Final handout gender
Final handout gender
Final handout gender
Gender is socially constructed roles and relationships, personality traits, attitudes, behaviors,
values, relative power and influence that society ascribes to the two sexes on a differential
basis. …. Gender is relational and refers not simply to women or men but to the relationship
between them.
Gender is the range of characteristics pertaining to, and differentiating between, masculinity
and femininity. Depending on the context, these characteristics may include biological sex
(i.e., the state of being male, female, or an intersex variation), sex-based social structures
(i.e., gender roles), or gender identity.
Gender refers to the economic, social and cultural attributes and opportunities associated
with being male or female at a particular point in time
So, in general, gender is about what people understand about what it means to be a woman and a
man under a given socio-economic and socio-cultural setting. It is the socially expected behaviors
from men and women as deemed appropriate, the roles culturally ascribed to them and the benefits
allocated thereto as a result of those socio-economic and cultural impositions. Gender is about the
perceived roles women and men differentially play and the respective responsibilities they should
shoulder in society. It is socially determined ideas and practices of what it is to be female or male. It
denotes the condition of how a person’s biology is culturally valued and interpreted into socially
accepted ideas of what it is to be a woman or man. This acceptance of socially constructed ideas and
behaviors establishes gender attitudes. Gender attitudes and behaviors are learned and can be
changed. Gender is the socially constructed roles and responsibilities of women and men, in a given
culture or location. These roles are influenced by perceptions and expectations arising from cultural,
political, environmental, economic, social, and religious factors, as well as custom, law, class,
ethnicity, and individual or institutional bias.
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1.1.2 What is Development?
‘Development’, like ‘gender’, is over loaded with a variety of definitions and multitude of
explanations.
Dudley seers (1977) identifies, ‘…the questions to ask about a country’s development are three:
‘What has been happening to poverty? What has been happening to unemployment? What has been
happening to inequality?’ If all three of these have declined from high levels, then beyond doubt this
has been a period of development for the country concerned.’ (Seers, 1977:3)
This implies that, development is about the conditions of those who are impoverished; about those
who lack access to the means of incomes and related resources; and about those who are at a
disadvantaged position in society. Gender issues in development arise where an instance of gender
inequality is recognized as undesirable, or unjust. Three aspects of gender issues which are raised in
development are gender gap, gender discrimination and women’s empowerment. This arose out of
the general conviction that women have been more impoverished, have enjoyed limited access to
means of income and have occupied a much more marginalized position as compared to men.
Findings of multitudes of researches indicate that women have historically benefited less and little
from the fruits of development and they are generally poorer than men. Development is also defined
as a social ingredient measured as well-being in health, education, housing and employment. In this
regard, it is evidenced that women suffer more from poor health, low level of education, greater
unemployment, and poorer access to housing services and its ownership than men.
Currently, sustainability issues are the principal concerns of development. It has been globally,
hence conventionally, recognized that the exiting pattern of economic growth favors the rich and the
current generation at the expense of the poor and the future generations. It is also agreed that the
current pattern of growth favors men at the expense of women. Rephrasing the Brudtland (1987)
definition of sustainable development, development implies a commitment to ecologically sound and
socially desirable economic growth where the consumption of the present generation does not
undermine the interests of the future generations. In view of this, sustainable development considers
two equity dimensions: intra-generational and inter-generational. Intra-generational equity is
concerned with existing inequalities and inequities. It involves the inequalities and inequities that
persist between the rich and the poor, the north and the south, the developed and the developing
world, and above all, the inequalities and inequities that subsist between men and women. Inter-
generational equity is concerned with potential inequalities that affect the future generations. As
Meadows (1992) argues, if the current pattern of development is sustained, it will eventually
overshoot and exceed the shouldering capacity of the earth. This has a tendency to borrow resources
from the future generations (from our children), which weakens their capacity to meet their deeds,
and hence undermine inter-generational equity. And if the condition continues unaddressed, it is
feared that the current inequity trends would restore and exacerbate future inequalities and inequities
that would make the position of women worse off from now. Since the mid 1980s there has been a
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growing consensus that sustainable development requires an understanding of both women’s and
men’s roles and responsibilities within the community and their relations to each other. This has
come to be known as the Gender and Development (GAD) approach. Improving the status of
women in society then came to be no longer seen as just a women’s issue, but as a goal that requires
the active participation of both men and women.
