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OXF O R D C L A S S I C A L M O N O G R A P H S
TORSTEN MEISSNER
1
3
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1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
Preface
It is common to say at the very beginning of a book like this one that
it is the revised version of a thesis—indeed, this is what the entire
series is there for. And so this one is too; however, to translate the
words of one of the most eminent comparative philologists into
English, the present volume shares with the thesis that was submitted
in 1995 to the University of Oxford but the author and the subject
matter.
A long time has passed since then and many new publications on
the topic have seen the light of day in the meantime. Both factors
have contributed to a substantial revision and expansion of my views.
It would be fair to say that it has not been easy to write this book, and
the long process has tested the patience of friends, colleagues,
teachers, and indeed successive series editors to its very limits. For
somebody like myself with a very imperfect grip on this language, the
path was rocky, and I can only ask for the reader’s forbearance
whenever my way of expression just does not sound right. It has
also been hard to write this book against the current political climate
in which short-term expediency is considered more important than
long-term results, to an extent where some kinds of projects could no
longer be contemplated now.
This book could not have been written without the unfailing
support from many people. I could never pay back what they have
given to me. I owe very special thanks Wrst of all to Anna Morpurgo
Davies, my D.Phil. supervisor who instigated this research and who
was and is an ever-guiding light, a constant source of scholarly
inspiration, and the most dispassionate and constructive critic that
I have had the great fortune to come across. I am also much indebted
to John Penney for many critical discussions and suggestions, in the
Rose and Crown and elsewhere, that have shaped my views. Valuable
comments and encouragement have also come from Alain Blanc,
Robert Coleman, Ellis Evans, GeoV Horrocks, Harald Jankuhn, John
Killen, Michael Meier-Brügger, Karl Horst Schmidt, Oliver Simkin,
Olga Tribulato, Elizabeth Tucker, and Jürgen Uhlich, and I am
vi Preface
References 227
Index 243
Abbreviations, Conventions, and Texts Used
Abbreviated References
Ai.Gr. Jakob Wackernagel (Albert Debrunner, Louis Renou),
Altindische Grammatik. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht 1896–.
CIIC Corpus inscriptionum insularum Celticarum, vols. i–ii, ed.
Robert Alexander Stewart Macalister, Dublin: Stationery
OYce 1945–9.
DELG Pierre Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue
grecque. vols. i–iv, Paris: Klincksieck 1968–80.
DIL E. G. Quin et al. (eds.), Dictionary of the Irish Language,
compact edition, Dublin: The Dublin Institute for Advanced
Studies 1983.
DMic. Francisco Aura Jorro, Diccionario Micénico, vols. i–ii, Madrid:
Consejo superior de investigaciones cientı́Wcas 1985–93.
Docs.2 Michael Ventris, John Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean
Greek, 2nd edn., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1973.
EWAia. Manfred Mayrhofer, Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoar-
ischen, Heidelberg: Winter 1986–2001.
GEW Hjalmar Frisk, Griechisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. vols.
i–iii, Heidelberg: Winter 1954–79.
GOI Rudolf Thurneysen, A Grammar of Old Irish, rev. edn., Dublin:
The Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies 1980.
Gr. Gr. Eduard Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik, vol. i, Munich: Beck
1939.
Gr. hom. Pierre Chantraine, Grammaire homérique, vols. i–ii, Paris:
Klincksieck 1942–53; vol. i, 5th edn., rev. and corr. 1973.
Grundriß Karl Brugmann, Grundriß der vergleichenden Grammatik der
indogermanischen Sprachen, Strasburg: Trübner 1886–1917
(1st and 2nd edns.).
HPN Fritz Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des Griechischen
bis zur Kaiserzeit, Halle an der Saale: Niemeyer 1917 (reprint
Hildesheim: Olms 1964).
x Abbreviations
IC GeoVrey S. Kirk et al. (eds.), The Iliad: a commentary, vols. i–vi,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985–93.
ICS Olivier Masson, Les inscriptions chypriotes syllabiques, 2ème
édition augmentée, Paris: Klincksieck 1983.
IEW Julius Pokorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch,
Bern and Munich: Francke 1959.
