MAITHIL BRAHMANAS AND SANSKRITIZATION OF SANTAL PARGANAS

Dr. Amar Nath Jha

Swami Shraddhanand College, (University of Delhi)

Abstact
Maithil Brahmanas played a significant role in the development of the ‘Baidyanath Cult’
of Deoghar, after they migrated to this land. During Pala period a large number of
Brahmanas migrated to Bengal where, they received gifts of land and were offered high
posts in the administration of the state. Similarly, the migration of Brahmanas also took
place from Mithila in different directions. As far as the migration of the Maithil Brahman
Panditas is concerned, we find that they migrated to Bengal in good numbers. The story
of Adisura, a legendry king of Bengal is being credited for the migration of Maithil
Panditas to Bengal. We can conclude that both D. C. Sircar and R. C. Majumdar are
wrong when they declare Adisura a mythical character, while as he was a historical
personality and ruler of the region of Santal Parganas. We would also like to correct the
readings of Swati Sen Gupta and assert that Adi Sura was a king of East Bihar, not of
North Bihar, as opined by her. By all probable explanations it safe to conclude that the
migration of the Maithil Brahmanas in the region of Santal Parganas started taking place
since 10th-11th century AD. The Baidyanath Cult and the cultural horizon of the region is
deeply influenced by the migration of Maithil Brahmanas in this area to a great extent, as
a whole.

Keywords: Migration, Indo-Europeans, Indo-Aryans, Brahmanas, Maithil Brahmanas

Introduction:
Maithil Brahmanas played a significant role in the development of the
‘Baidyanath Cult’ of Deoghar, after they migrated to this land. Migration of people from
one part to another of the world has been a fact of history. Great changes have taken
place in history due to the great migration of several races, groups and nationalities,
world over.
After 2500 B.C. we find the movement and displacement of various tribes,
including the Indo-Europeans. From this point of time to for nearly 1500 years West Asia
and eastern Mediterranean witnessed a constant traffic of innumerable tribes. 1 The history
of many of these tribes is obscure but there interaction and conflict with settled agrarian
socities of the region was occasionally recorded in some form or the other. These records
provide us with vital clues for understanding these tribal movements. 2 Scholars have

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grouped these tribal’s on the basis of their languase. The languages of these tribes fall
into two broad divisions: Indo-Europeans and Semitic. Among the Indo- Europeans there
were Indo-Aryans were one of the prominent groups. They worshipped Indra, Mitra and
Varun.3 (Early Social Formations, pp.128-29.) In the early parts of the 2 nd millennium,
whether from pressure of population, desiccation of pasture lands, or from both causes
these people in move.They migrated in bands westward, southwards and eastwards,
conquering local populations and intermarrying with them to form a rulling class. 4 They
brought with them their patrilinear family system, there worship of sky gods, and there
horses and chariots. In most of the lands in which they settled their original language
gradually adapted itself to the tongues of the conquered peoples. Some invaded Europe,
to become the ancesters of the Greeks, Latins, Celts and Teutons. Others appeared in
Anatolia, and from the mixture of these with the original inhabitants there arose the great
empire of the Hittites. Yet others remained in their old home, the ancesters of the later
Baltic and Slavonic people. And yet others moved southwards to the Caucasus and the
Iranian tableland, whence they made many attacks on the Middle Eastern civilizations.
The Kassites, who conquered Babyloan, were led by men of this stock. 5 In the 14th
century B.C. there appeared in N.E. Syria a people called Mitanni, whose kings had
Indoin-Iranian names, and a few of whose gods are familiar to every student of Indian
religion: Indra, Uruvna(the Vedic god Varun), Mitra, and Nasatiya6. Hence the migration
of these tribes changed the course of history of a great part of the world including that of
India.

