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Acceptance Commitment Therapy ACT 100 Key Points
Techniques 1st Edition Richard Bennett Digital Instant
Download
Author(s): Richard Bennett, Joseph E. Oliver
ISBN(s): 9781351056144, 135105614X
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 2.64 MB
Year: 2019
Language: english
This book presents, in a clear and concise way, key concepts and
techniques that make ACT what it is –​a humane and effective way
of changing human behaviour to relieve distress and suffering, and to
reorient individuals towards a future they want to have. The book is
simple and honest in its aims to present a picture of what ACT looks
like, of how it describes itself in its terminology, and of the science it
connects most closely with. This combination is hugely workable and
simply refreshing. The book grapples with the complexities of clinical
problems, but manages to inspire the clinician not to be too daunted
by this challenge, by offering a range of helpful, well-​described tools
that are usable, understandable and creative. I would definitely recom-
mend this book for anyone interested in learning ACT or for clinicians
wanting to explore ACT techniques.
Dr Yvonne Barnes-​Holmes, Associate Professor in Behaviour
Analysis, Department of Experimental-​Clinical and Health
Psychology, Ghent University, and leading researcher in
Relational Frame Theory

In my opinion, this book deserves to be mentioned in the same breath

as the classic ACT texts. I say this because I haven’t read a Contextual
Behavioural Science book quite like this, where the depth of the
science and practice is covered in such accessible language. It will be
the first resource that I recommend to students who are interested in
learning about this topic.
Dr Nic Hooper, Senior Lecturer at the University of the West of
England, co-​author of The Research Journey of ACT and
co-​creator of the annual Diary for Valued Action

This book will be essential reading for all trainee and qualified
practitioners who want to use the wisdom of ACT ideas in their
work. The book provides an accessible reference to the key theoretical
concepts and practical issues for practitioners across all settings, such
as individual or group psychotherapy, counselling, coaching, commu-
nity or organisational interventions. The authors have cleverly kept
the three important areas of learning the ACT approach central to the
writing, that is, the Head (knowledge of theory and concepts), Hands
(practical skills and techniques) and Heart (ways of relating to one’s
own experiences and the experiences of others). An excellent contri-
bution from innovative authors in the field.
Dr Louise McHugh, Associate Professor,
University College Dublin, and co-​editor of
The Self and Perspective Taking: Contributions and
Applications from Modern Behavioral Science
A stand-​out book: thorough, knowledgeable, clear and practical. It
gives just the right balance of the necessary theoretical foundations,
practical skills, and guidance on how to use them in context. The new-
comer can work through it to learn what they need to do ACT well,
rather than simply ‘know about’ ACT. The veteran can open it at any
page and find a new insight, technique, or idea to ponder. To be read
cover-​to-​cover, or dipped into at random, this book is a valuable add-
ition to the shelf of anyone interested in ACT.
Dr Ray Owen, Consultant Clinical Psychologist,
Health Psychologist, and Peer Reviewed ACT Trainer,
author of Facing the Storm and Living with the Enemy
 ACCEPTANCE AND
COMMITMENT THERAPY
Acceptance and Commitment Therapy: 100 Key Points and
Techniques offers a comprehensive, yet concise, overview of
the central features of the philosophy, theory, and practical
application of ACT. It explains and demonstrates the range of
acceptance, mindfulness, and behaviour change strategies that
can be used in the service of helping people increase their psy-
chological flexibility and wellbeing.
Divided into three main parts, the book covers the ‘Head,
Hands, and Heart’ of the approach, moving from the basics of
behavioural psychology, via the key principles of Relational
Frame Theory and the Psychological Flexibility model, to a
detailed description of how ACT is practised, providing the
reader with a solid grounding from which to develop their
delivery of ACT-​ consistent interventions. It concludes by
addressing key decisions to make in practice and how best to
attend to the therapeutic process.
The authors of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy bring
a wealth of experience of using ACT in their own therapy
practice and of training and supervising others in developing
knowledge and skills in the approach. This book will appeal to
practitioners looking to further their theoretical knowledge
and hands-​on skills and those seeking a useful reference for all
aspects of their ACT practice.

Richard Bennett works as a Clinical Psychologist and Cognitive

Behavioural Psychotherapist and runs a private practice, Think
Psychology. He also leads a Postgraduate Diploma in Cognitive
Behavioural Therapy as part of the Centre for Applied Psychology at
the University of Birmingham.

Joseph E. Oliver is a Consultant Clinical Psychologist and director for

Contextual Consulting, a consultancy based in London providing ACT
training, coaching, and therapy. He is joint director for the University
College London Cognitive Behavioural Therapy in Psychosis Post
Graduate Diploma, whilst also holding a post within the NHS.
100 Key Points and Techniques
Series Editor: Windy Dryden

ALSO IN THIS SERIES:

GESTALT THERAPY: 100 KEY POINTS AND

TECHNIQUES
Dave Mann

INTEGRATIVE THERAPY: 100 KEY POINTS AND

TECHNIQUES
Maria Gilbert and Vanja Orlans

SOLUTION FOCUSED BRIEF THERAPY: 100 KEY

POINTS AND TECHNIQUES
Harvey Ratner, Evan George and Chris Iveson

COGNITIVE BEHAVIOUR THERAPY: 100 KEY POINTS

AND TECHNIQUES, 2ND EDITION
Michael Neenan and Windy Dryden

RATIONAL EMOTIVE BEHAVIOUR THERAPY: 100 KEY

POINTS AND TECHNIQUES, 2ND EDITION
Windy Dryden and Michael Neenan

EXISTENTIAL THERAPY: 100 KEY POINTS AND

TECHNIQUES
Susan Iacovou and Karen Weixel-​Dixon

PERSON-​C ENTRED THERAPY: 100 KEY POINTS AND

TECHNIQUES, 2ND EDITION
Paul Wilkins

SINGLE-​S ESSION THERAPY (SST): 100 KEY POINTS

AND TECHNIQUES
Windy Dryden

ACCEPTANCE AND COMMITMENT THERAPY:

100 KEY POINTS AND TECHNIQUES
Richard Bennett and Joseph E. Oliver
 ACCEPTANCE AND
COMMITMENT
THERAPY
100 KEY POINTS
AND TECHNIQUES

Richard Bennett and Joseph E. Oliver

First published 2019
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Richard Bennett and Joseph E. Oliver
The right of Richard Bennett and Joseph E. Oliver to be identified as authors of
this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised
in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or
hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without
intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-​in-​Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data
Names: Bennett, Richard (Psychologist), author. | Oliver, Joseph E., author.
Title: Acceptance and commitment therapy : 100 key points and
techniques / Richard Bennett and Joseph E. Oliver.
Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2018056639 (print) | LCCN 2018057696 (ebook) |
Subjects: LCSH: Acceptance and commitment therapy.
Classification: LCC RC489.A32 (ebook) |
LCC RC489.A32 B46 2019 (print) | DDC 616.89/1425–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018056639
ISBN: 978-​1-​138-​48301-​9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-​1-​138-​48302-​6 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-​1-​351-​05614-​4 (ebk)
Typeset in Aldus LT Std
by Newgen Publishing UK
 CONTENTS

Acknowledgements  xi

Introduction  1

Part 1
HEAD  3

1 The head of ACT –​philosophy and theory  5

KEY BEHAVIOURAL PRINCIPLES  7

2 The ‘B’ in CBT  9

3 Learning by association  11
4 Learning by consequence  13
5 Appetitive and aversive control  15
6 Functional contextualism  17
7 A pragmatic truth  19
8 The function of behaviour  21
9 Function versus form  23
10 The importance of context  25
11 Learning through language and cognition  27

RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY (RFT)  29

12 Background to RFT  31
13 Relational responding  33
14 Different ways of relating  35
15 Transformation of stimulus functions  38
16 Coherence  40
17 Language as a gift and a curse  42
18 The illusion of control  44
19 Experiential avoidance  46

vii
viii C ontents

20 Cognitive fusion  48
21 Rule-​governed behaviour  50

KEY PROCESSES IN ACT  53

22 The targets of ACT  55

23 Psychological flexibility  57
24 Discrimination and tracking  59
25 Widening behavioural repertoires  61
26 A focus on process  63
27 The Hexaflex model  65
28 Contact with the present moment  68
29 Self-​as-​context  70
30 Acceptance  72
31 Defusion  74
32 Values  76
33 Committed action  79

Part 2
HANDS  81

34 The hands of ACT –​technique and practice  83

ASSESSMENT AND FORMULATION  85

35 ACT as a Cognitive Behavioural Therapy  87

36 Experiential learning  89
37 The utility of metaphor  91
38 Retaining a process focus  94
39 Open, aware, and active  96
40 Focused assessment  98
41 Creative hopelessness  100
42 Workability  102
43 Sharing the ACT model  104
44 Maintenance cycles  106
45 Towards and away moves  108
46 The ACT matrix  110
 C ontents ix

TECHNIQUES FOR MOVING ACT PROCESSES  113

47 Contact with the present moment techniques  115

48 Mindfulness with a small ‘m’  117
49 Formal mindfulness exercises  119
50 Self-​as-​context techniques  122
51 The ‘Sky and Weather’ exercise  124
52 Perspective taking  126
53 Acceptance techniques  129
54 The ‘tug of war’ exercise  131
55 The ‘Chinese Finger Traps’ exercise  134
56 Defusion techniques  136
57 ‘I’m having the thought that…’  138
58 Physicalising exercises  140
59 Values techniques  142
60 The ‘Top Ten Moments’ exercise  144
61 An alternative ‘miracle question’  146
62 Committed action techniques  148
63 The ‘values, goals and actions’ exercise  150
64 Exposure and inhibitory learning  152

STRUCTURING INTERVENTION  155

65 Structuring a course of sessions  157

66 Structuring a single session  159
67 Using overarching metaphors  161
68 The ‘Passengers on the Bus’ exercise  163
69 The ‘Lifeline Steps’ exercise  165

Part 3
HEART  167

70 The heart of ACT –​context, strategy, and process 

169

ACT IN CONTEXT  171

71 Human suffering is not a disease  173

72 Fundamental human requirements  175
73 Our clients are stuck, not broken  177
x C ontents

74 The therapeutic stance  179

75 ACT in a cultural context  181
76 ACT and the medical model  183

MAKING DECISIONS IN PRACTICE  185

77 Process or protocol?  187

78 Using functional analysis in session  189
79 Functional analytic psychotherapy  191
80 Model, initiate, reinforce  193
81 Promoting practitioner–​client co-​ordination  195
82 Doing over talking  197
83 Function over form  199
84 Context over content  201
85 Pragmatism over truth  203
86 Working by addition  205
87 Increasing behaviour over reducing behaviour  207
88 Values over goals  209
89 Ensuring values do not become rules  211
90 Targeting metaphors  213

ISSUES WITHIN THE THERAPEUTIC PROCESS  215

91 When control and avoidance might be good  217

92 Self-​disclosure  219
93 Staying present  221
94 Awareness of therapist fusion  223
95 Steering clear of the ‘fix-​it’ trap  226
96 Staying with difficult emotions  228
97 Learning to love your self-​doubt  230
98 Modelling the model  232
99 The ‘On Track, Off Track’ exercise  234
100 Maintaining fidelity to the model  237