Activity 1
Activity
1. Define1 gender and development.
1.2. Define
How isgender andviewed
‘gender’ development.
from the development perspective?
2.3. How
Howisdo‘gender’ viewed from
intra-generational andthe development perspective?
inter-generational inequities affect women?
3. How do intra-generational and inter-generational inequities affect women?
The 70’s and 80’s marked a new phase in which the debate moved beyond women’s equality and
the domestic sphere of women’s role as wives and mothers onto the global stage where the role
of women was promoted as an aid for economic development.
The First World Conference on Women, 1975 was held between 19 June and 2 July 1975 in
Mexico City, Mexico. It was the first international conference held by the United Nations to
focus solely on women's issues and marked a turning point in policy directives. After this
meeting, women were viewed as part of the process to develop and implement policy, rather than
recipients of assistance. Two documents were adopted from the conference proceedings, the
World Plan of Action which had specific targets for nations to implement for women's
improvement and the Declaration of Mexico on the Equality of Women and Their Contribution
to Development and Peace, which discussed how nations foreign policy actions impacted
women. It also led to the establishment of the International Research and Training Institute for
the Advancement of Women to track improvements and continuing issues and the United
Nations Development Fund for Women to provide funding for developmental programs.
The Second World Conference on Women took place between 14 and 30 July 1980 in
Copenhagen, Denmark as the mid-decade assessment of progress and failure in implementing the
goals established by the World Plan of Action at the 1975 inaugural conference on women. The
most significant event to come out of the conference was that the formal signing of the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women took place
during the opening ceremony of the conference.
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The Third World Conference on Women took place between 15 and 26 July 1985 in Nairobi,
Kenya, as the end-decade assessment of progress and failure in implementing the goals
established by the World Plan of Action from the 1975 inaugural conference on women as
modified by the World Programme of Action of the second conference. Of significance during
the conference was the end result of the Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of
Women being adopted by consensus, unlike the previous two conferences.
The Fourth World Conference on Women (Action for Equality, Development and Peace) was the
a conference convened by the United Nations during 4–15 September 1995 in Beijing, China. At
this conference, governments from around the world agreed on a comprehensive plan to achieve
global legal equality, known as the Beijing Platform for Action. The most important areas of
concern identified under the ‘Beijing Platform for Action’ are outlined below. All actors
(governments, the international community and civil society, including nongovernmental
organizations and the private sector) are called upon to observe and take strategic actions in the
following critical areas of concern:
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Action is intended to improve the situation of all women, without exception, who often face similar
barriers, while special attention should be given to groups that are the most disadvantaged.
The Platform for Action recognizes that women face barriers to full equality and advancement
because of such factors as their race, age, language, ethnicity, culture, religion or disability, because
they are indigenous women or because of other status. Many women encounter specific obstacles
related to their family status, particularly as single parents; and to their socio- economic status,
including their living conditions in rural, isolated or impoverished areas. Additional barriers also
exist for refugee women, other displaced women, including internally displaced women as well as
for immigrant women and migrant women, including women migrant workers. Many women are
also particularly affected by environmental disasters, serious and infectious diseases and various
forms of violence against women.
Strategic objective A.1. Review, adopt and maintain macroeconomic policies and
development strategies that address the needs and efforts of women in poverty. Actions to be
taken.
Strategic objective A.2. Revise laws and administrative practices to ensure women's equal
rights and access to economic resources. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective A.3. Provide women with access to savings and credit mechanisms and
institutions. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective A.4. Develop gender-based methodologies and conduct research to
address the feminization of poverty. Actions to be taken.
