which was also used in the present edition of #Olam I
(MS è). This manuscript is especially faulty in the introduction, where Ibn Ezra offers his
explanation of the pattern of the  conjunctions of the seven planets.
26 See #Olam I, Fleischer, introduction, p. , where J.L. Fleischer showed that #Olam II

could not possibly have been written in Rome.

27 Smithuis, , esp. Chapter  (.); Chapter ; Appendix E.
28 Isa. :–; Jer. :–; Deut. :; Dan :; :,.
 introduction 

and lunar eclipses.29 In the post-biblical and talmudic periods there is

evidence of a growing Jewish interest in astrology in general and of
an increasing curiosity about historical and meteorological astrology in
particular.30
A fundamental talmudic source that molded medieval Jewish views
of historical astrology is B Shabbat a. In this text two Amoraim,
R. Hanina
. and R. Johanan
. (ca. –ca. ), discuss the astrological
status of the Jews vis-à-vis the stars. The former maintains that the stars
give wisdom and wealth and that even Israel stands under the sway of
astrological influence; the latter retorts by invoking the famous aphorism
“there is no mazzal for Israel.” Ibn Ezra paid attention to this text not
only in a strategic passage of Sefer ha-#Olam II but also in his biblical
commentaries and in one of his monographs.31 Samuel, a third-century
Babylonian Amora (one of those who agrees that “there is no mazzal for
Israel” and who claimed to be as “familiar with the paths of heaven as with
the streets of [his hometown of] Nehardea”), maintains that the world
would be destroyed were a comet to pass through the constellation Kesil
(B Berakoth b). He also makes statements about how the weather is
affected if the vernal equinox or winter solstice takes place in the hour of
Jupiter (B Erubin a) and about the influence of the constellations Kesil
and Kimah (Amos :, Job :, :) on the temperature (B Berakoth
b).32

29 See Joel :; Isa. :,; :.

30 The Book of Jubilees (probably written in the second century bce) depicts Abraham
as an astrologer who “sat up throughout the night on the new moon of the seventh month
to observe the stars from the evening to the morning, in order to see what would be the
character of the year with regard to the rains” (Jub. :–, in Charlesworth, ,
p.  [trans. R.H. Charles]). The talmudic sages claimed that Abraham was conversant
with astrology or was an astrologer (B Baba Bathra b; B Shabbat a). In a fragmentary
Aramaic brontologion (a prediction of ill omens by an interpretation of the sound of
thunder on specified days of the month) found at Qumran, the author, after giving an
account of the days of each Jewish month in tandem with the Moon’s place in the zodiac,
makes a prediction of toil for the country, destruction in the royal court, and distress
caused by an invasion of foreigners (see Vermes, , p. ). A tannaitic dictum predicts
misfortune for Israel or for the Gentiles, as well as war and famine, depending on whether
a solar or lunar eclipse takes place (see T. Sukkah :, quoted in Bar-Ilan, , p. ).
31 See #Olam II, § :–; long comm. Ex. :, § : (below, pp. –); long

comm. Ex. :, :, :; Yesod Mora", , § : (pp. –).
32 The Treatise of Shem, a Jewish pseudepigraphic text in Aramaic, composed in the

last third of the third century ce, offers meteorological and historical predictions about
the character of a year according the zodiacal sign in which it begins (see Charlesworth,
, p. ).
 introduction

The fourth chapter of the Baraita de-Shemuel, a Hebrew astronomical-

astrological text attributed to the aforementioned Samuel, well known in
the Middle Ages in general and by Ibn Ezra in particular,33 is devoted
to a cryptic description of the influence of the planets on the weather at
the beginning of the season (äôå÷ú).34 From the tenth century, a series
of commentaries on Sefer Yes. irah (Book of Creation), which speculates
about God’s creation of the world, offered information about historical
or meteorological astrology. In Sefer Hakhmoni,
. a Hebrew commentary
by Shabbetai Donnolo (–ca. ), extensive astrological material is
accompanied by references to the influence of the planets on weather.35
In a section on astrology in the Hebrew commentary by Judah b. Barzillai,
the leading rabbinic authority of Barcelona in the twelfth century, we also
find references to the influence of the planets on weather at the beginning
of the seasons; this presumably draws on the aforementioned chapter of
the Baraita de-Shemuel.36
Following the Islamic conquest of the Mediterranean basin, Jews inte-
grated into the ruling society and adopted the Arabic language for their
literary and scientific works. Prominent astrologers of Jewish extraction
are well known, including Sahl Ibn Bishr, Ibn Saumūya, Abū Da"ūd, and
notably Māshā"allāh a Jew from Basra, in Iraq, who made a significant
contribution in meteorological and historical astrology.37 Their work,
however, was no different from that of Muslims or members of other reli-
gious communities, neither in contents nor in language.38 An important
and significantly Jewish contribution to historical astrology was made
by Saadia Gaon ( or –) at the hub of the Arab world. In the
introduction to his commentary on the book of Daniel, Saadia offered
an extremely detailed account of the standard tripartite model of the
Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions39 and went to great length to explain sub-
tleties such as the fact that because astrologers were unable to determine