Supervision worksheet  239

References  241
Index  247
newgenprepdf

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We are indebted to everyone within the ACT and contextual

behavioural science community for shaping our thinking
about the work that we do. Many of the ideas and concepts
presented herein have been inspired by others, although the
precise genesis of these is not always easy to pinpoint due to
the open-​source ethos of the community. We have referenced
and credited people where possible, and wish to extend our
heartfelt gratitude, both to those people and anyone else who
has helped us along the way.

xi
 INTRODUCTION

At the time of writing, it is almost 20 years since the first book

on Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT, pronounced
as one word, as opposed to A.C.T.) was published. In the inter-
vening period ACT has benefitted from the growth of a con-
siderable evidence base, encompassing approximately 250
randomised controlled trials and around 30 systematic reviews
and meta-​analyses. The evidence of its efficacy is wide-​ranging,
from clinical applications in individual therapy in physical and
mental health care, through occupational applications in teams
and organisations, to helping people face social and public
health problems at a societal level.
We are very grateful to series editor, Professor Windy
Dryden, for the invitation to contribute an ACT text to the ‘100
Key Points and Techniques’ range. Given the rapid growth of
ACT, it feels like a timely addition. It is our hope that this book
will serve as a handy reference to the key theoretical concepts
and practical issues for anyone looking to use the model as
part of their efforts to help others. We have arranged this book
in three parts, entitled the Head, the Hands, and the Heart of
ACT. This reflects the way in which ACT is often discussed and
delivered in training contexts, emphasising that those wishing
to learn about the approach will necessarily engage in the pur-
suit of three areas of learning:

• Head –​knowledge of theory and concepts

• Hands –​practical skills and techniques
• Heart –​ways of relating to one’s own experiences and the
experiences of others

1
2 I ntroduction

The global ACT community, from within the field of con-

textual behavioural science, places significant importance on
the desire to continue to develop a science more appropriate to
the needs of the human condition. It is in the service of gaining
an understanding of this science and its application that we
present this book. We very much hope you find it helpful.
Part 1

HEAD
 1
THE HEAD OF ACT –​PHILOSOPHY
AND THEORY

This first part of this book, the ‘Head’ of ACT, is concerned

with setting the philosophical and theoretical context for the
practice of ACT. It is our belief that a solid foundation in the
principles of behavioural science is vital to the effective prac-
tice of ACT as an intervention in any setting. As experienced
trainers, we have witnessed the somewhat seductive power of
ACT for people coming across it for the first time. It can be easy
to be wowed by the creative use of metaphors or an appealing
therapeutic technique, such as engaging a client in a game of
tug of war. We would want to urge some caution at the outset,
in that if practitioners simply lift metaphors or techniques from
this book without having a clear understanding of why they
can be useful, the functional analytic approach that underpins
the practice of ACT will be lost. Despite how it might appear to
someone looking in from the outside, ACT is not just a neat bag
of tricks. It is an approach to psychological intervention firmly
rooted in a functional contextualist account of behaviourism,
and it is our assertion that therapeutic precision and impact
will be greater if the practitioner has a clear understanding of
what this means.
In the service of assisting you, the reader, to locate your
understanding of ACT within the wider behavioural tradition,
this part will firstly offer a kind of ‘Behaviourism 101’. This
will focus on the key principles that have been influential in
shaping the theory and practice of ACT as a psychological inter-
vention. Following this, we will introduce you to Relational
Frame Theory (RFT); a behavioural account of language that
has been a significant theoretical driver of the development of

5
6 H ead

ACT. One might consider RFT and ACT to be like siblings that
have grown up together and influenced each other’s growth
and development. Lastly, this part of the book will outline the
psychological flexibility model central to the aims of practicing
ACT. Here we will discuss the psychological flexibility concept
itself, as well as the six core processes that contribute to it.
KEY BEHAVIOURAL
PRINCIPLES
 2
THE ‘B’ IN CBT

Contemporary Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT) is often

spoken about as if it is a single entity. It is more accurate to
describe it as a combination of models and approaches that have
co-​evolved and coalesced over time and are likely to continue
to do so in ways that are not yet clear. Any model of psych-
ology that attempts to understand the demands of the human
condition will inevitably focus both on observable external
behaviours, as well as the less immediately accessible internal
realm of thoughts, emotions, values, and desires. CBT expli-
citly attempts to balance attention to these aspects of human
functioning, and behavioural science has made a significant
contribution to this endeavour.
Behaviourism is an approach to understanding behaviour
that emphasises the role of interactions between an organism,
the environmental context in which it exists, and its previous
learning history. The focus, behaviour, can be defined as some-
thing that an organism does (Watson, 1929). Behaviourism
primarily sees behaviour as a response to a stimulus within
the present environmental context, or as a consequence of pre-
vious learning, such as whether that behaviour has previously
been reinforced or punished in the presence of the stimulus.
The behaviourists of the early twentieth century, notably Ivan
Pavlov and John B. Watson, tended to focus only on observable
behaviours and events, with a view to measuring, predicting,
and controlling behavioural responses. Later theorists, such as
Burrhus F. Skinner, expanded the notion of behavioural science
to embrace the study of internal events, including thoughts,
feelings, and the processes of language (Skinner, 1953). This
became known as ‘radical behaviourism’. In terms of the

9
10 H ead

application of this work to clinical psychology, retrospectively,

this phase has been referred to as the ‘first wave’ of what we
now recognise as the field that became CBT.
The early promise that behaviourism showed with respect
to improving the lives of people somewhat dissipated when
the field faltered in its attempts to effectively explain these
more sophisticated internal aspects of the human experience.
Behavioural approaches to clinical psychology were largely
dominant in the US and UK until the early 1970s, at which
point popular criticisms that behaviourism was too mechan-
ical and reductionist, or that it effectively denied the role of
thoughts and feelings, led psychological therapists to look
much more towards cognitive science for their inspiration. This
increased focus on cognition, along with the development of
techniques for modifying thoughts and beliefs, via the work
of Albert Ellis and Aaron T. Beck, is often referred to as the
‘second wave’ of CBT (Ellis, 1962; Beck, 1976).
Certain fields of clinical psychology, notably work with
people with intellectual disabilities, and work with children,
have always maintained a strong focus on utilising basic behav-
ioural principles. Other fields are rediscovering the important
contribution that a solid understanding of the central tenets of
behaviourism can bring, as well as benefitting from contem-
porary developments in behavioural theory. The ‘third wave’ of
CBT is characterised by a focus on the functional relationship
between behaviour and the contexts in which it occurs, with
interventions focusing on modifying the way individuals relate
to thoughts, behaviours, and events. ACT (Hayes, Strosahl, &
Wilson, 1999) and Dialectical Behaviour Therapy (Linehan,
1993) are prime examples of contemporary models of CBT
with radical behaviourism at their core. These models have
quickly established a scientific evidence base attesting to their
efficacy, ensuring that the ‘B’ in CBT remains alive and well.
 3
LEARNING BY ASSOCIATION

Thanks to Ivan Pavlov and his dogs, respondent conditioning

(sometimes known as classical conditioning) is probably the
best-​known aspect of behavioural theory. This describes the
ability of an organism to learn by associating one stimulus
with another. In his famous experiments, Pavlov systemat-
ically sounded a bell just before presenting food to his dogs.
After several repetitions, Pavlov observed that the dogs began
to salivate at the sound of the bell, even when the food was
not present. A dog needs no training to salivate when food is
presented. In the language of respondent conditioning, food is
an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) and salivation is an uncondi-
tioned response (UCR). Pavlov had trained the dogs to associate
a previously neutral stimulus (NS), the sound of the bell, with
food. The bell obtained the function of the food and provoked
salivation. In this association, the bell became a conditioned
stimulus (CS) and the learned reaction of salivating to its
sound is referred to as a conditioned response (CR).
The ability to make associations in this way and relate
different stimuli together is a key building block of the learning
of all organisms, humans included. The process is often so
smooth and multi-​faceted to the point that we don’t even notice
it occurring. However, this form of learning provides countless
opportunities for modifying behaviour in the service of adap-
tation and survival in a wide range of environmental contexts.
It can be an incredibly efficient form of learning. Sometimes
even one ‘trial’ is enough to form an association that modifies
behaviour for an entire lifetime. Imagine a child frightened by
the squawk of a parrot at a young age. The association of fear
and parrots might subsequently persist for many years. Parrots

11
12 H ead

and their squawks become a CS. The CR of fear can begin to

show up consistently around birds, and can even generalise
to similar contextual cues, such as other animals, or places
like parks where birds or animals are known to be present.
Respondent conditioning is so efficient that the fear response
described above could even be learned from observing a parent
respond with fear around an apparently passive animal.
It is worth noting that whilst behaviourism often emphasises
learning in the present or in the history of the organism, bio-
logical preparedness for certain associations is also a relevant
factor. Not all neutral stimuli are entirely neutral. For example,
it is much easier to condition a fear response to a dog bark, a
tall building, darkness, physical pain, or social evaluation, than
it is to many other commonly experienced stimuli (Ramnerö
& Törneke, 2008).
As with all forms of learning that will be described in this
book, respondent conditioning can be responsible for the devel-
opment of very helpful and adaptive behavioural responses,
such as the avoidance of dangerous stimuli. It can also be
responsible for the development of conditioned responses that
are not adaptive at all, such as the avoidance of stimuli that
are not dangerous, and which could even be very rewarding to
explore if only the fear did not get in the way.
 4
LEARNING BY CONSEQUENCE

Learning to relate stimuli by association, as described by

respondent conditioning, does not in itself fully explain why
behaviours that result from the conditioning process per-
sist over time. For example, why does the child in the pre-
vious chapter, frightened by the squawking parrot, continue
to exhibit avoidant behaviour long after that initial squawk,
particularly when no physical harm was caused? Operant con-
ditioning, or learning by consequence, can help us to formulate
an answer to this question. Consider what the immediate con-
sequence of the child’s avoidant behaviour (getting away from
the parrot) might be. First, the behaviour serves the function
of removing the aversive external stimulus of the squawking
noise; and second, as a result, it removes the aversive internal
stimulus of anxiety. The child’s action has resulted in a good
outcome, thereby increasing the chances that the child will act
in the same, or at least functionally similar, way the next time
a comparable situation occurs. It is not hard to see how a broad
pattern of avoidant behaviour might grow and grow for as long
as it continues to produce favourable outcomes. In this way,
behaviourists are not only interested in the behaviour, but also
in what precedes and follows it, often expressed as follows:

Antecedent (A) –​Behaviour (B) –​Consequence (C)

The basic point here is that consequences of a certain behaviour

can serve to increase or decrease the likelihood of that behaviour
recurring in response to particular antecedents in the future.
Behaviour is more likely to be repeated if the consequences of
it are experienced as pleasant or rewarding, and less likely to

13
14 H ead

be repeated if it has had unpleasant consequences. Given that

consequences can be experienced as pleasant or unpleasant, and
stimuli can be both added and removed, four basic scenarios exist
for modifying the form and frequency of a certain behaviour. Let
us imagine we want to increase the frequency with which Jake
tidies his bedroom. There are two strategies we could employ:

• Positive reinforcement: Adding a pleasant consequence to

the tidying behaviour (e.g. ‘As soon as your room is tidy,
we can go to that new Star Wars movie you’ve been asking
to see’)
• Negative reinforcement: Removing an unpleasant con-
sequence to the tidying behaviour (e.g. ‘If you tidy your
room, I will clean your football boots for you’)

Should we wish to decrease the frequency with which Jake

messes up his room, a further two strategies are available:

• Positive punishment: Adding an unpleasant consequence

to the untidy behaviour (e.g. ‘If you mess up your room
again, you will be on cleaning duty for the whole house for
a week’)
• Negative punishment: Removing a pleasant consequence to
the untidy behaviour (e.g. ‘If you mess up your room again,
there will be no movie trips for a month’)

It is worth noting the use of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ are often

misunderstood in the context of operant conditioning. They
are not synonymous with ‘good’ and ‘bad’, rather they are
indicative of ‘increase/​addition’ and ‘decrease/​subtraction’ of a
consequence respectively.
Not all behaviours are followed by consequences that
function as reinforcement or punishment. Extinction is the
term used to describe the situation when a behaviour declines
in frequency because it is not reinforced or the reinforcement
ceases. For example, Jake is unlikely to continue to tidy his
room if he learns that the treats he is promised for doing so
never actually materialise.
 5
APPETITIVE AND AVERSIVE
CONTROL

There are many ways of describing and classifying behaviour.