Education and training of women diagnosis
Strategic objective C.1. Increase women's access throughout the life cycle to appropriate,
affordable and quality health care, information and related services. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective C.2. Strengthen preventive programmes that promote women's health.
Actions to be taken.
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Strategic objective C.3. Undertake gender-sensitive initiatives that address sexually
transmitted diseases, HIV/AIDS, and sexual and reproductive health issues. Actions to be
taken.
Strategic objective C.4. Promote research and disseminate information on women's health.
Actions to be taken
Strategic objective C.5. Increase resources and monitor follow-up for women's health.
Actions to be taken.
Violence against women diagnosis
Strategic objective D.1. Take integrated measures to prevent and eliminate violence against
women. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective D.2. Study the causes and consequences of violence against women and
the effectiveness of preventive measures. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective D.3. Eliminate trafficking in women and assist victims of violence due
to prostitution and trafficking. Actions to be taken.
Women and armed conflict diagnosis
Strategic objective F.1. Promote women's economic rights and independence, including
access to employment, appropriate working conditions and control over economic resources.
Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective F.2. Facilitate women's equal access to resources, employment, markets
and trade. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective F.3. Provide business services, training and access to markets,
information and technology, particularly to low-income women. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective F.4. Strengthen women's economic capacity and commercial networks.
Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective F.5. Eliminate occupational segregation and all forms of employment
discrimination. Actions to be taken.
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Strategic objective F.6. Promote harmonization of work and family responsibilities for
women and men. Actions to be taken.
Women in power and decision-making diagnosis
Strategic objective G.1. Take measures to ensure women's equal access to and full
participation in power structures and decision-making. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective G.2. Increase women's capacity to participate in decision-making and
leadership. Actions to be taken.
Institutional mechanism for the advancement of women diagnosis
Strategic objective H.1. Create or strengthen national machineries and other governmental
bodies. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective H.2. Integrate gender perspectives in legislation, public policies,
programmes and projects. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective H.3. Generate and disseminate gender-disaggregated data and
information for planning and evaluation Actions to be taken.
Human rights of women diagnosis
Strategic objective I.1. Promote and protect the human rights of women, through the full
implementation of all human rights instruments, especially the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective I.2. Ensure equality and non-discrimination under the law and in
practice. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective I.3. Achieve legal literacy. Actions to be taken.
Women and the media diagnosis
Strategic objective J.1. Increase the participation and access of women to expression and
decision-making in and through the media and new technologies of communication. Actions
to be taken.
Strategic objective J.2. Promote a balanced and non-stereotyped portrayal of women in the
media. Actions to be taken.
Women and the environment diagnosis
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The girl-child diagnosis
Strategic objective L.1. Eliminate all forms of discrimination against the girl-child. Actions
to be taken.
Strategic objective L.2. Eliminate negative cultural attitudes and practices against girls.
Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective L.3. Promote and protect the rights of the girl-child and increase
awareness of her needs and potential. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective L.4. Eliminate discrimination against girls in education, skills
development and training. Actions to be taken
Strategic objective L.5. Eliminate discrimination against girls in health and nutrition.
Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective L.6. Eliminate the economic exploitation of child labour and protect
young girls at work. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective L.7. Eradicate violence against the girl-child. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective L.8. Promote the girl-child's awareness of and participation in social,
economic and political life. Actions to be taken.
Strategic objective L.9. Strengthen the role of the family in improving the status of the girl-
child. Actions to be taken.
? Why is gender a development issue: the rationale?
There are both pushing and pulling factors to panel gender issues into the development agenda. The
pushing factors refer to past trends and socio-economic conditions regarding the relationship
between men and women and the resultant disadvantaged position of women in society. The pulling
factors are current problems that need to be addressed so that future challenges of gender inequality
would be anticipated. These pushing and pulling factors are multiple, complex and interdependent
development problems. They constitute the rationale for integrating gender into development
policies and programs.
