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 TO B E
EQUALS IN
OUR OWN
C O U N T RY
women ’ s suffr age and the struggle for democr acy
series editor : veronica strong - boag

The story of women’s struggles and victories in the pursuit of political

equality is not just a matter of the past: it has the value of informing
current debate about the health of democracy in our country.

This series of short, insightful books presents a history of the vote, with
vivid accounts of famous and unsung suffragists and overdue explana-
tions of why some women were banned from the ballot box until the
1940s and 1960s. More than a celebration of women’s achievements in
the political realm, this series provides deeper understanding of Canadian
society and politics, serving as a well-timed reminder never to take
political rights for granted.

Books in the series:

One Hundred Years of Struggle: The History of Women and the Vote in Canada,
by Joan Sangster
Ours by Every Law of Right and Justice: Women and the Vote in the Prairie
Provinces, by Sarah Carter
A Great Revolutionary Wave: Women and the Vote in British Columbia,
by Lara Campbell
Our Voices Must Be Heard: Women and the Vote in Ontario,
by Tarah Brookfield
To Be Equals in Our Own Country: Women and the Vote in Quebec,
by Denyse Baillargeon
We Shall Persist: Women and the Vote in the Atlantic Provinces,
by Heidi MacDonald
Working Tirelessly for Change: Indigenous Women and the Vote in Canada,
by Lianne Leddy
 denyse baillargeon

TO B E
EQUALS IN
OUR OWN
C O U N T RY
Women and
the Vote in Quebec

t r a n s l at e d b y k ät h e r o t h
 © UBC Press 2019
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form
or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher.
Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication
Title: Women’s suffrage and the struggle for democracy /
series editor: Veronica Strong-Boag.
Names: Strong-Boag, Veronica, editor.
Description: Includes bibliographical references and indexes. |
Contents: Volume 3: To be equals in our own country : women and the vote
in Quebec / Denyse Baillargeon ; translated by Käthe Roth
Identifiers: Canadiana (print) 20179076094 | Canadiana (ebook) 20179076108 |
ISBN 9780774838733 (set ; hardcover) | ISBN 9780774838481 (v. 3 ; hardcover) |
ISBN 9780774838757 (set ; PDF) | ISBN 9780774838504 (v. 3 ; PDF) |
ISBN 9780774838764 (set ; EPUB) | ISBN 9780774838511 (v. 3 ; EPUB) |
ISBN 9780774838528 (v. 3 ; Kindle)
Subjects: LCSH: Women – Suffrage – Canada – History. | LCSH: Suffrage –
Canada – History. | LCSH: Women – Legal status, laws, etc. – Canada – History. |
LCSH: Women – Canada – Social conditions. | LCSH: Suffragists – Canada –
History. | LCSH: Voting – Canada – History.
Classification: LCC JL192 .W67 2018 | DDC 324.6/230971—dc23

UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing
program of the Government of Canada (through the Canada Book Fund),
the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council.
We acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada
through the National Translation Program for Book Publishing, an initiative
of the Roadmap for Canada’s Official Languages 2013–2018: Education,
Immigration, Communities, for our translation activities.
Cover image: Idola Saint-Jean, Antoinette Mercure, and Nora Sampson,
24 January 1927, Alain Gariépy Collection, Assemblée nationale du Québec
UBC Press
The University of British Columbia
2029 West Mall
Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2
www.ubcpress.ca
 c o n t e n t s

Introduction  vii

one Pioneers of Suffrage   3

t wo Giving Women a Voice   31

three Broadening the Struggle   63

four Winning the Provincial Franchise   97

five Reaching for Representation   135

Conclusion  173

Acknowledgments  177
Sources and Further Reading  178
Photo Credits  193
Index  195