One of the key behavioural principles that influences the prac-
tice of ACT is the notion that the behaviour of any organism
can be grouped into one of two broad functional classes: behav-
iour under appetitive (coming from the word appetite) control;
and behaviour under aversive control.
Different behaviours can be classified as having the same
function, even though they appear to be quite dissimilar.
Imagine a client in therapy who finds the therapist’s focus on
the key issue of worthlessness to be very uncomfortable. The
client might avoid this discomfort by using humour to redirect
the conversation, or, alternatively, he might simply stop
attending sessions. These two behaviours appear very different,
although they belong to the same functional class, because both
are attempts to avoid the unwanted experience of discussing
the feeling of worthlessness. In the example, the client can be
said to be acting under aversive control, that is, his behaviour
is designed, either consciously or not, to diminish contact with
an experience that he finds aversive. It is not difficult to appre-
ciate how this client might have acquired a learning history
wherein contacting his feelings of worthlessness is unpleasant
and he is therefore motivated to avoid such contact. All of us
are motivated to avoid certain stimuli if we have learned that
they might be harmful and doing so is crucial to the successful
functioning of any organism. Put simply, human beings would
not have survived very long if they had not learned to keep
a safe distance between themselves and the many sources of
danger that are present in the world.

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16 H ead

Aversive control, or the avoidance of dangerous or unpleasant

stimuli, is one means of functionally classifying behaviour.
Equally crucial to the survival of any organism is the notion of
appetitive control, when behaviour is motivated by increasing
contact with stimuli that are pleasant or otherwise reinforcing.
Again, behaviours under appetitive control might appear to be
very diverse but because the purpose of them is the same, they
can be considered to be functionally equivalent. Consider the
example of a therapist who values creativity in her work. She
has a learning history in which the experience of trying new
things and finding ways to do familiar things differently has
been repeatedly reinforced. This therapist can act creatively in
a variety of ways, for example, by studying new approaches,
by trying out different techniques, or by varying the mode of
delivering therapy from individual work to group work. Each
of these diverse behaviours has the same function in terms of
increasing her contact with the quality of creativity.
One final thing to understand about this concept is that
any single behaviour can be performed under either appeti-
tive or aversive control, and that no behaviour is intrinsically
appetitive or aversive. For example, you can run through the
local park because you love running for fitness (appetitive) or
because you are being chased by a gang (aversive). Thus, in the
service of promoting adaptive behaviour change, it is helpful
for practitioners to firmly appreciate that behaviour does not
exist in a vacuum. It always exists within a context and part
of that context is psychological. The notion of appetitive and
aversive control is key to understanding the psychological
context in which behaviour occurs, and therefore its function.
In the practice of ACT this is also a very helpful concept for
clients to learn, albeit in a more accessible format. To this end,
Chapter 45 is concerned with sharing the notion of ‘Towards
and Away Moves’ with clients.
 6
FUNCTIONAL CONTEXTUALISM

The previous chapter introduced the terms function and con-

text. Function refers to the effect that any event or behaviour
has. Behaviour does not occur in a vacuum and it always has
consequences. For example, reading this chapter might bring
about a sense of intellectual stimulation, or confusion. Context
refers to the circumstances within which the event or behav-
iour takes place. Taking the example of reading this chapter, a
broad definition of context allows us to consider where you
are reading it, why you are reading it, and your learning his-
tory right up until this very moment. Each of these contextual
factors will influence your experience of reading it. In this way
the function of your reading behaviour cannot be understood
without an appreciation of the context, with function and con-
text influencing each other.
These concepts are key to predicting and influencing behav-
iour and crucial to properly understanding the philosophical
position from where ACT looks at the events relevant to its
aims. There are many different ways to describe and under-
stand the events that occur around us. A philosophy guides
how we choose to do this. Taking a philosophical position
involves making certain assumptions about the world, and
different therapeutic traditions are rooted within different
philosophical worldviews. ACT sits within the research para-
digm of contextual behavioural science, which in turn is based
on a worldview known as functional contextualism. A com-
plete appreciation of this philosophical position is beyond the
scope of this book (see Zettle, Hayes, Barnes-​Holmes, & Biglan,
2016 for a comprehensive account), although a basic overview
is helpful in grasping why ACT stands where it does, and how

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it views things from where it stands. This chapter and those

that follow in this part consider the core components of func-
tional contextualism.
Functional contextualism is concerned with the behaviour
of whole organisms interacting within their situational and
historical context (Hayes et al., 1999). It suggests that any
behaviour will not be understood properly if divided up into
its constituent parts. One cannot meaningfully separate the
purpose of the behaving organism from the behaviour itself
or from the context in which that behaviour occurs. It is likely
that you are reading this book with a specific intention, that
the reading of it is impacting upon you in some way, and that
there is a context in which you are doing your reading. If one is
attempting to understand your ‘reading this book’ behaviour, it
makes little sense to separate your reading of it from the con-
text of why you are doing so. Thus, the whole ‘act-​in-​context’
is of interest. Researchers and therapists alike will look to the
‘act-​in-​context’ as the basic unit of analysis if operating from a
functional contextual position.
 7
A PRAGMATIC TRUTH

When most people think about whether a statement is ‘true’,

they think about a match between something that has been
verbally described and something that has been experienced as
being real. Thus, in determining truth, we often look for cor-
respondence between actual reality and what is said about it.
This description of truth is consistent with the way that most
of the field of psychology operates. Prior to reading this book,
you may well have read other books on psychology or psy-
chotherapy that propose models of therapy, sometimes from
a mechanistic philosophical position. Mechanistic models use
the concept of a machine as their root metaphor, in that there
are inputs, processes, and outputs. Beck et al.’s (1979) cognitive
model of depression is a good example of this. It describes a cog-
nitive model of how depression is developed and maintained,
using inputs such as a person’s early experiences, processes like
formation of beliefs about themselves, others and the world,
and outputs such as the symptoms described by the diagnosis
of depression. Cognitive therapists using the model with their
clients will likely seek a correspondence between the inputs,
processes, and outputs described by it and the lived experi-
ence of their client. If there is a good fit between the model
and the lived experience, the model might be seen as a ‘true’
description.
Functional contextualism, which includes the theory and
practice of ACT, takes a different view of truth in which ‘what
works’ is the central criterion of truth. When considering
the prominent role of context, it follows that contextualists
work on the assumption that there is no one objective truth.
Consider the street where you live. You could look at it on a

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map and you could look at a photograph of it. Neither of these

representations of your street is any truer than the other, and
which one is most useful to you depends on the purpose for
which you are making the choice between them. Functional
contextualism assumes that there is not a fundamental reality
or truth that can be captured, but rather reality or truth
depends on context.
Instead of seeking objective correspondence between behav-
iour and verbal descriptions of it, the purpose of functional
contextualism is pragmatic, in the sense of seeking to help
people make more informed choices about their behaviour,
such that it becomes more functional (Flaxman, Blackledge, &
Bond, 2011). Within functional contextualism, truth is defined
more closely by what is shown to be effective and in the best
interests of the individual in question. It follows that an ACT
practitioner’s analysis of a behaviour is only ‘true’ to the extent
that it helps the client to function better in pursuit of their spe-
cified purpose. When using ACT with clients, it is important
to hold to these principles, encouraging them to rely less on
a search for objective truth, and more on their experience of
what is working or not working.
 8
THE FUNCTION OF BEHAVIOUR

As we outlined in Chapter 6, the term function refers to the

effect that any event or behaviour has. Functional analysis is
a key aspect of behavioural practice, and, in turn, the practice
of ACT. It is achieved by constructing ABC analyses (as in
Chapter 4) and carefully looking at the consequences of spe-
cific behaviours (see Ramnerö and Törneke, 2008 for a detailed
description). Rather than a concern with what clients do, or how
frequently they do it, ACT places emphasis on the function of
what they do. This is important because it brings into sharp
focus the kinds of consequences that clients contact when they
make choices and enact different behaviours.
Based on the concept of appetitive and aversive con-
trol, any behaviour serves one of two main functions for an
organism; either to approach desired stimuli (and the resulting
consequences of coming into contact with the stimuli), or to
escape or avoid undesired stimuli. Our focus is always on
this distinction and when trying to identify the function of a
given behaviour, it can be useful to ask, ‘What purposes is this
behaviour serving? What is the client trying to move towards
or away from?’ This very simple question can be extremely
helpful in ensuring the focus remains on function.
As an example, consider a client referred for psychological
intervention due to difficulties with compulsive cleaning
behaviour. Cleaning the house is not intrinsically good or bad.
It could be argued that cleaning has helpful functions in terms
of infection control and the aesthetic appeal of how the client’s
house looks … and, if we know that the client is cleaning the
house top to bottom, three times a day to the point of phys-
ical exhaustion, we can also see the unhelpful functions of the
behaviour. We can apply the questions above to this example:

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‘WHAT PURPOSES IS THIS BEHAVIOUR SERVING?’

On questioning, it transpires that the client has done versions
of this behaviour since they were a child. The client was raised
in a household with a violent father and as a child the client
learned that appearing to work hard and be useful meant they
would less often be the target of the father’s anger. Thus, the
behaviour has the additional function of helping the client dis-
tance herself from feelings of threat and danger.