Materials and Methods:

The migration of Brahmanas has been studied by several scholars. J. C. Jha’s
Migration and Achievements of Maithila Panditas is very important study of this field.
However no book is available to throw any light on the theme of our study. Therefore,
while taking clue from the great scholars like Basudeva Upadhyay and J. C. Jha, I have
tried to re-read of the interpretations of various scholars and reached to our conclusions.
In this sense this article claims to be a pioneer attempt for the study of the migration of
Maithil Brahmanas in the region of Santal Parganas. However I must admit that this
study is based on secondary the literature to a great extent.
We are aware of the fact that the original homeland of the Indo-Europeans and
Indo-Aryans is the subject of constant debate among scholars. However, we need not
indulge in this kind of debate here because that does not fall under the area of this
dissertation. But at the same time it can certainly be said that this also signifies the
importance of the issue of migration in history.
Migration of various groups of people from one part of the Indian sub- continent
to its other part has also been a historical reality. We find numerous references of this in

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the vast corpus of the religious as well as secular literature. The migration of people,
specially of Brahmanas, from north to south and from west to east and its impact have
been studied by scholars in details in order to understand the procees of Sanskritization
and acculturation through the ages. The Brahmanas have been on the forefront of this.
The study of grants of the Midland (Madyadesha) reveals that the Brahmanas’ movement
in northern India was a unique feature of ancient Indian society. “It may be stated that the
migration of the Brahmanas from the midland can not be taken as mere hypothesis but a
factum based on true and correct interpretation of the dynamic epigraphs of early
mediaeval India” observes Basudeva Upadhyay.7
During Pala period a large number of Brahmanas migrated to Bengal where, they
received gifts of land and were offered high posts in the administraton of the state.
Amagachhi grant and Badal pillar inscription contain the story of a Brahmana named
Garga who became the minister of Dharmapala and many others received grants from the
Pala king.8 The, son of the minister namely Darbhapani was offered the post of a minister
in the reign of Dvapala, the son and succesior of Dharmapala.9 It is difficult to say
whether ministery was hereditary during Pala regime but such appointments were also
made in the Gupta period. On the authority of Karmadanda Shiva linga inscription we
learn that the Kumargupta’s minister Prithavisena succeeded his father Sikhara Swami,
the minister of Chandragupta II in the same office.10 However, it is clear from the Pala
records that the minister Garga migrated to Gaud from Panchaladesha situated in
Madhyadesha (E.I.Vol.II p. 180. E.I.Vol.XIV P.166 and E.I. Vol. XXI P. 97). 11 Even
from Lata (Gujarata) Brahmapas came to Bengal and acted as priest in the temple of Nara
Narayana, while Dharmapala was ruling (E.I. Vol. 4 No. 34).12 This type of movement is
described in Banagaon copper plate record of Vigrahapala that Kanyakubja Brahmanas
came to settle in Bengal.13 Hence the examination of Pala inscriptions shows that the
Brahrnapas from the Midland left the area for good and settled in Bengal. 14 This
migration effected the cultural life of Bengal and the first king of Sena family viz
Samantasena was called Brahma-Kshatriya because being a Karanata Kshatriya he
cultivated the Brahmanical culture and was a famous Brahmavadi. 15 In the reign of
Lakshamapa Sena a large number of grants were donated to Brahmanas migrating from
the Madhyadesha (Madhyadesha Vinirgatdya). Almost all Sena documents (Bairakaur,
Naihati, Govindapur, Tarpandihi, Anulia Madhainagar and Sundrabana) contain the
similar descriptions.16 Besides dynastic epigraphs, the Kulapanjika throws some light on
“Kulinism” in Bengal and probably it rests on the arrival of immigrant Brahmanas from
Kanauj.17
It is difficult to point out a particular reason for the migration of Brahmatias, but
the entire data give two principal causes of this behaviour. The social reason, occupies
the first place and the migration was initiated in the search of their occupation. The social