? Dear learner, what do you think are the bases for integrating gender into development
policies and programs?
Some of the major factors that bring on gender into development are:
Population composition: population census results of any country report that women constitute
slightly more than 50% of a nation’s population. A healthy development thus cannot bypass half of
its population. But women constitute 2/3 rd of the world poor. Women also make up 2/3 rd of the world
illiterate.
Women’s poverty: more than one billion people in the world live in unacceptable condition of
poverty. The great majority of these impoverished people are women. Women constitute more than
70% of the world poor, and the trend in the poverty of women is increasing as compared to the
number of men. This has led to what has been coined as the problem of ‘feminization of poverty’,
particularly in developing countries. Reducing women’s poverty is part of the Millennium
Development Goals.
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Women’s workload: reports indicate that women perform about 67% (2/3rd) of the world’s work.
Those women from developing countries pass 17 hours a day at work. But women earn less than
10% of the world income and women own only about 1% of the world property.
Women produce food for both women and men: women produce about 50% of the food
consumed by the world population every day. Women are however the most vulnerable group of
societies to hunger and starvation. Women thus face nutritional and related health problems.
Women and health: women have different and unequal access to and use of basic health resources.
Discrimination against girls, often resulting from “son preference”, in access to nutrition and
healthcare services endangers their current and future health and well-being. Conditions (traditions,
poverty and illiteracy) that force girls into early marriage, pregnancy and child-bearing subject them
to harmful practices, such as female genital mutilations, pose grave health risks.
Women’s human rights: all forms of gender violence or violence against women involve violations
of women’s human rights. Violence against women impairs and nullifies the enjoyment of women of
their human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Women and the environment: women play as crucial, or even more important, roles as men in the
achievement of sustainable development objectives. In other words, women, like men, are important
to foster the realization of environmentally friendly and socially desirable development. However,
women remain largely absent at all levels of decision-making and policy formulations in natural
resources and environmental management. The experiences of women in the conservation and
rehabilitation of natural resources as well as their skills in advocacy for environmental protection
have often remained marginalized. But equitable socio-economic development that recognizes
empowering women to utilize environmental resources is a necessary foundation for sustainable
development.
Existing knowledge gap: there has been lack of scientific studies and adequate information about
and interest in the situation of women. Hence, women’s and gender studies came into the scene to
provide academic support and reliable data on the situation of women.
Urgent need to criticize gender blindness of disciplines: historically, there existed gender
blindness in almost all disciplines. This has negatively affected the interests of women in education
and the knowledge that could have been generated otherwise for use and change.
Urgent need to challenge traditional monolithic assumptions about women and gender division
of labor: socially constructed roles and responsibilities of women have resulted in a disadvantaged
position of women in society. There is an urgent to criticize and transform the existing gender roles
and sexual division of labor.
Policy implications: gender concerns are important for policy analysts and development planners.
From poverty issues to women’s human rights, gender issues need to be mainstreamed into gender-
sensitive and gender-transformative development policies and programs.
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Educational inequalities for women, Globally, 10 million more girls are out of school than boys
(Calculated from data contained in the UN’s The Millennium Development Goals report 2007, New
York: 2007, p11) •41 million girls worldwide are still denied a primary education. (UNESCO,
Education for all: Global monitoring report 2008, Oxford University Press, Oxford: 2007, p184.)
•Women account for nearly two thirds of the world’s 780 million people who cannot read.
(UNESCO Institute for Statistics, “Adult Literacy Rates and Illiterate Population by Region and
Gender,” 2006)
Gender Inequality in Health, WHO studies in Rwanda, Tanzania and South Africa show that
women who have experienced violence are three times more likely to be at risk from HIV infection.