‘WHAT IS THE CLIENT TRYING TO MOVE TOWARDS

OR AWAY FROM?’
The client’s learning history strongly suggests that the act
of cleaning minimises threat or danger and it occurs under
aversive control. The client is moving away from something
unwanted. As is the case with many ‘away’ behaviours, it
occurs without much flexibility or creativity, leaving little time
or space for the client to explore more appetitive patterns of
behaviour. The client’s behavioural repertoire is narrowed by
the compelling desire to avoid feeling unsafe in the present.
Knowing the function of behaviours is helpful because it
serves as the basis for the intervention that follows, in a way
that simply focusing on the form or frequency of the behav-
iour would not. In the above example, the practitioner might
want to help the client see the functions more clearly, perhaps
highlighting the cost or unworkable nature of their away behav-
iour, helping them to be less governed by their thoughts about
danger, building skills to manage these thoughts more effect-
ively, or helping them build patterns of ‘towards’ behaviour.
 9
FUNCTION VERSUS FORM

Human beings have a gift for pattern recognition and we like

to organise the apparently random and chaotic world around
us into ordered shapes, structures, and systems. A relevant
example of this can be seen in mental health care with the use
of diagnostic classification systems. Such systems emphasise
the differences between various so-​called disorders based on
lists of presenting symptoms, and clinicians are encouraged
to categorise clients based on the form of their presentation.
Psychological therapies subscribing to diagnostic classifica-
tion systems similarly tend to focus on form. Beck’s Cognitive
Therapy is a notable case, having developed many disorder-​
specific variants of its basic model, with the expectation that
practitioners select the right model for the right form or pres-
entation. Being a transdiagnostic model, ACT promotes a
different stance, encouraging a focus on function rather than
form. Thus, when applying ACT in healthcare contexts, less
attention would be paid to the diagnostic label that might have
been attached to the client’s presentation, and emphasis would
instead be placed upon the function of the client’s behaviour.
Consider the example of someone with compulsive gambling
behaviour. A typical cycle might be the build-​up of uncomfort-
able thoughts, feelings, or urges, which are neutralised when
the individual subsequently engages in a gambling behaviour.
A sense of relief might be felt, as the gambling functions as a
means of alleviating discomfort and the behaviour is negatively
reinforced, increasing the likelihood of it being repeated. The
individual might go on to experience feelings of guilt or shame
at having succumbed to gambling, and as the discomfort grows
once again, they turn to gambling to neutralise the discomfort,
since it has a history of working effectively, albeit in the short

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term. If we simplify this maintaining cycle of behaviour (feel

discomfort –​do a behaviour –​feel better before slowly feeling
worse again –​repeat the behaviour, and so on), think about
whether it reminds you of any other behaviour you see in your
practice? Do your clients engage in repetitive behaviours that
function similarly? Whilst the form might differ, it is easy to
see how a wide range of behaviours described in therapeutic
interactions have the same function. Binge eating, avoidance,
seeking reassurance, and most addictive behaviours can all
belong to the same functional class.
We would argue that focusing on function provides an ele-
gant way to think about the presentation of your client, liber-
ating you from some of the limitations of having to think rigidly
about identifying a specific disorder and selecting the accom-
panying protocol. This focus on behavioural processes, rather
than their form, is part of a wider move away from disorder-​
specific thinking and towards a more transdiagnostic method
of assessment and intervention (e.g. Harvey, Watkins, Mansell,
& Shafran, 2004; Barlow et al., 2011; Hayes & Hoffman, 2017).
Finally, it should be stressed that the healthcare focus of this
chapter is merely illustrative, and the same principles apply in
other contexts where ACT is applied, be that within a work
setting, performance arena, or as applied to general well-​being
enhancement. If you want a memorable acronym to help you
maintain your focus on the function of your client’s behav-
iour, we find ‘WTF?’ helps. Obviously, it stands for ‘What’s The
Function?’
 10
THE IMPORTANCE OF CONTEXT

Imagine you are attending an ACT training event. You are

quietly sitting in the front row and listening attentively as the
facilitator explains the relationship between ACT and other
forms of CBT. She looks directly at you and immediately grabs
her water bottle and runs towards you, hastily removing the
top of the water bottle. Once she reaches you, she puts the
bottle to your mouth and enthusiastically encourages you
to drink.
In terms of your reaction, what would the function of this
behaviour be? It seems likely that you would experience sur-
prise or shock, and perhaps even anger or fear. In the context of
an ACT training event, it would be an unusual thing to happen.
Now imagine you are at an aid station in a region devastated
by drought. You have walked for ten miles to get there because
you know they have a supply of water. You catch sight of one
of the aid workers. She looks directly at you and immediately
grabs her water bottle and runs towards you, hastily removing
the top of the water bottle. Once she reaches you, she puts
the bottle to your mouth and enthusiastically encourages you
to drink.
As you imagine your reactions to this second scenario, do the
functions of the behaviour feel different? Are you still feeling
shocked and fearful? If the answer is no, and you are in touch
with gratitude, relief, or something similar, then this illustrates
a behavioural concept key to ACT. This is the idea that function
is dependent on context, and as the context of an event changes,
so does its function. If our clients describe thoughts, behaviours
or other events, we would follow up with questions about what
context those events were experienced within. In the water
example above, the contextual change between the scenarios

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was about situation and geography, although it is helpful for

an ACT practitioner to consider a broad definition of context.
For example, context might encompass cultural, social, and
interpersonal factors, as well as intrapersonal factors such as
emotional and cognitive states, and the client’s development
and learning history. Clearly, it is not practical to attempt to
consider every contextual feature when examining events, and
practitioners are encouraged to focus on those that most dir-
ectly relate to the goals of the intervention (Hayes et al., 1999).
The importance of context is underlined when we go on to
consider ACT interventions in the next part of the book, since
most primarily aim to change the social or verbal context in
which thoughts and behaviours occur, as opposed to their con-
tent or form. For example, if a client experiences the thought,
‘I am worthless’ in a context of self-​criticism, and attempts to
control, suppress, or avoid the thought, it seems likely it will
lead to a higher degree of distress than if the same thought
arrives in a context of non-​judgemental awareness and self-​
compassion (Marshall et al., 2015). Since the thought itself is
hard to control, ACT would focus on helping the client change
the context in which the thought is experienced. This could
include a number of responses to facilitate psychological dis-
tance from the thought, such as, observing the thought as just
a thought and not a literal truth, noticing that the thought is
simply an echo of the messages the client was given growing
up, or responding with kindness or self-​compassion.
 11
LEARNING THROUGH LANGUAGE
AND COGNITION

Most of the theories and concepts described in the previous

chapters apply equally to verbal and non-​verbal organisms.
Understanding the internal events experienced by verbal
organisms, such as thinking and language, has posed a much
bigger challenge for the science of behaviourism down the
years, although it is beyond doubt that acquiring language
represents a form of learning that transforms all other forms
of learning (Hayes, Barnes-​Holmes, & Roche, 2001). Humans
have an almost unique ability to bestow additional functions
upon stimuli and events within their environment simply by
making sounds with their mouths. We are able to learn all sorts
of relations and functions without having contact with the
direct contingencies of reinforcement, as would be described by
respondent and operant conditioning.
If a parent teaches a young child to cross the road, the key
focus is helping the child to learn to do so safely. The precise
nature of the training will vary somewhat between parents,
although it will largely involve some modelling of adaptive
behaviours such as stopping at the roadside, looking both ways,
and listening out for oncoming vehicles. It will also be heavily
laden with verbal instructions, key messages (e.g. ‘Stop, Look,
Listen’), and maybe even stories about what has happened to
children when the rules were not followed. It is almost certain
that the teaching will not involve the parent pushing the child
out into the road in front of oncoming traffic so that they learn
to manage the situation for themselves.
Whilst this might seem obvious, teaching and learning
through language is a peculiar gift of humans and serves as a

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massive evolutionary advantage. As children we learn a wide

range of skills about how to navigate our environment, without
having to be exposed to many of the direct risks contained
within it. To put this bluntly, we are taught to be frightened of
things that have never actually happened and taught skills to
manage situations we have never experienced. The complexity
of this process and the skills we learn is perhaps one reason
why the duration of human ‘childhood’ is so much longer than
other animals.
Language allows us to communicate with ourselves and
each other in incredibly complex ways and leads us to behave
differently to other animals. One is unlikely to find a giraffe
becoming anxious about something that might happen in the
next month or so. Humans do this all the time because language
allows us to create imagined futures in our minds. The main
aspect of this form of learning is the ability to relate different
stimuli and events to one another, independent of their actual
relations or formal characteristics (Ramnerö & Törneke, 2008).
For example, the sound made by uttering the word ‘peach’ has
nothing whatsoever to do with an actual peach, other than
English speakers have agreed to decide to relate them together.
Doing so has numerous advantages. Try going into a grocery
store and asking for a peach without saying ‘peach’ and you
will very soon see why. The ability to relate is absolutely key to
understanding the broad range of human communication, cre-
ativity, problem solving, and suffering. The study of relating,
RFT, is described in detail over the next few chapters.
RELATIONAL FRAME
THEORY (RFT)
 12
BACKGROUND TO RFT

RFT offers a behavioural account of human language acqui-

sition that addresses the earlier criticisms of Skinner’s verbal
behaviour theories (Hayes et al., 2001). It sets out many empir-
ically testable hypotheses that have driven an ever-​expanding
research interest over the past 20 years (Montoya-​Rodríguez,
Molina, & McHugh, 2017).
At its heart, the theory seeks to explain the fundamental
human ability to relate anything to anything. As an example,
let us take two random nouns, ‘whale’ and ‘banana’. We are
betting that it is not very likely you have encountered these
two words in a sentence before. Now, take a moment and see if
you can form a relation between them.
Maybe you thought of how they both fit in the category of
living objects or (for some) food. Or maybe you thought of
their differences (size, colour, etc.). Notice how easy it is to form
these relations. It is this that sits at the heart of RFT, the ability
to bring objects, notions, and ideas together and relate them to
each other. When we bring ‘whale’ and ‘banana’ together in a
frame of comparison, perhaps to compare size, this then passes
certain functions of ‘size-​ness’ between the two. Suddenly,
whales seem very big and bananas seem relatively small.
Humans are able to use language to relate anything to
anything. This ability and the subsequent tendency to derive
relations almost without knowing we are doing it sits at the
heart of human language. The term relational frame describes
how two concepts are related to each other and specifies the
nature of that relationship; for example, ‘This is an apple’
(relating the symbolic noise ‘apple’ to the actual round fruit).
Beginning in infancy, humans are taught the ability to derive
these relations in ways that are extremely useful, and this