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position given to the immigrants by the ruling chiefs was not less attractive for their stay
in the far off area and the Agrahara was allurement for the Brahmapas migrated to that
particular locality. Among the other causes the political changes in the post-Harsha
period produced a psychological impression on the minds of Brahmanas regarding their
insecurity in Madhyadesha where Islamic flow was high at a later stage of early
mediaeval period of Indian history.18
Similarly, the migration of Brahmanas also took place from Mithila in different
directions. The Migration of Maithil Panditas has been studied by several scholars. J. C.
Jha has made a detailed study of this subject. “The migration of many panditas from that
area of North Bihar which had been called Mithila (Tirhut) is a saga of adventure… They
were respected where ever they went and made their mark in several fields—
administration, scholarship, priesthood, tantra, etc.” writes J. C. Jha.19 The history of
Mithila or Tirhut in the early mediaeval period is the history of constant warfare and
invasions from outside, which led only to a chaotic situation20. In the face of rapidly
changing political scene, the Palas ruled Mithila for the longest period and left their
impact on the life and culture of the society to some extent.21 The Bhagalpur grand,
Bangaon C.P. and the Naulagarh inscription tell us that Tirbhukti was one of the
important administrative centres during the Pala rule22.
The period from the early 8th century to the beginning of the 11th century AD. in
the history of Mithila can aptly be termed as the period of instability and turbulence. It
proved to be the hunting or grazing ground for the political powers growing all around 23.
The Panditas in general lived from hand to mouth. Therefore we have evidences of
migration of Maithila Panditas in different parts of the world, like, Vietnam, Burma,
Combodia, Tibet and other places.24. But these migrations were basically the migration of
Buddhist Panditas.
As far as the migration of the Maithil Brahman Panditas are concerned, we find
that they migrated to Bengal in good numbers. The story of Adisura, a legendry king of
Bengal is being credited for the migration of Maithil Panditas to Bengal. But the
historicity of Adisura is not yet proven. Some identify Adisura with Gurjar-Pratihar
Bhoja. There are others who hold that Vallalsena may be a descendant of Adisura from
the mother’s side who flourished in 1060 A.D.25 “It is also suggested that Adisura could
well have been a son or a grandson of Ranasura of Dakshina Radha reffered to in
Tirumalai Rock inscriptions of Rajendra Cola.”26 But D. C. Sircar has different views
about Adisura. He holds Adisura legend totally unreliable. According to him Sura royal
family in ancient Bengal is known but no genuine ruler named Adisura is found in
Bengal sources. The only Adisura known to the East Indian history is a petty chief who is
mentioned by Vacaspatimisra in his Nyayakanika.27 In this context J. C. Jha opines
“Hence Adisura, his contemporary must have flourished in the middle of the ninth

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century A.D.”28 Swati Sen Gupta also opines “He may have been a pretty chief of North
Bihar, and a vassal of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar.”29
D. C. Sircar believes that the Kulajis and the Kulapanjikas were composed and
compiled not earlier than the 12th century A.D. because it mentions dates in Saka era
which became popular in Bengal as late as the 12th century A. D. Hence D. C. Sircar
believes that it was not the Brahmanas from Kanyakubja, but those who migrated from
Mithila, may have brought the institution of Kulinism to Bengal. 30 R. C. Majumdar also
disproves the story of Adisura and is of the view that Kulinism was probably imported in
Bengal from Mithila.31 Hence it becomes clear that during the pala period Maithil
Brahmans migrated to Bengal in larg numbers.

Results and Discussions:

As far as the migration of Maithil Brahmanas in the area of our concern, Santal
Parganas, is concerned we donot have any source to establish as when did they came to
this area. J. C. Jha nowhere does mention any thing about this. May be J. C. Jha perceives
this ‘Region’ too as part of that of Mithila. This can be inferred by his several quotes.
Mentioning about the Tibetan students in India he writes at one place “A large number of
Tibetan students flocked at Nalanda in Magadh and Vikramshila in Mithila…” 32.
Similarly this is again evident from his identification of Siddhas with Maithilas,
“Whatever the birthplace of Bauddhas and the Siddhas, there is no dispute on the fact that
most of them lived for long in the monastery of Vikramasila which stood in the eastern
part of Mithila, spoke the language of Mithila and used the then script of Mithila. And as
such it is safe to call them Maithila.”33 Similarly in another context also he displays the
same idea “A majority of the manuscripts found in Tibet are in early Maithili script
differently called by different scholars as proto-Magadhi or proto-Bengali. This clearly
proves that the vast majority of these refugee panditas came from mithila i.e. Campa and
Tirbhukti. This was perhaps the largest group migration of the Maithila Panditas.” 34 As
we all know that Both Campa and Vikramasila was definitely not within the boundry of
Mithila which J. C. Jha would like us to believe. Hence there is no wonder why does not
he describe the migration of Maithil Brahmanas in the area of Santal Parganas.
We do not have much reference about the mula grama of the Maithils of this area in the
Panji Prabandh also. Ratneshwar Mishra in his book written in Hindi entitled ‘Bihar
Vibhuti Pt. Binodanand Jha’ tells us that it is not possible to trace the mula of Maithil
Brahmanas living in the area of Deoghar. Therfore, it becomes very difficult for us to
trace the time period when the migration of Maithil Brahmanas to this area might have
started.
There can be three explanations in order to understand the absence of any record
of the Maithil Brahmanas of Santal Parganas in Panji Prabandh, which ultimately suggest