(Source: World Health Organization briefing) •99% of maternal deaths occur in developing
countries, with women continuing to die of pregnancy-related causes at the rate of one a minute.
(UNPF: Maternal mortality figures show limited progress in making motherhood safer, October
2007) •About 14 million adolescent girls become mothers every year. More than 90% of them are in
developing countries.
Economic inequality, women of the north America get the highest opportunity to participate in
economic activities 80 % where middle east & north African women are the worst less than 40%.
Political disparity of women , Globally, women make up just 17% of parliamentarians. Only 22
countries do women represent 25 percent or more of elected legislators (UNICEF, The State of
the World’s Children 2007, UNICEF, New York: 2006, p.56). The situation of Asia is also poor
only 18.2 % parliament seats for women.
Violence against women worldwide perspective •On average, 30% of women experienced
some form of physical or sexual violence by their partner. Sexual and gender-based violence,
including physical and psychological abuses, trafficking of women and girls, rape and other
sexual exploitations, and other forms of abuses and harassments put girls and women under
harsh risk of physical and mental trauma, diseases and unwanted pregnancy. Some groups of
women, such as women belonging to minority groups, indigenous women, refugees, migrants
and expatriates (=migrant workers and forced dislocations), remote rural, women under
detention, disabilities, elderly women, repatriates, women participating in armed conflicts, wars
aggression, civil wars, terrorism and hostage-takings are all vulnerable to violence. Violence
against women is obstacle to equality, development and peace.
1.3 Gender and Economic Growth
? Dear learner, can you make a logical guess about gender inequality and economic growth impact one
another?
There are various ways by which gender and economic growth are interrelated. This can be direct or
indirect. On the one hand, participation of women directly affects economic growth and
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development. Women, like men, contribute to development through their labor, knowledge and
skills. A society also directly benefits where there are equitable benefits-sharing and participative
decision-making processes in development. On the other hand, one of the defining characteristics of
development and economic growth is the effect of population growth. Fertility and mortality are key
issues closely linked to women and population growth. This can be said indirect.
The place of gender in economic growth can also be seen from the perspective of education and
knowledge. In this regard, there are some models that consider gender inequality in education and its
impact on economic growth. It is argued that initial gender inequality in education can lead to a self-
perpetuating equilibrium of continued gender inequality in education, with the consequences of high
fertility, higher population growth rate and low economic growth. Various research findings
conclude that gender inequality in education may generate a poverty trap with self-perpetuating
gender gaps in education. Barro and Lee (1994) and Barro and Sala-i-Martin (1995) suggest that a
large gap in male and female schooling may signify backwardness and may, therefore, be associated
with lower economic growth. Conversely, too, Hill and King (1995) relate levels of GDP to gender
inequality in education. They find that a low female-male enrollment ratio is associated with a lower
level of GDP per capita, over and above, the impact of levels of female education on GDP per
capita. They find that female secondary education achievement (measured as the share of the adult
population that have achieved some secondary education) is positively associated with growth, but it
turns out that in countries with low female education, furthering female education does not promote
economic growth, while in countries with higher female education levels, promoting female
education has a sizeable and significant positive impact on economic growth.
Activity 2
1. Discuss the evolution of gender in the development discourse.
2. Discuss the rationale for integrating gender into development programs and projects.
3. Discuss the relationship between economic growth, population and female education.
From this perspective, sex is fixed and based in nature; gender is fluid and based in culture.
The female male distinction has its own defects criticized for,
The male-female distinction is criticized for ignoring the existence of persons who do not fit neatly
into the biological or social categories of women and men, such as inter sexes (have anatomy that is
not considered typically male or female), trans sexual (is a person who physically transited from
male to female or vice versa), and transgender (have a gender identity or gender expression that
differs from the sex that they were assigned at birth) people.
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The other limitation of male-female distinction is that for many people the sex categories of female
and male are neither fixed nor universal, but vary over time and across cultures. Accordingly,
according to some people and in some societies, sex, like gender, is seen as a social and cultural
construct. Hence, the value of the distinction between the terms ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ has just been
challenged.