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becomes reinforcing. Infant humans quickly develop the ability

to make relations in a number of increasingly complex ways
and are able to infer relations between stimuli without being
directly taught. In this way, they benefit from a powerful form
of indirect learning that adds another dimension to respondent
and operant conditioning.
We really start to see the usefulness of language when looking
at how we use all the different symbols we attach to objects,
notions, and ideas. These symbols (vocal noises, gestures, and
then eventually written words like you’re reading now) have
hugely expanded our ability to efficiently and effectively com-
municate our desires, wishes, and wants. No longer did we
grunt and point at the mammoth roasting on the fire, hoping
our tribe on the African savannahs would understand, but we
could articulate, ‘My dear friend, would you mind passing me
a portion of that fine steak?’ with the expectation that this
request would be immediately understood. Suddenly we had
the ability to both transmit our own past experience and learn
from the experiences of others to make useful predictions about
the future. This allowed for new methods of sophisticated and
effective co-​operation and learning. For better or worse, the
species of homo sapiens, whilst short on strength, claws and
teeth, had evolved an ability that conferred an immense advan-
tage over other species in the race for survival.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 At Manilla, the shells of this species of Nautilus are in great
abundance; they are neatly carved, the whole of the coloured part of
the shell being removed, and the portion exposed appearing of a
beautiful nacre, or mother-of-pearl, with the raised white carved
figures upon it, which have a pretty effect. I could not procure any
with the soft parts, but was told by a gentleman that he had seen
them with the fish, but it was always taken out and thrown away,
and the shell alone preserved.
One of the shells cut, and the aperture turned downwards, forms
the base; the keel of the shell, with the aperture uppermost, is
placed upon it, forming a pretty vase of antique form, and highly
esteemed in Europe as ornaments for the mantel-piece; they are
sold at Manilla for a few reals the pair.
The inhabitant of this beautiful shell, which I brought safely to
England, has been described and dissected by my esteemed friend,
R. Owen, Esq., and published, with splendid engravings, by the
Curators of the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London.
 ON THE HABITS OF THE VIVERRA
MUSSUNGA, OR JAVA CAT.
(See page 438, vol. i.)
On the 14th of May 1833, I purchased one of these animals from
a native canoe, which came off to the ship on the coast of Java: it is
commonly known among Europeans by the name of the Java-cat,
and is a native of Java, Sumatra, and perhaps others of the eastern
islands. This specimen was young, and appeared very tame. The
native from whom I procured it, had it inclosed in a bamboo cage, in
which I also kept it for a short time.
The colour of the back is blackish, intermingled with shorter hairs,
of a dirty-white; the forehead and most of the face whitish,
intermingled with black; neck and abdomen of a yellowish colour;
the eyes are full and large, of a yellowish-brown colour; pupil
perpendicular, becoming dilated at night. It resembles the cat, in
being more of a night than day animal.
It feeds on plantains and other fruit, and also fowls’ bones. When
busily engaged in picking the wing-bone of a fowl, it growls most
savagely if disturbed in its repast; which well shows the nature of
the beast. “He eats only plantain,” said the Javanese, from whom I
purchased it; but could the animal have spoken for himself, he would
have probably hinted that “portions of the animals composing the
feathery kingdom” would also be acceptable, by way of variety. It is
tame and playful, like a kitten, throwing itself on the back, playing
with a bit of string, making, at the same time, a low, whining noise.
It utters a sharp, quick, squeaking noise, as well as a low
moaning, more particularly at night, or when in want of food, or
some water to quench its thirst. The specimen is a male: it was very
playful, and climbed up my arm, by aid of its claws, like a cat. When
it drinks, it laps like the dog or cat.
May 17th. This morning, the animal had broken through and
escaped from its cage during the night, and was about some part of
the ship.
May 18th. The whole of yesterday, the creature was reported as
“absent without leave;” but early this morning he was found in the
cabin of the second officer, asleep upon a jacket. He appears
sufficiently tame to be left at liberty, so I did not immure him in a
cage again, but kept a piece of long string attached to one of the
hind legs, so as to limit his extent of range, when I found it
necessary.
Whilst writing in my cabin, the animal was either lying down
quietly asleep, or else came to see what I was about, thrusting its
little sharp snout among my papers, and amusing himself by playing
with my pens and pencils.
The animal is called Mussong, at Java, and I found it was also
known by the same name among the natives on the north-east coast
of Sumatra: it licks and cleans its furry coat with the tongue like the
cat, especially after it has been much handled; and seems also to
possess the caution and secretiveness of that tribe. It growls
savagely when disturbed or teazed. It lapped some coffee one
morning, but became sick soon after.
It seems to be a fretful, impatient, little creature, and when it
does not get its wants gratified, becomes “terribly out of temper,” or
rather gets into a temper which is of a bad description. It then snaps
ferociously at the finger placed near it, but its young teeth can make
but little impression; it is in downright earnest, however, for it
bristles up and advances its long whiskers, uttering a series of
peevish cries and growls.
It was lying upon the pillow of my bed one morning, when I took
the creature off, and placed it upon as soft a place which had been
made up in the cabin on purpose for it; but this would not do; it did
not like the removal, and there was no termination to its peevish,
fretful cries, until it was removed back to the old place, where being
deposited, after licking itself about those parts of its furred coat that
had been ruffled by handling, it stretched itself, and laid down quite
contented.
The squeaking, discontented noise of the creature during the
night, when it is tied up, is very annoying. I suppose the desire of
making nocturnal rambles, as is the nature of the tribe, was the
cause to which the cries were to be attributed.
At last I used to give it fowl bones at night to amuse itself, and
being occupied in crunching them, I was no more annoyed by its
nocturnal cries.
When fighting it uses the fore-paws, with extended claws, biting
at the same time, retreating and advancing quickly, snapping,
bristling up its long whiskers, and appearing a fierce object for one
of the small animals of the creation. It does not spring at the object
of attack like the cat, but jumps forward; it uses the claws of the
fore-feet more than those of the hind, which, being both longer and
sharper, are more calculated for the purpose of defence, as well as
in climbing. It regards the object well previously to attack, exercising
the three prominent organs in the feline race of caution,
secretiveness, and destruction; and then, with its little angular
mouth expanded, it pounces upon, and firmly grasps its prey.
The little beast has a very morose looking countenance, what
some people skilled in physiognomy would call a “sour, forbidding
countenance;” and, judging from what I have seen of this tamed
and young specimen, it must be, in the wild state, a very savage
animal.
Unlike the cat, when drinking it does not care about wetting its
feet, for it often places the fore-paws in the water at the time.
It often plays with its long tail, as well as with any thing that may
be in the way, similar to what we observe in kittens; and often
scratches against objects, growling at the same time, as if practising
for future defence.
It eats fowl readily, but not other kinds of meat so well; it ate
some pine-apple with much avidity.
It will carry away a bone given to it into a dark corner, growling
and snapping at any one that may attempt to take it away.
Sometimes, when left to itself, it utters such loud squeaking cries,
as to be heard all over the ship. One day, at dinner time, (when the
animal was first on board,) a noise was heard, from whence it
proceeded, or from what, we could not tell, until the mystery was
explained by the steward, who said it was “the foreign cat.”
Like all animals, whether of the genus Homo, or lower in the scale
of creation, the Java Cat does not like to be disturbed at meals. This
little ill-humoured quadruped is particularly savage at that time, but,
like the human race in all its numerous varieties, when “feeding
time” is over, and it has had a sufficiency of provender, it will remain
quiet, and be usually in a tolerable good-humour; but when hungry,
there is nothing but growling, whining, screeching, grumbling,
crying, until the appetite is satisfied.
I gave the animal one morning a dead cockroach, but after
turning and twisting about, and licking it for some time—perhaps it
was not hungry, it would not eat it.
When the creature is excessively annoyed, it retires into some
dark hole or corner, making a spitting noise, and is very furious
against any one that may attempt to dislodge it from that place, thus
formed into a refuge for the ill-tempered.
When first set at liberty he was missing for one or two days,
having gone on a tour by way of change of scene; he soon,
however, returned to his old quarters, ran about the cabins, and
when sleepy during the day would take to the warmest and most
comfortable situation the cabins afforded; it was as fully
domesticated as a cat.
 The Mussong runs about quite domesticated, and climbs well,
occasionally aiding itself by the tail having a prehensile power.
He also runs about, particularly at night, and in the morning is
usually found quietly asleep upon the softest bundle of clothes he
can meet with, in the cabin into which he has introduced himself: he
dislikes much to be handled, or petted, or crammed, (unless he
crams himself, which he very often does,) and, therefore, he is not
to be recommended to that variety of the human species called a
“maiden lady, of a certain age.”
At last I let the creature ramble about where it pleased in the after
part of the ship; it reposed in the cabins, or any other place it liked.
It used to wander about like a cat, and come at meal time for food,