33For Ibn Ezra’s references to this text, see "Iggeret ha-Shabbat, / , p. ; long
comm. on Ex. :.
34 Baraita de-Shemu"el ha-Qatan, , chapter IV.
.
35 Hakhmoni, , VI, p. .
.
36 For a study of this fragment, see Sela, , pp. – cf. Yesirah, , pp. –
.
.
37 For Māshā"allāh’s work on historical and meteorological astrology, see, below, p. .
38 See Goldstein, ; pp. –; Ben-Shammai, , pp. –; Sela, , –.
39 According to Saadia, Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions that recur every  years allow

for predictions about individual kings; those with a cycle of  or  years, about the
 introduction 

the ascendant at the time of the conjunction they took the ascendant of
the whole year.40 Despite the neutral tone of his account of the techni-
calities of the Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions, Saadia also expressed a neg-
ative opinion about the relationship between astrology and prophecy.41
Ibn Ezra voiced a similar opinion in his own commentary on Daniel, as
we shall see.42
In subsequent centuries, the scrutiny of horoscopes at the vernal equi-
noxes of years in which Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions take place remained
the main macro-astrological doctrine applied by Jewish thinkers for his-
torical astrological predictions, much as in the Islamic world.43 From
Ibn Ezra’s long commentary on Daniel : we know that Solomon Ibn
Gabirol (ca. –) and Abraham Bar Hiyya . (ca. –ca. )
wanted to link the Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions to computation of the
advent of the Messiah, an activity for which they were sharply criticized
by Ibn Ezra.44 In fact, the most significant Jewish contribution to histor-
ical astrology prior to Ibn Ezra, and the most important medieval Jew-
ish work in the literary genre of astrological histories, is the fifth chapter
of Abraham Bar Hiyya’s
. Megillat ha-Megalleh (Scroll of the Revealer).45
This chapter, an impressive astrological work in its own right, was meant
to provide a Jewish and general astrological history as well as an

governance of families; and those with a cycle of  or  years, about the passage
of governance from nation to another (Ben-Shammai, , pp. –). Cf. #Olam II,
§ :– and notes.
40 Ben-Shammai, , p. . Ibn Ezra, too, emphasizes this point. See below, #Olam

I, § :– and notes.

41 Ben-Shammai, , p. .
42 Ibn Ezra, in his own commentary on Dan. : (see below, n. ), was probably fol-

lowing Saadia’s negative opinion about the relationship between astrology and prophecy.
Note that Ibn Ezra implicitly censures Saadia for incorporating astrological and astro-
nomical digressions into his biblical exegesis on Genesis :. See Ibn Ezra’s introduc-
tions to the long commentary (“third method”) and short commentary (“first method”)
on the Pentateuch. See also Ibn Ezra’s short and long commentaries on Gen. :.
43 For the impact of this doctrine of Persian origin on Arabic civilization, see below,

pp. –.
44 Ibn Ezra’s long commentary on Dan. :: õ÷ä øåù÷ì äöø 짧æ ìåøéáâ ïá äîìù éáø§§

ìáä ìëä … íéö÷ øôñá àéùðä íäøáà éáø éøáã íâ íéðåéìòä íéáëåëä éðù ìò äìåãâä úøáçîá
§§®õ÷ä òãé àì ìàéðã éë çåø úåòøå (“Rabbi Solomon Ibn Gabirol [of blessed memory] wanted
to connect the reckoning of the End of Days to the great conjunction of the two upper
planets, also Rabbi Abraham, the Nasi", in Sefer ha-Qis. s. im (Book of the End of Days)
… all this is nonsense and pursuit of the wind, because Daniel did not know the End of
Days.”).
45 The following analysis of this work is based on Sela, , –.
 introduction

astrological prognostication of the coming of the Messiah.46 This was

accomplished by means of three main astrological techniques: the histor-
ical signification of the various cycles of Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions;47
an analysis of the horoscopes cast at the vernal equinoxes, particularly
for years in which Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions took place;48 and the pro-
cedure of directions, which consists in setting an imaginary pointer in
motion at a certain speed and analyzing its trajectory across the zodiac.49
Ibn Ezra was acquainted with the fifth chapter of Megillat ha-Megalleh,
but he never tried to emulate Bar Hiyya
. by writing an astrological his-
tory. He did refer to these three astrological techniques in three dif-
ferent treatises50 and coined a different terminology for world astrol-
ogy.51
Although conjunctionalism continued to appeal to medieval Jewish
society until the dawn of the modern era,52 I will conclude this sketch
with two developments that took place a few years after the end of Ibn
Ezra’s career. A study of a Hebrew prognostication based on the “small”
conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in , taken as a sign of the strength-
ening of the Christian kingdoms and waning of Muslim power in the
Iberian peninsula, shows that its anonymous author employed certain
astrological terms characteristic of Abraham Ibn Ezra, alongside others