In this processes of socialization a society teaches the values and allocates duties, roles and
responsibilities to women, men, girl and boy. This differential valuing creates the gender division of
labor and determines differences in access to benefits and decision making which in turn influences
power relations and reinforces gender roles.
It is affected by different factors like: political system, economic condition, cultural norms,
educational system, environmental (geographical) condition, existing legal laws & regulations,
international regulations
? What do you think are the major spheres of life where gender differences are reflected?
Dear learner, the following are major sphere of life where gender differences are reflected.
Social Different perceptions of women’s and men’s social roles: the man seen as head of the
household and chief bread-winner; the woman seen as nurturer and care-giver.
Political Differences in the ways in which women and men assume and share power and
authority: men more involved in national- and higher-level politics; women more
involved at the local level in activities linked to their domestic roles.
Educational Differences in educational opportunities and expectations of girls and boys: family
resources directed to boy’s rather than girl’s education; girls streamed into less-
challenging academic tracks.
Economic Differences in women’s and men’s access to lucrative careers and control of financial
and other productive resources: credit and loans; land ownership.
From those occupations and preoccupations of men and women, it is possible to conclude that:
… many of the activities that consume women’s time—cooking, childcare, cleaning—are not
considered “work” because they do not involve earning an income. Women’s time is therefore
considered less valuable than men’s because they may not earn cash. When women are
involved in earning income for the family, they generally continue to have all the additional
responsibilities within the home. The perception of women’s activities as not being valuable
and women’s limited ability to earn an income result in women having less power in the family
and the community. …women’s triple roles: reproductive, productive, and community [are
always the case in point].
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Because women are active in all three types of labor (reproductive, productive, and community),
they are said to have “triple roles.” They are expected to balance the demands of these three
different roles and hence they should be recognized for their contributions.
i) Reproductive roles: refer to child-bearing and child rearing and related responsibilities
fulfilled by women. They include pregnancy, giving birth to a child, breast-feeding and
associated roles of women such as raising children, caring for other family members, and
household management tasks, as well as home based production_ don’t earn them income
ii) Productive roles: refer to production of goods for consumption or income through
work in or outside the home_ but are often undervalued or given relatively little
recognition.
iii) Community management: refers to tasks and responsibilities carried out for the benefit
of the community_ considered as natural and don’t earn them income
? What do you think is gender division of labor; how do you relate to gender roles?
Gender division of labor is defined as the socially determined ideas and practices which define what
roles and activities are deemed appropriate for women and men. Whilst the gender division of labor
tends to be seen as natural and immutable, in fact, these ideas and practices are socially constructed.
This results in context-specific patterns of who does what by gender (=gender roles) and how this is
valued.
Gender divisions of labor are not necessarily rigidly defined in terms of men’s and women’s roles.
They are also characterized by co-operation in joint activities, as well as by separation. Often, the
accepted norm regarding gender divisions varies from the actual practice. However, roles typically
designated as female are almost invariably less valued than those designated as male. Women are
generally expected to fulfill the reproductive roles. Men tend to be more associated with productive
roles, particularly paid work, and market production. In the labor market, although women’s overall
participation rates are rising, they tend to be confined to a relatively narrow range of occupations or
concentrated in lower grades than men, usually earning less.
Formal documentation and recognition of women’s roles and the related time burden’
Measure all forms of economic activity by gender. International organizations have already
begun to implement it.
Redefinition of ‘economic activities’ that include subsistence farming, food processing and
home-working ‘in anticipation of profit’.
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Employing time-budget-surveys to measure women’s input into reproductive work.
Gender and development policies and programs can challenge and a change woman’s
socially prescribed roles in pursuit of gender equity.
Training women and employing them in jobs previously under males’ domain. They may
include water technicians, builders, etc.