LÄGL Lexikon der älteren germanischen Lehnwörter in den ostseeWn-
nischen Sprachen, begründet von A.D. Kylstra, fortgeführt von
Sirkka-Liisa Hahmo, Tette Hofstra, Osmo Nikkilä, vols. i–,
Amsterdam and Atlanta, Ga.: Rodopi 1991–.
Lat. Gr. I Manu Leumann, Lateinische Grammatik. I: Laut-und Formen-
lehre, Munich: Beck 1977.
LEW Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch von Alois Walde. 3.
neubearbeitete AuXage von J. B. Hofmann, vols. 1–3, Heidel-
berg: Winter 1938–56.
LfrgrE Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos, ed. Bruno Snell et al., Göt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1986–.
LGPN A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, ed. by Peter M. Fraser,
Elaine Matthews et al., Oxford: Oxford University Press 1987–.
LiEW Ernst Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, vols. i–
ii, Heidelberg: Winter 1962–65.
LIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre
Primärstammbildungen, ed. Helmut Rix et al., 2nd edn., Wies-
baden: Reichert 2001.
LSJ A Greek-English Lexicon, compiled by Henry George Liddell
and Robert Scott. Revised and augmented throughout by Sir
Henry Stuart Jones; revised supplement by P. G. W. Glare with
the assistance of A. A. Thompson, Oxford: Oxford University
Press 1996.
MLM Monumenta Linguae Messapicae, vols. i–ii, ed. Carlo de Simone
and Simona Marchesini, Wiesbaden: Reichert 2002.
Abbreviations xi
General Abbreviations
acc. accusative MoW Modern Welsh
Aeol. Aeolic Myc. Mycenaean
al. alii N noun
aor. aorist neut. neuter
Arc. Arcadian nom. nominative
Arm. Armenian NP noun phrase
Att. Attic OCS Old Church
Av. Avestan Slavonic
Boeot. Boeotian Od. Odyssey
C consonant OE Old English
Cypr. Cypriot OHG Old High German
dat. dative OIr. Old Irish
det. determiner ON Old Norse
Dor. Doric OS Old Saxon
du. dual part. participle
f. following (one) PGerm. Proto-Germanic
V. following (two or PGreek Proto-Greek
more) Phryg. Phrygian
fem. feminine PIIr. Proto-Indo-Iranian
fr. fragment PItal. Proto-Italic
Gmc. Germanic pl. plural
Goth. Gothic PN(N) personal name(s)
H laryngeal pres. present
Hitt. Hittite PSlav. Proto-Slavic
IE Indo-European R resonant
IIr. Indo-Iranian Russ. Russian
Il. Iliad RV Rig-Veda
Ion. Ionic S sentence
Lat. Latin scholion
Latv. Latvian sg. singular
Lith. Lithuanian Skt. Sanskrit
masc. masculine Slov. Slovene
MHG Middle High s.v. sub voce
German Umbr. Umbrian
mod. modiWer V vowel
MoGk. Modern Greek VP verb phrase
xii Abbreviations
Bibliographical abbreviations are found in the Bibliographical
References. The abbreviations for names of Greek authors and
their works are those used in LSJ. The editions drawn on are
those used in the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae and speciWed in the
Canon of Greek Authors and Works, with the exception of the text of
Homer for which in addition the editions by Ludwich and West
have been employed.
Prologue: The Study of a SuYx
In the most general sense, the subject matter of this book is word
formation in Ancient Greek. It seeks to establish why certain words
are formed in the way they are, what they look like, and given that
they are formed in a particular way, what they mean. The group of
words thus studied are commonly called s-stem nouns and adjec-
tives. Under this heading we include neuter nouns in -, type ª
‘stock, family, origin’ and the much rarer ones in -Æ of the type
ŒæÆ ‘Xesh’, a small number of masculine and feminine words of the
type ÆN ‘shame’ and a very large number of adjectives in - like
ı ‘evil-minded’. From a formal point of view these have in
common that their stem consists of a lexical root (or two in the case
of the compound adjectives), followed by a sigmatic suYx.