46 Four main parts may be discerned: (a) a prefatory justification of the use of astrology

as a tool to foretell the coming of the Messiah, in particular, and to analyze the course
of history, in general (Megilat haMegaleh, , pp. –); (b) a chronicle of Jewish
history from the birth of Moses and the exodus from Egypt until the construction of the
Second Temple (ibid., pp. –); (c) a history of the world from the birth of Jesus and
the founding of Christianity until the Crusader conquest of Palestine (ibid., pp. –);
(d) a prospective history of the world until the coming of the Messiah, which, according
to Bar Hiyya’s
. calculations, should have been in  or  (ibid., pp. –).
47 Besides the three ordinary cycles of roughly ,  and  years, Bar Hiyya
.
presented two quite unusual cycles of  and  years. See ibid., pp. –; Sela,
, pp. –.
48 See Megilat haMegaleh, , pp. – et passim.
49 Ibid., pp. – et passim.
50 See, below, p. .
51 For Ibn Ezra’s and Bar Hiyya’s different terminology for conjunctionalism, see Sela,
.
, pp. –; Rodríguez Arribas, ; for their terminology of directions, see
below, pp. , .
52 One outstanding example is the prognostication for the year  (a small conjunc-

tion of Jupiter and Saturn in the airy triplicity) carried out by Levi ben Gerson (–
). See Prognostication for , , pp. –. Another notable example is the prog-
nostication for the years – carried out by Abraham Zacut (ca. –ca. )
by means of an analysis of Saturn-Jupiter conjunctions (MS Jerusalem, Jewish National
and University Library Heb. °, ff. a–a).
 introduction 

typical of Bar Hiyya. 53 In his Epistle to Yemen, composed between 

.
54
and , Maimonides (–), a staunch opponent of astrology,
provides a detailed account of the standard tripartite model of conjunc-
tionalism.55 He also refers to “one of our ingenious fellows in Andalusia,”
who applied astrology to reckon the coming of the Messiah but whose
prediction came to naught: instead of the messianic manifestation, what
appeared was “the rebel from the Maghrib who decreed the forced apos-
tasy.”56 This “ingenious fellow in Andalusia” was probably Ibn Gabirol,
who, according to Ibn Ezra, “intended to connect the reckoning of the
End of Days to the great conjunction of the two upper planets.”57 It could
not have been Abraham Bar Hiyya, . since the latter predicted that the
Messiah would come in  or .

Main Sources, Theories and Doctrines in #Olam I and #Olam II

The content of the two versions of Sefer ha-#Olam, like that of all medieval
treatises on world astrology, is an accumulation of sources and doctrines
that go back to the very beginnings of the astrological literature. In con-
trast to other medieval treatises, however, #Olam I and #Olam II provide
rich information about previous sources and doctrines concerned with
world astrology.58 When Ibn Ezra presents some astrological doctrine or
scientific theory, and notably when he explicitly addresses his sources, he
adopts as a rule an eclectic approach: either he invokes the authority of
a specific prominent scientist or refers collectively to a group of scien-
tists, by their area of specialization, their geographical and national affil-
iation, or the age in which they flourished.59 Here I want to survey Ibn

53 Goldstein, , pp. –.

54 Davidson, , p. .
55 Epistle to Yemen, , p. . But Maimonides scorned astrology and therefore

drove home the purportedly glaring contradictions in the astrologers’ predictions based
on the shifting of the Saturn-Jupiter conjunction across the triplicities.
56 Ibid., , p. .
57 See above, n. .
58 For instance, Abū Ma#shar’s Book of Religions and Dynasties (Kitāb al-milal wa-d-

duwal), perhaps the most influential medieval treatise on historical astrology (as remark-
ed by the editors of this work), does not cite any sources or authorities other than “the
ancients,” “the masters of the talismans,” and an unidentifiable authority on chronology
(On Great Conjunctions, , I, “The sources and doctrines of The Book of Religions and
Dynasties,” p. ).
59 See Appendix H.
 introduction