v
 INTRODUCTION

o n 2 5 n o v e m b e r 1 9 3 5 , Idola Saint-Jean, one of the most

radical feminists of her time, wrote to Mrs. Hernance Roy, a sup-
porter of women’s suffrage: “When the history of suffrage is
written, the role played by our politicians will cut a sad figure
beside that of the women they insulted.” As Saint-Jean suggests,
members of the Quebec legislature – especially the French
Canadians – were strongly opposed to women having the right to
vote, and they were not afraid to express their opinions in a heavy-
handed fashion. During the 1920s and 1930s, when suffrage was
debated in the Legislative Assembly, politicians felt free to shout
sexually charged insults at the women who demanded this fun-
damental right.
Suffrage was the centrepiece of the early-twentieth-century
feminist movement, and achieving it took a lot longer in Quebec
than elsewhere in North America. In Canada, the United States,
and Great Britain, most women won the vote during or just after
the First World War. In some Australian and American states, as
well as in New Zealand, they were enfranchised long before the
twentieth century. Quebec women, by contrast, could not cast
a provincial ballot until 1940. Like their counterparts in France,
Belgium, and Italy, Quebec suffragists waged a long, bitter cam-
paign, and the fact that women of European descent had already
obtained the vote in other parts of Canada played a role. Pol­it­
icians, intellectuals, and French Canadian clergy resisted giving
Quebec women the vote because its absence reinforced the cul-
tural difference of Canada’s only majority French-speaking, or
francophone, province.
In fact, Quebec women had been the first in Canada to vote.
Those who satisfied certain landownership conditions could vote
from 1791 until 1849, when that right was taken away. The atypical

vii
 viii  To Be Equals in Ou r Own C ount ry

Political rights such as the right to vote have been considered

human rights since the United Nations adopted the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Article 21.1 states,
“Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his
country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.”

path travelled by Quebec women – from frontrunners to last

place – is the central theme of this book. As its title suggests, it
tells the story of their struggle for political enfranchisement, but
it also details the loss or gain of other rights – legal, social, and
economic – that generally extend from suffrage. In other words,
suffrage is not treated as an isolated question but as the fulcrum
for a group of individual and collective rights that are associated
with human rights today.
In 1948, when the United Nations declared that voting was a
human right, it echoed arguments that Quebec suffragists had
put forward in earlier decades. On 8 April 1936, in a speech broad-
cast on radio station CKAC, Idola Saint-Jean declared, “We want
[women] to enjoy the freedom of being human.” She felt that ex-
cluding them from political life denied them their humanity, pure
and simple, and for two reasons. First, because they could not elect
their representatives, they were relegated to an inferior civil
status. Second, the absence of political rights led to other forms of
exclusion and discrimination that prevented women from acting
independently and preserving their dignity. In Saint-Jean’s view,
they needed the vote to eradicate inequalities between the sexes
and to overcome male domination.
Thérèse Casgrain, no doubt the most influential Quebec suf-
fragist of her day, agreed. In an 8 June 1934 broadcast, she stated,
 introduction  ix

“Women suffer living conditions that are imposed upon them by

a society in which men dominate.” She continued, “For women,
the right to vote [is] the only logical means compatible with our
political system to ensure them the sanction that they must have
at their disposal to be recognized and to maintain their rights.”
Clearly, like Saint-Jean and many others, Casgrain felt that en-
franchisement represented not only an end in itself but also a
way to guarantee that women would enjoy all of their rights as
citizens.
Surprisingly, though historians have discussed Quebec women’s
suffrage in numerous essays and in books on the history of women,
feminism, citizenship, or parliamentarianism, it has never been
given a book-length treatment. Catherine Cleverdon, an American
historian, was the first to write about women and the vote in
Canada. In her book The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada, pub-
lished in 1950, she offers a sweeping history of the suffrage move-
ment and its associations, on a national scale and in the provinces.
The book painted a portrait of key events and characters in broad
strokes and provided an early framework from which to interpret
them. Republished in the 1970s during an era of feminist resur-
gence, it inspired a generation of historians and helped build
women’s history into a distinct research field.
Cleverdon showed that Canadian women had engaged in diffi-
cult battles but that their struggles for the vote had been much
more civil than those mounted by British and American women.
Canadian suffragists, she argued, employed patience rather than
force, persuasion rather than violent demonstrations or harass-
ment tactics. The difference, she contended, stemmed from the
conservatism of Canadian society and of the suffragists them-
selves, who encountered apathy and even opposition from the
great majority of women. She remarked that if winning women’s
suffrage in Canada was generally “more a struggle than a fight,” it
was in Quebec that “the struggle came nearest to being a fight” – a
reference to the irreconcilable positions of those for and against
 x  To Be Equals in Ou r Own C ount ry

The term “suffragette” is generally reserved for activists, mainly

British, who were notable for their vigorous battles and even
violent actions. Those who adopted less radical, more peaceful
tactics were called suffragists.