Admittedly, from a Greek point of view these formations look very
diVerent and varied, and the reason why they are studied together is
Wrst of all a historical one as they are the Greek descendants of an
earlier, reconstructed way of forming words. Even the name ‘s-stems’
is employed mainly for historical linguistic reasons as the main
characteristic of these formations, the presence of an s (usually
preceded by a vowel), is visible only in a small minority of the cases
in which these nominal formations appear: the nominative ª
shows it – yet not the genitive ª or ªı. It can be seen in
Pª as well as the comparative Pª æ but an analysis that
conWnes itself to the Greek data alone could argue that in the latter
case, for example, the - -is ‘parasitic’, i.e. non-original just as in many
formations of the type ŒÆı , IŒı . It could even provide a
reason for the insertion of a sigma: the avoidance of a sequence of
four short syllables, not unlike æ instead of æ, but
by means of a slightly diVerent strategy.
Yet such an analysis would be unsatisfactory, partly because it
would leave a considerable number of loose ends. We would not be
able to understand why the Wnal sigma is present in ª. Nor, for
that matter, could we give a reason why the vowel preceding it is --
and not - - as in the rest of the paradigm. In addition, invoking a
2 Prologue
‘parasitic sigma’ only means passing the buck: does the fact that
Greek often makes use of this not indicate that there is something
special to this sound? We know, of course, that the absence of - - in
most forms is entirely regular and to be expected, and we do so
because we are quite well informed about the prehistory of the Greek
language. One of the most prominent and best known sound laws for
Greek has it that an inherited intervocalic -s- Wrst develops into /h/ –
and since Mycenaean has been deciphered we can still clearly see it
there – and then disappears altogether on the way to historical Greek,
leaving but a hiatus (e.g. gen. sg. Hom. ª < earlier ª h <
ª ) that is then Wnally resolved through contraction, leading to
classical ªı.
The tenor is thus already Wrmly set: this study takes historical
linguistic considerations as its starting point. It covers the span from
reconstructed Proto-Indo-European to attested Greek; but it is in equal
measure historical in the other direction: it traces the development of
the formations in question from the earliest forms of Greek through the
Classical well into the Hellenistic period and sometimes beyond. If a
comparison of Greek with PIE can teach us why the Greek forms look
as they do from a phonological and morphological point of view, a
contextual study is obviously impossible. They can and indeed will be
compared to other words in the same lexical Weld, but this is in no way
recompense for studying the words as elements of real texts. Tracing the
attested history of the words in question reveals Wrst of all their
semantic characteristics and developments, but also, as we shall see,
teaches us several lessons of Greek morphology. The main emphasis
will be on Early Greek, particularly the language of the Homeric epics
and Hesiod, as they provide by far the best vantage point from which
both chronological limits of this study can be made out.
Still, a grouping together of these various formations and studying
them from within Greek would be nonsensical if they did not bear a
strong relationship to one another, both in terms of word formation,
i.e. morphology proper, and of semantics. It will become clear that
many such links exist and that this approach is justiWed. Therefore,
our analysis will not only not study the words in isolation, but will
also try to establish common traits of the various subgroups and,
signiWcantly, show the links between them in order to arrive at as
comprehensive a picture as possible. To this end, a number of
Prologue 3
semantically similar but morphologically very diVerent suYxes will
also be studied for the purpose of contrast and comparison. This
means that this study has a strong synchronic component as it
constantly looks at the actual usage of words in their context.
The Greek aspect of this topic in general has been well served for
seventy years by Pierre Chantraine’s La formation des noms en grec
ancien which Wrst appeared in 1933 and has been reprinted several
times since. To this day it remains the most exhaustive discussion of
word formation in Ancient Greek. More limited in scope but equally
important is Ernst Risch’s Wortbildung der homerischen Sprache, in
particular the second edition which appeared in 1974. The works of
these two great scholars provide an indispensable tool for this study
and are, in their own ways, unsurpassed, for no comprehensive study
on Greek s-stems has been published to this date. Certainly, import-
ant contributions have been made by looking at the s-stem adjectives
and by trying to establish the situation for s-stem nouns in PIE, but
the overall picture for Greek is still missing. This is remarkable as the
signiWcance of s-stems for the study of word formation is at least
twofold.