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us about the probable period of their migration from Mithila. As per the Panji-Prabandh
the Maithilas who performed the Agnihotra sacrifices and who devoted their time from
sunrise to sunset to religious worship, were given the first place and called Srotriyas.
Next to the Srotriyas were the Yogyas (diserving) who got the second class and next to
the Yogyas came the Panjibadhas who were placed in the third class and Jaibaras
composed the fourth class.35 As per the versions of Ramanath Jha, the Panji- Prabandh
was finally compiled in Saka 1248 (1327 A.D.), three years after the end of Harisimha’s
reign, though the work of compilation was started much earlier.36 But despite of all its
claim that it contains all informations about all Maithil Brahmanas we find that many
families of the Maithil Brahmanas migrated to Bengal and other parts of the country,
whose genealogical records could not find a place in the celebrated Panji for want of
positive information and such as the Panji-Prabandh, in spite of its enormous size and
inexplicable complicity, can not be claimed to be a comprehensive document of the
Maithil Brahmanas for all practical purposes.37
Secondly, since the migration of Mathil Brahmanas to this area along with Bengal
might have started long before the time of King Hari Singh Deo, therefore, naturally we
donot have any such records for this in the Panji-Prabandh. Prof. Ratneshwar Mishra also
seems to be in agreement with this proposition of mine in a personal discussion held
between us recently.
Thirdly, if we try to reinterpret the story of Adisura, we may reach to some valid
conclusion. As suggested by Swati Sen Gupra Adisura might be a small king of North
Bihar.38 Again as stated earlier, it is also suggested that Adisura could well have been a
son or a grandson of Ranasura of Dakshina Radha reffered to in Tirumalai Rock
inscriptions of Rajendra Cola.39 And since Ranasura himself might have been an ancestor
of Laksmishura, the ruler of Aparmandar, mentioned in the Ramcharita, 40 we can safely
conclude that the said Adisura, a descendent of Ranasura, was the ancestor of
Laksmansura of Apar Mandar. As shown earlier the area of Apar Mandar/ Sumha/ Uttar
Radha/ Dakshin Radha are inter-changeable and overlapping and correspond to the
modern Santal Parganas, therefore, Maithil Brahmanas must have started to come to this
area during the reign of Adisura who was the king of the region of the modern Santal
Parganas during 10th-11th centuries. Thus we can conclude that both D. C. Sircar and R.
C. Majumdar are wrong when they declare Adisura a mythical character, while as he was
a historical personality and rular of the region of Santal Parganas. We would also like to
correct the readings of Swati Sen Gupta that Adi Sura was a king of East Bihar, not of
North Bihar. By all probale explainations it safe to conclude that the migration of the
Maithil Brahmanas in the region of Santal Paraganas started taking place since 10 th-11th
century AD.