suffrage, who continued to clash until the beginning of the Second

World War.
Since Cleverdon’s book first appeared, historians have tried to
explain why Quebec women took so long to gain the vote. Two ex-
planations stand out: conservativism in the province and the na-
tionalist convictions of its male elite. However, neither male
politicians nor the Catholic Church opposed enfranchisement on
principle. Rather, civil and religious authorities took a stance
based on what they stood to gain or lose in allowing women to
vote. In France, the Catholic Church supported female suffrage
because its leaders expected that women would vote against
elected representatives who favoured secularism (the principle of
separation of the state from religious institutions). Not surpris-
ingly, the elected representatives themselves opposed women’s
suffrage for exactly the same reason. In Quebec, where the idea
of strict neutrality of the state in religious matters did not exist,
differences between politicians and the Catholic clergy were
much less marked, at least on the question of women and the
vote. Politicians and the clergy – both bastions of male power –
consequently acted together to oppose female suffrage, which
they believed could disrupt the sociopolitical order.
In other words, the fears of male elites lurked behind the
antagonism to suffrage. In their opinion, it would cause French
Canadian traditions – embodied in the figure of the mother who
 introduction  xi

was completely absorbed in her household and children – to

crumble, along with male domination. Given these fears, it’s
impossible to understand the struggle of Quebec suffragists
with­out considering the “national question” and the roles that
nationalists assigned to men and women to safeguard the nation.
The experience of other countries, in the West and elsewhere in
the world, offers good reason to take this dimension into account.
Irish nationalists, for instance, opposed the female franchise be-
cause they believed it would undermine the traditional image of
the Irish woman, which was integral to their movement. In both
Ireland and Quebec, however, feminists and nationalists man-
aged to overcome their differences over suffrage and form alli­
ances because many early-twentieth-century feminists were as
nationalistic as their male compatriots.
But did the bonds between French Canadian feminist and
nationalist movements hamper the suffragist cause? When fem-
inist historians tackled this question in the 1970s, they were
rather harsh. Many advocated democracy and equality between
the sexes, so they deplored that the suffragists had emerged ex-
clusively from the bourgeoisie, or middle class. They denounced
the suffragists’ unconditional acceptance of woman’s role in the
family and their unquestioning allegiance to the Catholic Church.
According to feminist historians, the francophone suffragists’
attachment to family and religious values – two pillars of French
Canadian national identity – led them to show diffidence, and
even total submission, to the clergy, an attitude that undercut
their demands for equality. This lack of radicalism may explain
their failure to obtain the right to vote at the same time that
other Canadian women did. However, radicalism or a high degree
of activism didn’t produce immediate results for suffragists in
other countries, as the experience of the English suffragettes
shows. Authors who have written about the thoughts and actions
of the second generation of suffragists have been more sympa-
thetic. As they have underlined, second-generation suffragists
 xii  To Be Equals in Ou r Own C ount ry

such as Casgrain and Saint-Jean (who founded new suffrage or-

ganizations in the 1920s and kept fighting right up to the final
victory) were less nationalistic and more independent from the
clergy than earlier proponents of enfranchisement in Quebec.
Their approach was just as egalitarian and combative as that of
their English Canadian counterparts.
But exactly how determined, or even radical, were Canadian
suffragists? For feminist historians of the 1970s, demanding the
right to vote in the name of equality of the sexes would seem to
have been the only rationale worth rallying behind. In the 1990s
and 2000s, however, a new generation of historians throughout
the Western world demonstrated that many suffrage associations
and activists had invoked the difference between the sexes as a rea-
son for enfranchisement. If permitted to vote, these women as-
serted, they could bestow their maternal qualities on society. The
predominance of this logic prompted historians to see it as an
ideology distinct from feminism, one known as maternalism. This
new perspective suggests that it was not exceptional for French
Can­adian feminists to legitimize their demands for suffrage by
invoking the maternal nature of women. It could even be sug-
gested that in emphasizing their maternal mission they were less
paralyzed by conservatism and more concerned with the idea of
empowering women. Moreover, in Quebec as elsewhere, suffra-
gists employed both maternalist and egalitarian arguments, and
we can presume that some of those who used maternalist argu-
ments did so not necessarily out of deep conviction but to reassure
a male audience particularly resistant to the idea of formal equal-
ity between men and women.
Maternalist arguments in favour of female suffrage also laid
siege to the idea of separate spheres for men and women, the
ideology that underpinned the patriarchal order. Born during
the French and American Revolutions, this ideology reserved the
public sphere for men and the private sphere for women, at least
 introduction  xiii