In the Wrst place, neuter nouns in - and compound adjectives in
- are very well attested from the beginning of the documentation of
Greek in the second millennium bc to the end of Ancient Greek as
commonly deWned, and neuter nouns in - survive in Greek down
to the present day. The nature of the evidence is thus such that Wrm
conclusions can often be drawn.
Secondly, s-stem nouns and adjectives are said to play a pivotal
role in the so-called ‘Caland’s Law’ or ‘Caland Systems’1 which can be
described in the most general terms as a regular and well-deWned set
of correspondences of derivational aYxes. This set is usually regarded
as a relic from PIE times, unproductive in the daughter language. By
examining the Greek evidence carefully we might be able to come to a
better understanding of this still enigmatic phenomenon.
Our study, like that of many predecessors, will look at the mor-
phological and semantic characteristics of the s-stem formations. As
a result of this investigation, a number of traditional views will be
1 This is the traditional terminology, going back to Schulze apud Fraenkel (1909)
124 and Nussbaum (1976) respectively.
4 Prologue
challenged. In particular, it will emerge that the conventional notion
of ‘Caland’s Law’ is inadequate at least for Greek and quite possibly
for the parent language as well. We shall also see in the course of the
investigation that these morphological and semantic characteristics
of the individual types and their historical development can be
deWned more closely. But morphology is not all that regular, not
even from a synchronic point of view: there exist, for example,
nonce-formations, mainly of a poetic nature, that clearly violate the
rules of Greek word formation. Yet they exist, and they need to be
explained, and it is here that we can on occasion learn quite a
substantial amount about certain authors’ dictions.
This also means that the same approach will not be possible for
every discussion. Sometimes prehistoric morphological consider-
ations are to the fore, sometimes the emphasis is on inner-Greek
semantic study. This book, then, demands a lot of the reader. It
presupposes a familiarity with the principles and main issues of
comparative philology as well as the readiness to pay attention to
small, seemingly insigniWcant little observations about, say, much-
neglected Hellenistic authors.
To ease this task, we shall take a historical approach at the very
beginning of this book, though of a diVerent kind: the nature of this
investigation and a great many of the problems related to it emerge
from looking at the history of research into it. One of the greatest
Classical philologists once remarked, ‘Wer sich für die Geschichte
seiner Wissenschaft interessiert, den kümmern nicht nur die
Erkenntnisse, sondern auch die Wege, auf denen sie gefunden, und
die Menschen, durch die sie gefunden worden sind.’2 This, then, shall
be our Wrst concern: by looking at the history of the scholarship we
shall try to make clear what the role of the s-stems in Greek word
formation is, what questions arise and, signiWcantly, how the words
have been studied, i.e. how word formation has been looked at
through the centuries. At the end of the Wrst part we shall then be
in a much better position to look at the individual formations and
groups of formations concerned, and most of the remainder of the
book will try to do just this. The route is undoubtedly arduous, but at
the end we shall see that the study of this small piece in the ever-
Research into s-stem nouns and adjectives has a long and distin-
guished history. We owe the Wrst statements to the ancient grammar-
ians, and the most important observation is clearly that of
Apollonius Dyscolus who was puzzled by the fact that simple s-
stem adjectives (type ł ı ‘lying’) were almost completely absent
from the language while compound adjectives like ı were
abundant.1 Since simple adjectives in - were obviously irregular
from his point of view, he explained them as secondarily formed after
the compounds (type Ił ı ‘without deceit, truthful’). This is
important and remarkable, as it shows a readiness to explain a simple
word on the basis of a more complex one—a clearly unusual pro-
cedure. But, as we shall see later on in this chapter and in more detail
in section 4.11, this early grammarian hit the nail right on its head,
and we must be prepared in principle to accept what one would
intuitively call a kind of reverse derivation, something that not all
scholars are necessarily prepared to admit.