until the 14th of June, when it was missing, and search being made
about its usual haunts, the animal was discovered dead among some
oakum in one of the cabins.
When at Pedir, on the north-east coast of Sumatra, I procured
another young but larger specimen than the preceding; it was
purchased for half a rupee. Although wild with strangers, with the
native from whom the animal was purchased it was exceedingly
domesticated. I have seen it follow him like a cat along the pathway
for some distance, when he placed it out of his arms upon the
ground; the natives gave it the same name here as at Java,
Mussong.
These animals attain the size of our domestic cats, living in their
wild state upon the summits of trees, eating the fruit, and also birds,
when they have caught them.
They eat sugar-cane, plantain, rice, and also those troublesome
insects the cockroaches.
When I placed this animal in my cabin it remained very quiet, not
making so much noise as the last; but, a few days after, it became
so very vicious, not suffering any one to approach or touch it,
without spitting, growling, and fighting so furiously, that I at last was
obliged to destroy it, preserving the skin in a dried state for stuffing,
and the body in spirits for a future dissection.
 LUMINOSITY OF THE OCEAN.
(See page 35, vol. i.)
Mr. F. D. Bennett, exhibited, at a meeting of the Zoological Society,
on the 25th of June, 1833, several specimens of a species of
Pyrosoma, captured by him, on the 6th of September, 1832, at sea,
in latitude 1° 41′ north, longitude 11° 56′ west. Between 2 and 4
a.m. the sea, having been two hours before less luminous than usual,
presented one mass of bright phosphoric light, extending to a
considerable distance around the vessel. The extensive field of bright
luminous matter emitted so powerful a light as to illuminate the
sails, and to permit a book of small print to be read with facility near
the windows of the stern cabins. Above this luminous field numerous
sea fowl were hovering in search of their prey. The light appeared to
be entirely owing to the Pyrosomata.
Specimens taken from the sea and placed in a vessel containing
sea water, ceased altogether to emit light, or emitted it but sparingly
while they remained at rest. On the water, however, being agitated,
or when one of the masses of animals was taken into the hand, the
whole became instantly illuminated by myriads of bright dots, much
resembling in hue the points on the elytra of a diamond beetle
(Curculio imperialis, Fab.)
The Pyrosoma, thus enveloped throughout its whole extent in a
flame of bright phosphorescent light gleaming with its peculiar hue,
presented a most splendid spectacle; the light shed by it was
sufficient to render objects distinctly visible in every part of an
otherwise dark room. If long retained in the hand, or returned to a
quiescent state in the water, the luminous spots gradually faded, and
no light was visible until the animal was again disturbed, when the
illumination instantly returned with all its vivid splendour. After death
it emitted no light.
 The mass of Pyrosoma, of the usual cylindrical form and
gelatinous substance, was about four inches in length and one and a
half in circumference. The tube, passing along its middle, is
described as being open at both ends; the orifice at the broader
extremity being much better defined in its circular form, larger, and
more distinct than that of the opposite end. The surface of the mass
appeared to be studded with numerous prominent, rigid, and pearly
tubercles intermingled with small specks of a brown or red colour. In
these latter the power of emitting light appeared chiefly to be
seated, these being frequently bright, while the remainder of the
body exhibited only its natural white or yellowish white hue; a hue
which changed after death into a red tinge. The brown specks, when
removed from the body, did not emit light.[149]
 TREATY BETWEEN THE BRITISH
AND ACHEENESE GOVERNMENTS.
(See page 2, vol. ii.)
Treaty of friendship and alliance between the Honourable English
East India Company and the kingdom of Acheen, concluded by the
Honourable Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Knight, and Captain John
Monckton Combs, agents to the governor-general, in the name and
on the behalf of the Most Noble Francis Marquis of Hastings, Knight
of the most noble order of the Garter, one of his Britannic Majesty’s
most honourable Privy Council, Governor-general in Council of the
British possessions in India, on the one part, and his highness Sri,
Sultan Alla Iddeen Jowhara, Allum, Shah, king of Acheen, for
himself, his heirs, and successors, on the other.
In consideration of the long and uninterrupted peace, amity, and
good understanding, which has subsisted between the Honourable
English East India Company and his highness’s ancestors, the kings
of Acheen, and in order to perpetuate and improve their friendship,
to the advantage and prosperity of their mutual states and subjects.
It is hereby agreed and determined.
Article I.—There shall be a perpetual peace, friendship and
defensive alliance, between the states, dominions, and subjects of
the high contracting parties, neither of whom shall give any aid or
assistance to the enemies of the other.
Article II.—At the request of his highness, the British government
engages to require and to use its influence to effect the removal of
Syfful Allum from his highness’s territories, and the British
government further engage to prohibit him or any of his family, as
far as they may be subject to their authority, from doing or
committing in future any act or acts, tending to prevent or impede
the full re-establishment of his highness’s authority. His highness the
king engaging himself to place at the disposal of the supreme
government of British India, such pension or annuity, as it may, in its
wisdom, deem meet to recommend for the said Syfful Allum, on the
condition of his retiring to Penang, and engaging to relinquish all
claims to the sovereignty of Acheen, within three months from the
date hereof.
Article III.—His highness the king grants to the British
government the free trade of all his ports, and engages that the
duties on merchandise, levied at those ports, shall be fixed and
declared, and shall also be paid by the resident merchant. His
highness likewise engages not to grant or authorize a monopoly of
the produce of his states by any person whatever.
Article IV.—His highness engages, whenever the British
Government may desire it, to receive and protect an accredited
agent of the British government, with a suitable establishment, who
shall be permitted to reside at his highness’s court, for the purpose
of conducting the affairs of the Honourable Company.
Article V.—In consideration of the injury which might result to the
British trade from its exclusion from the ports of his highness’s
states, not at present subject to his authority,—his highness agrees
and consents that the ships and vessels of Great Britain shall
continue their commercial intercourse with the ports of Acheen and
Tullasamoy, in the same manner as heretofore, unless a temporary
blockade of these ports, or either of them, shall at any time be
established by and with the consent of the British government, or
resident authority.
It is clearly understood, however, by the contracting parties, that
no warlike stores or arms of any kind shall be furnished, given, or
sold, to any of his highness’s rebellious subjects, by the vessels so
trading to the aforesaid ports, under penalty of confiscation of ship
and cargo.
 Article VI.—His highness Sri, Sultan, Alla, Iddeen, Jowhara, Allum,
Shah, agrees, promises, and engages himself, his heirs, and
successors, to exclude the subjects of every other European power,
and likewise all Americans, from a fixed habitation or residence in his
dominions; he also engages not to enter into any negotiations, or to
conclude any treaty, with any power, prince, or potentate
whatsoever, unless with the knowledge and consent of the British
government.
Article VII.—His highness engages not to permit the residence, in
his dominions, of any British subject to whom the resident agent
shall offer any objections.
Article VIII.—The British government agrees to give and furnish to
his highness, without delay, all the arms and military stores which
are detailed in the paper appended to this treaty, and signed by his
highness. (Arms and military stores; gunpowder, forty barrels; four
hundred muskets; grape and round shot; four hundred musket balls,
&c. &c.; cash, Spanish dollars, fifty thousand.) The British
government agrees to advance to his highness the sum of money,
therein mentioned, as a temporary loan to be repaid by his highness
at his earliest convenience.
Article IX.—This treaty, consisting of nine Articles, has this day
been concluded, subject to the ratification of the governor-general,
within six months from the date hereof; but it is to be understood
that the several provisions herein contained may be carried into
immediate effect, without awaiting the said ratification.
Done at Sirduli, near Pedir, in the country of Acheen, on the 22nd
day of April, in the year of our Lord, 1819; corresponding with the
year of the Hegira, 1234, and the 26th day of Jemadil Akir.
(Company’s seal.)
Signed,
T. S. Raffles. (Seal.)
John Monckton Combs. (Seal.)
 FOOTNOTES
[1] See Appendix A, at the end of the volume.
[2] One of the merchants, a Moorman, named Mahomet
Monsour, engaged, if a ship was brought next season to Sawang,
(a village further to the eastward) to deliver on board six
thousand peculs of the Areka-nut in the space of eight days.
[3] Pungarang is the title of prince.
[4] I understand that no arms or warlike stores are permitted
to be exported for Penang, or any other of our settlements for
this coast; if the Acheenese king requires any, he sends a
requisition to the government of Penang, who supplies him at
fifteen per cent. above the cost price, to cover the expenses of
freight, &c.
[5] Most of the country vessels that visit the coast have native
supercargoes, as they effect much better bargains with the native
merchants upon the coast than Europeans.
[6] I have before stated, that the heat generated by a cargo of
the Areka-nut is excessive. I recollect the carpenter of a ship,
when desirous of bending some wood, placing it under the main
hatch, among the nuts; in a few minutes it was sufficiently
steamed for its intended purpose; after a fortnight or three weeks
the heat is materially moderated.
[7] A number of vessels from Penang come for the nut at this
season, to take it to that settlement in time for the Indiamen,
who purchase it for the China market.
[8] Abel’s China, 4to. p. 59.
[9] Abel’s China, 4to. pp. 60, 61.
[10] The definition of this harbour in the Chinese language is
as follows:—