in theory. Confined to the home, women would devote themselves

to educating their children and caring for their households. In
fact, this dichotomous vision of the respective roles and places
of the sexes never kept women from circulating or acting in dif-
ferent ways in the public sphere. However, this view of gender
roles had a significant impact on how nineteenth-century West­
ern societies conceived the relationship between women and the
political world. In fact, it was in the name of separate spheres that
the right to vote was withdrawn from women in Lower Canada
(later known as Quebec) during the nineteenth century. With­out
denying the centrality of the maternal and domestic role of
women, those who employed maternalist arguments often in-
sisted that the border between the two spheres was porous. The
household, they stated, was not a cloistered space totally separ-
ated from the rest of society. In reality, the private sphere was
influenced by the public sphere. Given this, why should women
not, in turn, be able to influence the political world to make soci-
ety better and thus protect their households? In other words, the
maternalist conception of relations between the private and
public spheres can be interpreted as a form of challenge to the
patriarchal order – something that opponents to women’s suf-
frage understood clearly.
The struggle for the vote involved the social action of elite
women, who, after the turn of the twentieth century, formed
groups and created charitable or reformist associations that co-
alesced into the women’s movement and later came to be known
as feminism. Their goal was to fight various social problems asso-
ciated with industrialization, and they demanded the vote to
better influence political powers and bring about social reform.
Even if they could not vote, these elite women nevertheless
saw themselves as citizens who had a right to participate in man-
aging the affairs of state. Their involvement in the reform move-
ment was a type of political activism. In this sense, the history of
 xiv  To Be Equals in Ou r Own C ount ry

women’s suffrage demands a broader conception of political hist-

ory and citizenship, one that makes room for those who could not
vote but who nonetheless intervened in the public sphere to
transform society.
Women’s social action helped pave the way to the vote and
equality for women, but it also required suffragists and reformers
to present themselves as models and educators to the working
and immigrant classes that they claimed to aid. There were excep-
tions, but most leaders of the women’s movement came from the
middle class and shared its prejudices. They rarely took into ac-
count the priorities or needs of disadvantaged populations, on
whom they simply wanted to impose their values. Some histor-
ians have even contended that bourgeois women in English Can­
ada saw the vote not as a right for all women but as a means to
increase their own moral influence over the poorer classes. This
argument has been criticized for lacking nuance and for over-
emphasizing the conservatism of suffrage leaders. The fact re-
mains, however, that most suffragists were privileged, and they
managed to attract only a limited number of working-class and
rural women to the cause. We know little about why these women
shunned the right to vote, but we do know they were particularly
numerous in Quebec and that their refusal is a fundamental as-
pect of the history of suffrage.
Research has also shed light on the eugenicist and even racist
ideas of some English Canadian suffragists. The vast majority of
them were white, and their maternalism caused many to view re-
production, both biological and social, as essential to strength-
ening what they considered the superior Anglo-Saxon race. This
type of discourse, permeated with terrible prejudices, was stimu-
lated by fears of race suicide or degeneration, which they believed
would be brought on by declining birth rates among English
Protestants and rising immigration rates among races that were
deemed foreign and inferior. Some historians argue that the
 introduction  xv

conservatism of the suffragist movement in Canada is explained,

in large part, by its desire to be associated with the construction of
a white, colonial society. English Canadian activists wanted to
participate in the British imperial enterprise, and to do so, they
were forced to present themselves in a respectable light – that is,
as moderates.
Other studies have shown that suffragists throughout Canada
did not share a uniform view of race: they conceived racial differ-
ences in varied ways that were not always hierarchical. We know
little about attitudes in Quebec, but we do know that the black
and Asian communities were very small in the first half of the
twentieth century; in 1921, each community comprised about two
thousand people, who lived mostly in Montreal. Consequently,
the white population’s fears of and animosity toward these com-
munities were not expressed as virulently or in as organized a way
in Quebec as they were in British Columbia and Nova Scotia, for
example. Nevertheless, francophone activists did employ racist
logic. For example, they cited as unfair the fact that women in
“uncivilized” countries could vote, whereas they themselves
could not. In addition, their lack of interest in the situation of
Indigenous women, whom they never mentioned, constituted a
form of unspoken racism.
Indigenous women did not participate in the suffrage move-
ment. Nor did they gain the right to vote federally in Canada until
the 1960s. But their struggle against various forms of violence
and discrimination since that decade – that is, their political ac-
tivism – stands alongside earlier demands for the franchise or
legal equality for married women. Indigenous women battled for
the abolition of provisions in the Indian Act that deprived them of
their Indian status if they married white men and denied them the
right to belong to their own communities (and all the privileges
associated with them). The concept of intersectionality, which
emphasizes the complexity of identity and the intermingling of
 xvi  To Be Equals in Ou r Own C o unt ry