Ever since the study of historical linguistics got under way in earnest,
in no small measure due to William Jones’s novel views on the nature
of the Sanskrit language, given as a lecture in 1786 and published in
1788 in the Wrst volume of the newly-founded Asiatick Researches, the
s-stems Wgure in the literature. Quite early on, Bopp acknowledged
1 Anecdota 547.19.
The History 7
the existence of a suYx -as which, according to him, formed three
classes of nominals in Sanskrit: (a) abstract nouns; (b) appellative
nouns that can be active or passive in meaning; and (c) adjectives,
simple and compound, resembling present participles in meaning.2
Bopp illustrated this with Sanskrit words like (a) sahas- ‘power’,
(b) cak sas- ‘eye’ and (c) nr-cak sas- ‘seeing men’, tarás- ‘quick’. Par-
allels for_ these formations could _be found in other languages, notably
˚
in Greek, and in the case of the nouns also in Latin, Germanic, and
Balto-Slavonic. Very much in keeping with the then general view that
of all the daughter languages Sanskrit resembled the parent language
most closely, Bopp was not disturbed by the fact that it was clearly
diYcult to quote examples for uncompounded forms of group (c)
(type tarás-) outside Indo-Iranian, nor was he worried about the
vocalic alternation - vs. - in Greek. And understandably he could
not be, for the perceived primacy of Sanskrit, which has an a-vowel
where Greek shows an alternation, meant that the Greek situation
was regarded as secondary, if unclear.
S-stems Wgure prominently in Schleicher’s Compendium3 where
one suYx is recognized and still given as -as. Schleicher’s scope
was naturally wider than Bopp’s and he identiWed s-stem nouns in
more Indo-European languages than had been possible for his pre-
decessors. Other than that, little progress can be observed, and
Schleicher does not advance beyond citing the correspondences.
The question of the diVerences in vocalism in Greek and Balto-
Slavonic is not addressed, nor did he try to attribute any particular
function to the suYx. It is clear that in these early years, what appears
in Greek as - and - respectively was essentially regarded as one
suYx.
However, it was recognized from very early on that this could form
complex suYxes. Already Aufrecht in 1853, looking at formations in
Lat. -nus, Greek -, Skt. -nas (cf. pı̄gnus ‘pledge, token’, ¼
‘wealth’, ápnas- ‘work’), had argued that this suYx is a composition
from two primary suYxes, namely Lat. -en-, Gk. --, Skt. -an- þ our
sigmatic suYx. He may be essentially right in his analysis, and the
entire issue will concern us in section 2.2.
5 Cf. p. 63 ‘Die vom verf. hier und im folgenden versuchte vereinigung verschie-
dener stämme unter einer wurzel verläßt den boden des thatsächlichen zu sehr, als
daß wir sie vertreten könnten.’
6 Fick (1877) 231 f.
10 The History
thought to be a common -a-. Moreover, in the case of many forms,
no matching thematic verbal stem is in sight, e.g. Œº ‘fame’ has a
diVerent ablaut grade to Œºø, and Skt. śrávas- stands beside a
present śr nóti and an athematic aorist áśrot. But Fick, too, is to be
˚_
credited with several valuable observations. He is, to my mind,
absolutely correct in claiming that many adjectives in - are verbal
in meaning and in derivation, such as Hom. ı -Æ= - ‘ill-blowing’ :
I=- ; ¼ Ø, using his own notation and segmentation.7 Further-
more, Fick was, as far as I can see, the Wrst person, at least in modern
times, to have noted the regular correspondence between sigmatic
formations and adjectives in -ı8 and can therefore be regarded as a
harbinger of Caland (see sections 1.4 and 1.5). But for Fick, these
correspondences were, of course, embarrassing as they did not seem
to Wt his deverbative derivational pattern. Consequently, he accepted
only a small number of them as inherited like sæ ‘width, breadth’
alongside Pæ ‘wide, broad’ which is mirrored in Skt. váras- along-
side urú-. Many such s-stem formations were explained by him as
analogical, such as Łæ ‘courage’ vs. ŁæÆ ‘bold’. This was
particularly unfortunate as such formations are normally taken to
belong to the oldest layer of s-stem nouns. Among other things, Fick
paid no attention to the fact that the full grade of the root in s-stem
nouns (as found in the archaic Łæ ) which occurs alongside the
zero-grade form does not match the zero grade regularly found in the
u-stem adjectives.