Kum, Sing, Moon,

Gold, Star, Gate.
 “Gold Star” among the Chinese is the planet Mars, so that this
place is named Margate.
[11] White porpoises, slightly tinged with pink, are frequently
seen tumbling about in the “moons” and sea in the vicinity.
[12] At one time, during a rebellion in China, the emperor’s
troops lost courage, (which to us must appear a wonderful event
among Chinese,) and would not proceed against the rebels: this
called forth from the emperor the following public rebuke:—“The
emperor rebukes very sharply all the governors of the Chih-sang
provinces, from which authority emanates, on account of their
negligence in attending to the state of the military under their
jurisdiction. He makes particular mention of the prevalent use of
opium among the Canton military, and of the misconduct of the
Ho, nan troops on their road to Fuh, keen.”—Canton Register, No.
13, 14, 16th Sept 1833.
[13] No individuals, except Portuguese, or naturalized
Portuguese, are permitted to be owners of houses at Macao.
[14] The name Kaki is said to be Japanese; this fruit is not so
named by the Chinese.
[15] I had models of the two kinds just mentioned, executed
with great accuracy by a Chinese. The imitations of the fruit were
modelled from clay, and accurately coloured afterwards according
to nature.
[16] It is curious that Linnæus, by bestowing upon this bird the
specific name of Apoda, or without feet, should have credited the
assertion that it was so.
[17] Made from the milky juice yielded by the trunk of the
Sukun, or bread-fruit tree.
[18] Forrest’s Voyage to New Guinea, &c., pp. 134-137.
[19] It has been stated, that during flight they cry like starlings.
[20] Pigafetta says, in his relation of Magellan’s voyage round
the world, that in the island of Bachian, (one of the Molucca
islands,) a species of bird, of exquisite beauty, was found, which
the natives called “the bird of God,” saying it came from Paradise.
[21] Kai usually expresses any birds of the gallinaceous tribe.
[22] In the common Canton dialect, Kum signifies gold; but in
the Mandarin dialect, Kin is the name for gold; so that this bird is
named both Kum, kai, and Kin, kai.
 [23] The brilliancy of the Chinese colours for painting, &c. has
often been very highly extolled as being superior to the
European. What surprise must it create, then, when we are
informed that the colours used are of English manufacture, and
the Chinese artists are eager for, and anxiously inquire after,
them. This reminds me of the gross ignorance frequently
displayed by our countrymen in foreign countries,—purchasing
English articles abroad at a high price as foreign manufacture,
and as unattainable in their native land. It was mentioned as a
fact, that a person purchased an elegant London clock in a shop
at Canton, at a high price, to take to England as a specimen of
China manufacture. Do not we see these follies committed by our
countrymen almost every day at Paris?
[24] In Griffiths’ Animal Kingdom, vol. viii. p. 275. Aves, this
bird is mentioned as being “distinguished by its brilliant plumage;
but it wants the elegant shape which distinguishes the true
Columbæ. It remains by preference generally on the ground. It
runs with great celerity, and constructs its nest like a partridge. It
never perches, except to pass the night. Its cooing is hoarse and
dull.”
[25] Sweet potatoes are recommended as a good sea-stock for
the purpose of feeding pigeons, birds of paradise, parrots, &c., as
a variety of food on board a ship, as those birds often require
fruit as a change of diet, which it is found impossible to keep on
board during a long voyage; this root, therefore, given to them,
either in a raw or boiled state, perfectly serves as a substitute.
[26] Mr. Beale assured me that for four years he has been
endeavouring to get specimens of this shrub to England, but as
yet without success, they having all perished on the passage.
[27] There were also some splendid large varieties of the
Hibiscus rosa chinensis, of different tints; and the beautiful
Hibiscus mutabilis changes its blossoms, after their expansion,
from a white to a beautiful rose colour. The celebrated Mou-tan,
or Peony, of China, I was told was merely a very large and
splendid variety of the Hibiscus rosa chinensis.
[28] Besides the unequalled living collection of birds, &c., in the
possession of this gentleman, his portfolios are stocked with a
large and valuable collection of beautiful and correct drawings by
Chinese artists, from nature, of birds, fish, plants, &c. indigenous
to China and the eastern islands.
 [29] The specimen to which I allude is named by the Spaniards
Triste de Corazon, or Sorrow of the Heart; when dried and kept in
that state for any length of time, and afterwards placed in water,
(even after several years have elapsed,) its foliage expands, and
reassumes a partial verdant appearance.
[30] Abel’s China, 4to. pp. 121, 122.
[31] I have several specimens of the pith, and one specimen I
saw, nearly an inch in diameter, was hollow in the centre.
[32] Mr. Beale is making great efforts to procure both seeds
and young plants, of the above-mentioned plants, and there is
some expectation of success.
[33] Chu, signifying pig; long, basket; and tzo, grass.
[34] We passed close to Tiger Island, with its lofty and rounded
summits of hills. There is a heavily-mounted stone fort upon this
island, but not in a commanding situation. There is no
appearance of cultivation upon the island; but it is verdant from a
quantity of fern-brake and numerous stunted shrubs, &c.
scattered about, which serve to give some animation to it.
[35] Several pagodas are seen erected upon elevated situations
at certain distances up the river to Canton, and even beyond.
Looking from the terrace of the Honourable East India Company’s
factory, it was observed, that they formed a line of watch-towers,
and signals of lights from them could pass with rapidity from one
to the other, forming excellent means of telegraphic
communication, and, from their extending at certain distances up
the river as far as the eye could reach, they are no doubt
intended for that purpose.
[36] Named Old and New China Streets.
[37] There is another place much frequented by European
visitors, called “Carpenter Square,” which is confined for the most
part to upholsterers, trunkmakers, &c. Here the camphor wood
trunks are purchased, the majority of which, sold to strangers as
such, are merely made from common wood, rubbed over with
camphorated oil.
[38] If larger, but not rotten, in the heart, and also of good
quality, it will be cut into pieces of the above-mentioned size, and
rounded.
[39] The sandal-wood brought from the Bonin Islands, I am
informed, is of a very excellent quality.
 [40] The wood is frequently buried, and the sap allowed to rot
off; and this is considered to improve its quality.
[41] See Notices concerning China, published at Malacca in
1823, p. 10.
[42] It was in the rooms of the chief priest at this temple that
Lord Amherst’s embassy was lodged.
[43] The situation of this temple is near the inner harbour of
Macao, and of a romantic and highly beautiful character. An
image of a lion decorates each side of the granite steps, carved
out of the same kind of stone, having a ball carved in their
mouths, every attempt to take out, which is found to be in vain,
puzzling many; (like the curious and elegant ivory balls, carved
one within the other;) there are also several groups of figures
beautifully carved in granite in basso relievo. On entering, neat
winding, and tastefully-executed granite steps, lead from little
temples to other recesses for idol worship, amongst natural
groups of granite rocks, piled one upon the other, as if by the
fabled giants of old during their warfare; huge trees, bending in
various fantastic forms, overhang the temples, and cast a silence
and gloom over this place devoted to pagan worship,—a place,
however, well calculated to produce awe in the human mind, and
to bind either still closer the fetters of bigotry, or, if it had been
selected as the place of a truer worship, to cause the mind in this
retired spot to commune more closely with its Creator. This spot,
so beautiful, so delightful to behold, would form an elegant and
valuable embellishment for one of our English annuals. I saw an
accurate and delightful sketch of this religious spot taken by
Chinnery, and a painting, half-finished, from that sketch, which
even in that state reminded me of the original. I hope that
talented artist will complete and send it home, so that an
engraving may recall it to the memory of those who have seen,
but may be now remote from its beauties.
[44] In September 1833, the floods of the river were so great,
as to cause a considerable loss of lives and property. All business
at Canton was transacted in boats, and the poorer class of people
suffered much distress through a great part of China in
consequence.
[45] “The Lappa, in Chinese, Tuy, meen, shan, is a small island
opposite to Macao, forming the western side of the inner harbour.
It affords room for a pleasant variety in walk and scene
occasionally.”—Morrisons Comp. to Angl. Chin. Kalendar, 1832.
 [46] Shan signifies hill; and tchong the pine tree.
[47] So named by the Portuguese, after a picturesque spot of
the same name, near the city of Lisbon.
[48] This island is of an elliptical form, and is said to be about
twenty-seven miles in its greatest length, and containing an
estimated area of about two hundred and seventy square miles.
The latitude of Singapore flag-staff is in 1° 17′ 22″ north, and
longitude 103° 51′ 45″ east.
Singapoor is derived from Sing-gah, signifying to call or touch
at, bait, stop by the way, and Poor, a village, (generally fortified,)
a town, &c. (Marsden’s Malay Dictionary.) It is considered at this
island, or rather at this part of the island where the town is now
situated, (the name, however, has been given by Europeans to
the whole island,) there was formerly a village, inhabited
principally by fishermen. The Malays, who traded from the
eastward to Malacca, and other of the ports to the westward,
touched at this place. Singa also signifies a lion, (known by name
only in the Malay countries,) from which the name of the island
has been (no doubt erroneously) supposed to be derived.
[49] Kampong Glam, near Singapore, has its name derived, it is
said, from Kampong, signifying a village, and Glam, the name of a
particular kind of tree.
[50] Crawford’s Embassy to Siam and Cochin China, 4to. pp.
565 to 567.
[51] Blackan Mattee is derived from the Malay word “Blackan,”
behind; and Mattee, dead or lost: it was supposed to be so
named, because the hill, when this place was resorted to by
pirates, concealed them from the view of the settlement or village
—the present town. The explanation, however, of the name is not
very satisfactory.
[52] The sugar-cane is cultivated to a very limited extent, and
the canes I inspected were of very fine size and quality; they are
only used, however, for edible purposes, no sugar being as yet
manufactured from them.
[53] When the barking noise was made, the lips were pursed
out, and the air driven into the sac, at the same time that the
sound was uttered, the lower jaw was also a little protruded.
[54] The account of the orang-utan, given by Dr. Abel, in the
Narrative of a Journey in the Interior of China, accords with the
habits of this animal, and the comparison is very interesting.
[55] “Hanno sailed from Sierra Leone southerly to the equinox,
where he discovered an island, not far from the African coast,
inhabited by a rough and hairy people, to take one of whom, he
used all possible means, but could not: only two women, being
encompassed by soldiers, were taken and carried aboard; but
being very savage, and barbarously wild, could not be tamed, or
brought to any complacency; so they killed them, and carried
their stuffed-up skins to Carthage, where they were a long time
gazed upon with great admiration. This island, which Hanno then
found, can be no other but that which we call St. Thomas; and
the hairy people which he makes mention of were babeons, or
baboons, which Africa, in this place, breeds large, to the
amazement of the beholders.”—Ogilby’s America, p. 20.
[56] I have heard that the natives of Terra del Fuego, who
were lately brought to England, when they arrived in the hot
latitudes, would lie down and roll about the decks of the ship
which conveyed them from their native land, exclaiming, “Why
they had been brought into this fiery country?”
[57] The ape and monkey tribe, although approaching so near
the human race in external appearance, as well as in its
omnivorous habits of diet, still differs materially in not being able
to sustain a change of climate; nor is it readily inured to a cold
climate, if a native of the tropical regions.
[58] The lungs in the orang-utan are entire on each side, and
not divided into lobes. See my friend Mr. Owen’s Dissection of the
Orang-utan, in No. I. of the Proceedings of the Zoological Society
of London.
[59] A portion of the ulcerated intestine has been deposited in
the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London.
[60] The larynx and appendages have been deposited in the
Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons in London.
[61] Lyell’s Principles of Geology, vol. ii. p. 15.
[62] The other Camphor-trees are principally of the genus
Laurus.
[63] See my observations on the Kayu-puteh-oil, vol. i. p. 166.
[64] Ladies visiting their friends on the opposite side of the
creek are obliged to stop the carriage on one side of the bridge
and walk across, at the risk of deranging their curls by the
breezes, or injuring the fairness of their complexions by the
fervent rays of a tropical sun. And besides, they must have a
conveyance in waiting on the opposite side to take them to the
place they may be desirous of visiting. When so much—in
splendid mansions and other improvements to the settlement—
has been done by private merchants, it is to be regretted that a
new bridge for the convenience of the settlement has been so
long deferred by the government.
[65] The Gambir extract has been sent to England to be tried
as a mordant for dying, or to be used in the tanning of leather,
the extract having been found to contain a very large proportion
of tannin. I know not what may have been the result of the
experiment.
[66] There are some, but very few pepper plantations upon the
island, without a Gambir boiling-house being near them; but
although those without the benefit of having the boiled Gambir-
leaves strewed over the soil, look well, still the planters say, that
the pepper produced by the vines, is neither prolific, nor of so
fine a quality.
[67] As, on a former occasion, I had some doubt whether the
shrub was monoecious or dioecious, I took another opportunity of
making my examinations; the result of which was, that although
a great many of the shrubs had male and female flowers on
separate trees, yet a few had both male and female on the same
tree.
[68] One Chinese proprietor of a Gambir manufactory said, he
could make half a pecul of the extract daily. The baskets for
packing the Gambir when ready for sale, are made from a
common kind of rattan, found in the jungle.
[69] Since the above was in the hands of the printer, I
understand that the Calcutta government have taken into
consideration the subject of quit-rents, and that more judicious
regulations have been instituted; so it may be hoped that the
rising prosperity of the settlement will no longer be impeded.
[70] The Malays at Singapore, in the employ of Europeans,
often use the flowers of this shrub for cleansing shoes, by
rubbing them with the petals of the flowers, which contain a
quantity of purplish black astringent juice. After rubbing them
over the shoes, they polish the latter by aid of a brush; it