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 However S. Narayan is of the opinion that “on the basis of their Bahi, they can’t
be older than 350 years. A very few have Bahi, of more than 350 years, counting the
declaration letter of their Jajman”.41 He further informs us “local historians hold three
views regarding their origin at Deoghar. According to the first opinion Maithils came in
the 17th century to seek assistance from the king of Gidhaur and secured his favour on
condition that they will act as Pujaris (Shrine priests) of Baidyanath temple. The second
view is that the Maithiis came here in search of employment. They found Baidyanath
temple and ample land for agriculture. They started cultivation and worship of
Baidyanath Jee. Even to this day some of the Maithils of Athganwa are cultivators and
the Maithil Pandas either have kinsmen or landed propery in these eight villages. But it is
not unlikely that they decided to become its custodians after seeing good prospects from
the temple. The third view is that once King Narendra Deo Singh of Mithila (1743-1760
A.D.) Wanted lo feed Brahmins to be freed from Brahnhatya (sin incurred by killing of a
Brahmin) but could not get them in adequate numbers in Mithila as many of them had
migrated to Dcoghar”.42 But S. Narayan is certainly not correct for two simple reasons.
Firstly he does not study the historical pattern of the migration of Maithil Brahmnas to
reach to any logical conclusion and secondly he relies upon the version a so called local
historian about whom no professional historian is known to. I myself come from the area
but yet to know any such ‘Local Historian.’ Hence, the view regarding the historicity of
the pandas of Deoghar expressed by Narayan need not to be taken seriously and the
conclusion derived by us that the migration of the Maithil Brahmanas in the region of
Santal Paraganas started taking place since 10th-11th century A D, stand correct.

Conclusion:
The migration of Mathil Brahmanas in this region started a new era for this land.
The process of acculturation and Sanskritisation left deep impact on both the Maithila
Brahmanas and the local traditions of this area which ultimately gave rise to the distinct
character of a religious sect of this area to be known as ‘The Baidyanath Cult’. The
Baidyanath Cult and the cultural horizon of the region is deeply influenced by the
migration of Maithil Brahmanas in this area to a great extent, as a whole. Thus in this
sense the study of this migration becomes very important in order to the study of the
process of Sanskritisation of this region.

Notes and References:

1. Amar Farooqui, Early Social Formations (Revised Second Edition), New Delhi, 2002,
pp. 128-129
2. Ibid
3. Ibid
4. A. L. Basham, The Wonder that was India, New Delhi, 1954, p. 30

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5. Ibid
6. Ibid
7. Basudeva Upadhyay, Migration of Bramanas from Madhya Desha, JBRS, Vol. XLV,
1959, pp. 308-311
8. Ibid
9. Ibid
10. Ibid
11. E.I. Vol. II, p. 180, E.I. Vol. XIV, p. 166 and E.I. Vol. XXI, p. 97, cf. Basudeva
Upadhyay, op. cit.
12. E.I. Vol. IV, No. 34, cf. Basudeva Upadhyay, op. cit.
13. Ibid
14. Ibid
15. Ibid
16. Ibid
17. Ibid
18. Ibid
19. J. C. Jha, Migration and Achievements of Maithila Panditas, New Delhi, 1991, Preface.
20. Ibid, p. 8
21. Ibid, p. 9
22. Ibid
23. Ibid
24. Ibid, p. 22
25. R. Chanda, Gauda-Rajmala, p.p. 69-71, cf. J. C. Jha, op. cit.
26. op.cit.
27. cf. J. C. Jha, p. 30
28. Ibid
29. cf. J. C. Jha, p. 31
30. Ibid.
31. J.B.O.R.F., XVII, 1, 1930-31, p. 9
32. J. C. Jha, op. cit. pp. 22-23
33. Ibid. p.25
34. Ibid. p. 27
35. Upendra Thakur, History of Mithila (2nd ed.), Dabhanga, 1988, p.367
36. Ibid. pp. 373-374
37. Ibid. pp. 376-377
38. Cf. J. C. Jha, op. cit.
39. Amartya Ghosh, PIHC: 53 Session, 1992-93, pp.79-81. Also see J. N. Sarkar, History of
Bengal, Vol.II, Calcutta, 2003 (reprint), P. 459.
40. C. P. N. Sinha, Sectional Presidential Address (Ancient India), Proceedings, IHC: 55 th
Session, 1994, p.19.
41. S. Narayan, op. cit. p.26
42. Ibid.

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