Vous me demandez des détails sur les Misérables... Mon Dieu, mon cher ami, le
grand événement de la soirée a été le triomphe de votre amie Berthe Bady, Bady
qui nuance et scande si merveilleusement vos vers. Touchante et frissonnante à la
répétition générale, elle a été superbe à la première. La salle était debout, et on
interrompait chaque phrase presque d’un applaudissement. Votre ami Rochefort
criait tout haut dans les couloirs: «C’est du grand art... c’est admirable!» Et les
enthousiasmes se propageaient, ardents, jusque dans les coulisses; on en parlait
encore le lendemain et le surlendemain aux premières du Vaudeville et des
escholiers... Maintenant, ce que l’ex-Belle au Bois-Dormant, d’Henry Bataille et de
Robert d’Humières, a fait de ce rôle de Fantine, il faut le voir: cela ne se raconte
plus. De rien, elle a fait tout; d’un bout de rôle, une grande figure. Vous
reviendrez, ne serait-ce que pour cela!
La pièce? Les décors et les costumes, copiés d’après des éditions populaires
des Misérables, ont un charme prenant et réellement exquis. Ils sont tristes,
mélancoliques et passés comme certaines pages de Balzac. Le rôle n’est pas fait
pour Coquelin; mais il a dans la vieillesse de Jean Valjean un désarmant optimisme
à la Béranger, un républicanisme vieillot tout à fait joli et particulier. Mais ce que
tout cela est loin de l’ancien forçat! C’est l’abbé Constantin du bagne. Le rôle est
d’ailleurs par trop monotone dans le sublime; cela finit par donner l’impression
d’un agent de propagande électorale socialiste chrétienne. La barricade, sur
laquelle on comptait pour susciter des mouvements populaires aux petites places
et garnir le poulailler, a laissé tout le monde très calme: c’est une émeute à
recommencer. Somme toute, grande réussite. Rostand verdissait un peu dans sa
loge, à mesure que s’affirmait le succès, car on comptait sur quelques
représentations des Misérables et l’on voyait déjà Coquelin, dans l’Aiglon, à côté
de Sarah: on l’avait même mieux que désiré: quelque peu imposé, ma foi! Sarah
peut maintenant dormir tranquille: Coquelin est forcé de rester chez lui. Il paraît
qu’elle va prendre Brémond pour le remplacer; ce ne sera pas tout à fait la même
chose, mais il y aura économie... Le cauchemar de la grande tragédienne est
dissipé!... Le joli serait que Rostand réclamât et imposât Bady, la gloire de l’année,
pour créer le duc de Reichstadt chez Sarah; pour récupérer sa pièce, il en serait
bien capable. Il paraît que Le Bargy guette et n’a pas renoncé à créer le rôle à
côté de Guitry dans le fameux grognard... Quant à Bady, ne croyez pas que je me
paie votre tête. C’est une épidémie depuis dix jours: tous les auteurs la veulent
pour interpréter leur rôle, et la famille Hugo prétend l’imposer aux Français pour la
reprise de Marion... Ainsi va le monde!
A côté? Le théâtre Maguera tient, paraît-il, un succès, enfin! dans la Reine de
Tyr de Jacques Richepin. A la Gaîté, les sourires en porcelaine émaillée et les
maillots de M. Lucien Noël emplissent les loges, et la musique de Ganne les
deuxièmes balcons; la pièce s’appelle les Saltimbanques. Au fond, c’est la Mignon
déjà désorganisée par Ambroise Thomas, tout à fait mise en pièces par Ordonneau
Maurice: cela, n’en doutez pas.
A perpète... perpétue du Decourcelle à l’Ambigu.
En somme, Orphée, à l’Opéra-Comique, et Iphigénie, à la Renaissance, aident
seuls à supporter le froid et la boue de Paris. Gluck triomphe, Gluck est le grand
dieu du jour; le chevalier aimé de la reine est devenu le roi de Paris. La vogue de
Wagner elle-même en pâlit... Bady, chez Coquelin, tient le record avec lui. Qui sait
ce que l’année nous réserve? En attendant, la devise de ce mois commençant est:
Bady Gluck, Gluck Bady!
Une nouvelle cependant!... Des Mathurins, Francis de Croisset émigre à
l’Athénée-Comique; ce jeune seigneur semble voué aux Deval. Croisset s’agite et
Wiener le mène, comme le disent les auteurs gais.