certainly prevents the white dresses, usually worn in eastern
climates, from being sullied by the shoes, which often happens
when blacking has been used; this is probably the cause of its
being called the shoe-flower by Europeans.
[71] Rumphius says that the natives of Amboyna were unwilling
to bring him specimens of the plants from the mountains, from
the full persuasion, that if the appendages were gathered and
emptied of water, heavy rain would overtake them before their
return. In conformity with the same belief, when suffering from a
long drought, they pour the water from all the appendages they
can find, satisfied that the ceremony will be followed by a change
of weather. Such belief is curiously contrasted with their notions
of the medicinal properties of the water contained in them, which
they believe an infallible specific for incontinence of urine.—
Rumph. cit. in Abel’s China, pp. 340, 341.
[72] “At Amboyna,” says Labillardiere, “the natives contrive to
procure threads from the bastard aloe, called Agave vivipara: the
master of the house went and cut a branch of this plant, and
resting it on its thigh in order to scrape it with his large knife, and
take off its pulp, he obtained from it a fascicle of threads as long
as the leaf, and as strong as those of our best hemp.”
[73] From the expense attending labour, as well as its scarcity
in this settlement, the pine-apple fibre could not be prepared at
present under thirty-eight or forty dollars the pecul; but in
Penang, or other places, where labour is cheap, and, as in the
preparation of this article, women and children may be employed,
the expense attending it would hardly exceed ten dollars per
pecul.
[74] Situated at Teluk-ayer, (teluk, bay; and ayer, water).
[75] There is a very coarse granulated sago in large grains, and
of a dirty greyish colour, which is imported by the native boats
from Borneo, and is used at this settlement during a scarcity of
rice by the poorer class of people.
[76] In the list of imports published in the Singapore Chronicle,
the raw sago is usually designated as sago tamping, (tamping
signifying a package, from the raw sago, being always imported
wrapt in the leaves of the Pandanus tree;) it is imported in this
country by fleets of ten boats, or even more, having to the
amount of twenty thousand tampings or packages on board; the
packages vary in weight, some weighing more and some less to
the pecul.
 [77] “In the language of the western countries of the
Archipelago, the tree is named according to the idiom of the
pronunciation of the people, Mangkudu, Bangkudu, or Wangkudu;
the three initial consonants in these cases being commutable and
very arbitrarily used.”—Crawford’s Indian Archipelago.
[78] Sandal-wood oil is also regarded as a never-failing specific
for this very troublesome eruptive disease.—I am inclined to
consider that more efficacy is stated to be possessed by the
Cassia alata than can be justified by actual experience, with
regard to the ring-worm; for I have, since writing the above, been
informed that it had often been tried upon cases at Singapore for
nearly a month, without any decidedly good effect resulting from
its use, although the disease had been evidently mitigated by its
application: it might certainly be more efficacious if used simply
bruised, without the addition of lime-juice and salt, which latter is
the mode of application adopted; but the addition of the latter
articles is regarded as tending to increase its efficacy in the
disease.
[79] Forrest’s New Guinea, p. 74. 4to. 1780.
[80] At noon of the day the bird died, we were in lat. 22° 58′
south, long. 67° 0′ east.
[81] I have preserved the whole of the alimentary canal from
the œsophagus to the rectum, (including the distended gizzard
left unopened,) in an entire state in spirits. The liver, ovaries, and
trachea, I have also preserved in a similar manner, and presented
to the Royal College of Surgeons, in London.
[82] Some of the fir-trees in the plantations we passed had a
very peculiar appearance, from the trunk and branches being
covered by a dark-red lichen, which gave them the appearance of
being painted.
[83] As the willows require much moisture, they are carefully
watered every morning and evening by the soldier who attends
and has charge of the place.
[84] Which is at present occupied by the governor, the former
residence, Plantation-house, being found in a very unhealthy
situation.
[85] After the revolution at Paris, in 1830, and the tri-coloured
banner had again waved over the towers of France, when the
first French ship arrived at St. Helena, with that revolutionary
standard at her gaff, her commander and crew visiting the tomb,
placed a tri-coloured cockade upon it, glorying in “restoring to
him his colours, under which he had so often led the French
nation to victory, and which ensign was again the emblem of
liberty to France.”
[86] The want of rain for the plantations appears to be much
needed; but next month heavy rain is expected to fall.
[87] A large gannet was seen flying about the ship on the
afternoon of the previous day, indicating a near approach to land:
we were at that time about ninety miles distant from the island.
[88] Three lazy frigate-birds, too indolent to fish for
themselves, were seen, pursuing an unfortunate sea-swallow,
which had probably succeeded in capturing a fish. It is usual for
these birds to pursue the gannets, and others, when returning
from their fishing excursions, compelling them to disgorge their
fish.
[89] Blumenbach’s Comparative Anatomy, by Lawrence and
Coulson, page 76.
[90] The shark is more wary of taking the bait when
unaccompanied by the pilot-fish; it will then approach, and retire,
several times before it ventures to seize it; but when the little
pilot is in company it will first approach the bait, (the shark
waiting at some distance,) and return, as if to report; when the
shark advances and seizes the bait without hesitation: this I have
remarked in numerous instances.
[91] Being at first stationary, and of a dark colour, a ship
passing it rapidly might have considered it as one, and reported
accordingly, and such a circumstance has no doubt caused many
rocks to be laid down in the charts which have actually no
existence.
[92] In one of the fabulous legends of the natives of the Island
of Tahiti, their island is represented “as having been a shark,
originally from Raitea. Matarafau, in the east, was the head; and
a place near Faaa, on the west, was the tail; the large lake
Vaihiria was the ventricles or gills; while the lofty Orehena, the
highest mountain in the island, probably six or seven thousand
feet above the sea, was regarded as its dorsal fin; and its ventral
fin was Matavai.”—Ellis’s Polynesian Researches, vol. i. page 167.
 [93] I am informed by Mr. William Holderness, that in the
month of October, 1828, when on a voyage from Guayaquil and
Lima, in the brig Bolivar, E. Bransfield, R. N., commander, having
heard rumours of war in Europe, they touched at Pernambuco, to
ascertain its correctness, and left the next day, carrying the
south-east trade to about 12° north latitude. After a few days
calm, they got fine breezes from south-west, which carried them
across the usual limits of the north-east trade, and then had
nothing but light north-east winds until they reached Gibraltar.
[94] Greville’s Algæ Britannicæ, 8vo.—The figure of the
Sargassum vulgare in this work is coloured far too dark, and does
not seem to have been done from a recent specimen.
[95] The generic name is derived from Sargaço, or Sargazo, the
Spanish name for the masses of sea-weed found floating on the
surface of the ocean.
[96] Greville’s Algæ Britannicæ, 8vo. 1830. Introd. p. xii.
[97] Osbeck mentions, that, if prepared with vinegar, it
furnishes an excellent pickle; and Rumphius, according to Mr.
Turner, relates, that, in the East, salads are made of it, as well as
other Algæ. It is also eaten in Chili.—Greville’s Algæ Britannicæ,
8vo. 1830, p. 2.
[98] Vide Labillardiere’s Voyages, vol. i. p. 334.
[99] The fronds of the palms every year throw off those of the
year preceding, and it is the bases of the old fronds that form the
rough bark.
[100] Lindley’s Nat. Syst. of Botany.
[101] Artocarpus integrifolia, Linn.
[102] Caryota urens.
[103] Generally of Bignonia indica, Tabernæmontana,
Jasminum odoratum, and zeylanicum and luteum; Polyanthes
tuberosa, Nyctanthes arbor tristis, Michelia champaca, Nerium
odoratissimum, Mimosa arabica, and Lawsonia inermis.
[104] In worship of Budhoo, and acknowledgment of his being
the Omniscient.
[105] A liberty is here taken with the tradition, blue and green
being synonymous in Singalese, (Nil-pata.)
 [106] Supposed to be derived from a Tamul word, bodhi, which
signifies wisdom. The present object of Singalese worship is the
fourth Budhoo, called Goutama Budha Arkabandoo, or
descendant from the sun.
[107] Considered by many learned Indians an incarnation of
Vishnu, and his religion to be founded on that of Brahma.
[108] Brahmata-Brahma, a name of Budhoo.
[109] Anadewara, also a name of Budhoo.
[110] Native drums; of which there are four kinds, generally
made of jack-wood, and covered with deer-skin, from which the
hair has been previously removed. It is laid on in a wet state, and
dried in the sun.
[111] The Singalese language has no signification for brown,
reddish, orange-coloured, scarlet, or pink, which are all expressed
by the monosyllable “rat,” red.
[112] “Samanta-chacksa,” covered with eyes.
[113] The green cocoa-nut, called in Singalese, Koroomba.
[114] Probably the Manis, commonly called Negombo Devil.
[115] “Kandi,” high, lofty, mountainous.
[116] The Cocos is a name said to be taken from the
Portuguese coco, or coquin, the three holes at the end of the
cocoa-nut shell, giving it some resemblance to a monkey’s head.
[117] This palm is rarely, or never, seen growing straight; it has
usually, when full, or nearly full, grown, an inclination in one
direction or another.
[118] “The cocoa-nut tree, on the sea-shore, is certainly larger
and more productive than in the interior of Ceylon. In the former
situation it frequently grows to the height of one hundred feet. Its
flourishing most in this situation, and close to the dwellings of the
natives, is probably connected with the circumstance, that its
leaves, in a healthy state, contain a very large portion of saline
matter. The Singalese are well aware of this: the washermen burn
its leaves for the sake of its alkaline ashes; and it is a common
practice, in planting a cocoa-nut, to put a little salt into the pit.”—
Davy’s Ceylon, 4to. p. 355.
[119] The natives of Tonga give the cocoa-nut, when in the act
of germinating, the same appellation as the brain—“Uto.”
 [120] A ludicrous mistake, I recollect, once occurred respecting
this word in one of the missionary letters sent to England; it was
mentioned that they preached to the natives in topes of cocoa-
nut trees: this, when it appeared in one of the missionary
journals, was printed thus:—“they preached to the natives on
tops of cocoa-nut trees!!”
[121] The midribs of the leaves, tied together, form good
brooms for the decks of ships.
Formerly it was not unusual for the Tahitan females to produce
abortion, by using a midrib of the cocoa-nut leaflets as an
instrument for the purpose; but this crime is now, I am happy to
say, very rare indeed, if practised at all, in the present state of
that splendid island.
[122] Baula, branches of cocoa-nut tree plaited, with which the
houses are thatched; they will last two or three years. The
matting for the floors, of similar plaited fronds, is called Takapau,
or rather a coarse kind of matting made from the young leaves,
only used for covering the floors of the houses; and the screens
Tatau, at Tonga Islands.
[123] Ellis, vol. i. p. 52.
[124] The Singalese used the white young leaves in forming
ornaments, in a tasteful and elegant manner peculiar to
themselves, on the occasion of any festival, decorating arches,
&c., in various picturesque forms of crowns, flowers, &c. &c.
[125] Papalangi was applied to any thing foreign; we were
Papalangis; our cloth was Gnatoo papalangi; our rum Kava
papalangi, &c.
[126] There is a kind of seam along the centre, exactly under
the stem of the leaf, from both sides of which long and tough
fibres, about the size of a bristle, regularly diverge in an oblique
direction; sometimes there appear to be two layers of fibres,
which cross each other, and the whole is cemented with a still
finer, fibrous, and adhesive substance. The length and evenness
of the threads, or fibres, the regular manner in which they cross
each other at oblique angles, the extent of surface, and the
thickness of the piece, corresponding with that of coarse cotton
cloth, the singular manner in which the fibres are attached to
each other, cause this curious substance, woven in the loom of
nature, to present to the eye a remarkable resemblance to cloth
spun and woven by human ingenuity.—Ellis, vol. i. p. 53.
 [127] This substance is also used for small bags.
[128] Lime prepared from burnt shells and coral.
[129] The shell of the Oua, or young cocoa-nut, is said to be
used medicinally by the Tahitans.
[130] Mission to Siam, page 290.
[131] The palm wine of Africa is procured in a similar manner,
but I believe from other species of palms.
[132] Formerly the toddy was supposed to be the sap of the
tree drawn from the branches. “The wine issues from the top of
the tree, and is procured thus:—They cut a branch, binding it
hard, and hang an earthen pot under the cut end, which they
empty every morning and evening.”—Fitch’s Journey to India
Overland, in 1583. (Kerr’s Collection of Voyages, vol. vii. p. 476.)
[133] The vinegar is thus prepared:—The toddy is collected in
dry weather, put into jars, and well covered. After a month the
contents are strained, and replaced in the same jars, with the
addition of a little Chili pepper, (Capsicum frutescens,) commonly
called bird-pepper; a small piece of Ghorkah, (fruit of the
gamboge tree,) the red sort of which is to be preferred, being
most acid; and the pod of the horseradish tree (Hyperanthera
moringa). At the expiration of a month or five weeks it becomes
very excellent vinegar.
[134] From one inch to two inches in thickness.
[135] The Tahitans do not use the coir in the manufacture of
large ropes; for that purpose they use the bark of the Hibiscus
tiliaceus, or Purau.
[136] Stewart’s South Seas, 1829, 1830, p. 175.
[137] Stewart’s South Seas, 1829, 1830, p. 177.
[138] Forrest’s Voyage to New Guinea, 4to. 1780, p. 96.
[139] It is said, if sheep have not bitter herbs in their
pasturage, they will not thrive.
[140] Description of the Island of Tristan d’Acunha, and its
Natural Productions.—Linnean Trans. vol. xii. 1818.
[141] These birds, when brought on board, seldom utter any
sound, and that which sometimes proceeds from them is a
raucous but not a loud sound. None of the oceanic birds seem to
have a very loud note, that of the tropic bird seems the most
shrill; the Storm Petrel, or “Mother Carey’s chicken,” has a
pleasing twittering note.
[142] The wing has four joints, of which the second is the
longest.
[143] It is difficult, indeed I should say impossible, to state
correctly the species of Albatross seen during flight, particularly
by the plumage, as, at one time, in a certain position, the
appearance is different from that which it assumes, almost
immediately afterwards, in another.
[144] Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, June
25th, 1833.
[145] Abel’s Narrative of a Journey in China, &c. &c. 4to. p.
251.
[146] Finlayson’s Journal of a Mission to Siam, &c. pp. 86, 87.
[147] Vol. i. p. 143. 8vo. Edit.
[148] Vol. i. page 309, 8vo. edition.
[149] See published proceedings of the Zoological Society, No.
6, June 25th, 1833.

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