Ezra’s major sources and their most important doctrines as he conceived

of them. We should keep in mind that in no few cases his information is
rooted in legendary traditions.
The presentation of the relevant material will proceed chronologically,
except for the last period, to conform to Ibn Ezra’s own explicit catego-
rizations of his sources: (a) the ancient period; (b) the Hellenistic period;
(c) Indian and Persian contributions; (d) contributions by astrologers
working in the Muslim world; and (e) connections with twelfth-century
Latin work on world astrology. These divisions are not absolute; in #Olam
I and #Olam II it is not uncommon to see some astrological theory being
elaborated gradually through the ages, or some scientist of one of these
historical periods cooperating with another scientist of another period.60
Nor is this section intended to be exhaustive; for a more detailed treat-
ment of the sources and doctrines, in close connection to the texts of
#Olam I and #Olam II, readers are invited to consult the notes on the
English translations.

The Ancient Period

This layer, which incorporates the ancient biblical, Egyptian, and Baby-
lonian traditions, is embodied in Enoch, a legendary figure who derives
from the god incarnate Hermes Trismegistus (who represents the Egyp-
tian god Thoth and is also viewed as the author of philosophical, scien-
tific, and magic works) and was taken up in the Muslim world divided
into the triple Hermes. It was probably Abū Ma#shar who was responsi-
ble for the creation and dissemination of this myth.61 Ibn Ezra follows
closely in Abū Ma#shar’s footsteps and refers to the triple Enoch in three
separate sections of #Olam I. The common denominator of Ibn Ezra’s
three Enochs—the “Ancient Enoch,” “Enoch the First,” and “Enoch the
Egyptian”—is that they did not make astrological predictions in the usual
form of protases and apodoses; instead, they issued “lists” establishing
correspondences between planets or pairs consisting of a single planet
and a single zodiacal sign, on the one hand, and various groups of people
or geographical zones, on the other.
The “Ancient Enoch”—probably the same as the “first Hermes,” who,
according to Abū Ma#shar is identical with the biblical Enoch, was the

60 E.g., #Olam I, § :.

61 Kitāb al-Ulūf, , pp. –; Tabaqāt al-"Umam, , pp. , ; Burnett, ,
pp. –; Plessner, ; Plessner, , pp. –.
 introduction 

first to speak of heavenly things from the motions of the stars, studied
medicine, lived in Egypt before the flood, and built the pyramids—is
cited in #Olam I as the author of the rule that the seven planets give
indications about categories of people in accordance with their age,
gender, or profession.62 “Enoch the First”—possibly identical with the
“second Hermes,” who, according to Abū Ma#shar, was a Babylonian
skilled in medicine, philosophy, and numerology and reinvented these
sciences after their obliteration by the flood in Babylon—is cited in #Olam
I as the author of a list in which various geographical zones are under the
sway of pairs consisting of a single planet and a single zodiacal sign.63
Finally, “Enoch the Egyptian”—probably the same as the third Hermes,
who, according to Abū Ma#shar, lived in the “city of Egypt” (probably
Alexandria), wrote about various sciences in Egypt, taught alchemy,
passed on his wisdom to Asclepius, and corresponds to the Hermes of
the Corpus Hermeticum—is cited in #Olam I as the author of another list
that associates various regions of Earth with pairs consisting of a single
planet and a single zodiacal sign.64
#Olam I also invokes “Enoch,” with no accompanying epithet; this is
how Enoch is frequently referred to in Ibn Ezra’s oeuvre, usually in an
approving tone. Ibn Ezra quotes from the Book of Secrets by Enoch and
mentions the dodecatemoria, which divide each of the zodiacal signs
into twelfths. This doctrine is frequently mentioned in introductions to
astrology; here Ibn Ezra stresses its importance for predictions related
to world astrology and points out that it may be applied in two dif-
ferent versions.65 One of these two versions—that the degrees of a cer-
tain sign are successively and recurrently assigned to the  signs—is
ascribed to Enoch by Abū Ma#shar and, following him, by Ibn Ezra as
well.66

62 See #Olam I, § :– and note.

63 See #Olam I, § :– and note.
64 See #Olam I, § :– and note.
65 See #Olam I, § : and note.
66 Kitāb al-Madhal, , V:, v, pp. –; Reshit Hokhmah, , II, xi:–. In the
. .
same section of #Olam I that refers to the dodecatemoria, Ibn Ezra provides an example
that illustrates how the doctrine actually works. The method employed (i.e., that the sign
is divided into twelfths of .°), however, does not match the version of the dodecatemoria
that Abū Ma#shar and Ibn Ezra ascribe to Enoch. See #Olam I, § :– and notes.
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