various forms of discrimination, calls on us to consider Indigen­

ous women’s struggles as but one of many manifestations of the
feminist fight for democracy.
This book is inspired by arguments and concepts such as
maternalism developed by multiple generations of feminist his-
torians and political scientists. I pay particular attention to the
ideology of separate spheres and to the national question that
coloured debates on women’s suffrage until the mid-twentieth
century because they are essential to understanding the resist-
ance that Quebec suffragists faced, including from the many
women who said that they did not want to vote. The refusal of
these women to have a democratic right conferred upon them is
essential to an overall portrait of the struggle for women’s suf-
frage. In a similar vein, it is important to scrutinize all the argu-
ments made by those pushing for suffrage, even the less glorious
ones. To that end, and to capture the experiences of women in all
their diversity, To Be Equals in Our Own Country spans more than
two centuries, from 1791, when certain women in Lower Canada
were granted the franchise, to today, when all women in Quebec
can vote but many contend that it is not enough to ensure their
full participation in liberal democracy.
 TO B E
EQUALS IN
OUR OWN
C O U N T RY
Aren’t these people exercising a dubious right –
a right that was claimed to belong to them and
on which the Chamber had never wanted to
make a decision?

– Augustin [Austin] Cuvillier,

la minerve, 3 February 1834

The right to vote is not a natural right for either

men or women; it is granted by law. The only
questions to be answered are whether women
may in fact exercise this right to the benefit of
the state and whether they can exercise it with
good reason.

– Petition by Pierre Faucher,

Romain Robitaille, and all electors of Quebec City,
3 December 1828
 ONE

PIONEERS OF
S U F F R AG E

In this drawing of a nineteenth-century polling station in Lower

Canada, two returning officers sit with their poll books, looking
on as a voter prepares to take an oath. More voters, including a
woman, wait their turn to cast their ballots. Female property
owners could vote, as suffrage was linked to property. However,
their inclusion in the electorate, due to an interpretation of the
Constitutional Act of 1791, was increasingly being contested.
At a time when women were associated with the roles of wife
and mother, their presence in polling places was becoming
unacceptable. Their right to vote was withdrawn in 1849.

3
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
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Van Damme, P., 5
Van der Haeghen, G., 87
Van der Straten. See Straten
Van Ruremond. See Ruremond
Vaughan, R., 45, 66
Vellum, books printed on, 11, 12, 17, 38, 44, 59, 81, 83
Venerie de Twety, 40
Venice, printing, 18, 43, 77
Veron, J., 113, 114;
Godly sayings of the old fathers, J. Oswen, 113
Very declaration of the bond and free will of man, J Herford, 102
Violette, Pierre, 45, 46
Virgilius Maro, P., 13
Vocabularius Ex-quo, G. ten Raem, 8
Voragine, J. de. See Jacobus
Vouillième, E., 20
Vulgaria Terentii. See Terentius

W. G., binder, 64
Wake, Gerard, 89
Wakefield, Dr, 88, 89
Waltwnem, J., 98
Wandsforth, F., 43-45, 47, 49-51, 63, 64
Wandsforth, G., 44, 45, 47-49, 64
Ward, John, 89
Warwyke, E., 48
Warwyke, J., 48
Waterson, R., 47
Watson, H., 47, 53, 54
Weale, W. H. J., 95
Welles, John, 63
Wesel, printing, 108, 109
West, Nicholas, 79
Westminster Abbey Library, 12, 73, 83, 95
Weywick, M., 47, 48, 50.
See also Warwyke
Whitinton, R., Grammar, 29;
U. Mylner, 57;
J Scolar, 69;
W. de Worde, 77
Winchester binding, 30, 32
Winchester, printing, 120
Wodhull, M., 36
Wolsey, T., 76, 96, 105
Wood, Anthony à, 29
Worcester Cathedral Library, 65
Worde, W. de, 26, 29, 30, 34, 38, 41, 47, 48, 53, 54, 57, 58, 67,
69, 70, 77
Wordsworth, C., and F. Procter, Breviary, 56
Wraghton, W. See Turner
Wutton, Mr, 25
Wyer, Robert, 54
Wynkyn Lane, 29
York Minster Library, 36, 52, 64
York, Stationers’ Company, 63

Zurich, printing, 121

Zwingli, U. Certain precepts, A Scoloker, 106, 107;
Short pathway to the Scriptures, J. Oswen, 113

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