Establishing proper remuneration for programs aiming to increase women’s participation in
spheres beyond the household.
Reduction of women’s responsibilities in the home increased cooperation of men.
Activity – 3
1. Discus the challenges inherent to the triple roles of women.
2. What are the major productive roles played by women in your community but not
recognized as economic activities? Outline and discuss.
It is a generalized view or preconception about attributes or characteristics or the roles that are or
ought to be possessed by or performed by women and men. It is harmful when it limits women’s and
men’s capacity to build their personal abilities, pursue their professional careers and make choice
about their life.
Generally, the fact that the patriarchal institution( the system in which men is superior to women)
socializes boys and girls to the world of differing gender perceptions and expectations has resulted in
gender stereotypes.
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Below are lists of common female and male stereotypes.
Women are Men are
Dependent Independent
Weak Powerful
Incompetent Competent
Less important More important
Emotional Logical
Implementers Decision maker
Housekeepers Breadwinner
Supporter Leaders
Fragile Protectors
Fickle Consistent
Fearful Brave
Peace-makers Aggressive
Cautious Adventurous
Flexible Focused
Warm Self-reliant
Passive Active
Followers Leaders
“Not all women are poor, and not all poor people are women, but all women suffer from
discrimination” (Kabeer, 1996:20)
Gender discrimination refers to the systematic, unfavorable treatment of individuals on the basis of
their gender, which denies those rights, opportunities or resources. Across the world, women are
treated unequally and less value is placed on their lives because of their gender. Women’s
differential access to power and control of resources is central to this discrimination in all
institutional spheres, i.e. the household, community, market, and state.
? How does gender discrimination occur in the household, community, market and in the state?
Within the household, women and girls can face discrimination in the sharing out of household
resources including food, sometimes leading to higher malnutrition and mortality indicators for
women. This is termed as intra-household resource allocation. At its most extreme case, gender
discrimination can lead to ‘son-preference’, expressed in ‘sex-selective-abortion’ or female feticide.
In the labor market, unequal pay, occupational exclusion or segregation into low skill and low paid
work limit women’s earnings in comparison to those of men of similar education levels. Women’s
lack of representation and voice in decision-making bodies in the community and the state
perpetuates discrimination, in terms of access to public services, such as schooling and health care or
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discriminatory laws. The law is assumed to be gender-neutral when in fact it may perpetuate gender
discrimination, being a product of a culture with oppressive gender ideologies. However, the law,
when reformed with women’s input, can be a potent or powerful tool for challenging discrimination,
if combined with other strategies, including capacity-building to overcome barriers to claiming
rights.
Gender discrimination:
? How do you think that international human rights instruments serve in promoting women’s
human rights?
The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in
1979 brought into international focus the rights of women as human rights, including the right to be
free from discrimination. Women activists regard this convention as a key tool to support their
struggle against discrimination in all spheres, pushing governments towards attaining these
internationally recognized minimum standards.
Activity – 4
1. What do you think is gender discrimination? Where does it occur? Discuss.
2. Discuss how gender discrimination occurs within the household, in the community,
market in the state.
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Equal opportunity policies and legislations tackle gender equality through measures that increase
women’s participation in public life. For example, some countries have developed institutions for
National Service for Women (NSW) to set up Equal Opportunities Plans for Women. This focused
on equitable participation in education, the labor market, health services, and politics. Judicial
reform is another key tool in the fight for equality, but lack of implementation and enforcement
might limit its impact.
The focus on what is sometimes called formal equality, does not necessarily demand or ensure
equality of outcomes. It assumes that once the barriers to participation are removed, there is a level-
playing field. It also does not recognize that women’s reality and experience may be different from men’s.
Gender equity denotes the equivalence in life outcomes for women and men, recognizing their
different needs and interests, and requiring a redistribution of power and resources. The goal of
gender equity, sometimes called substantive equality, moves beyond equality of opportunity. It
requires a more transformative change. It recognizes that women and men have different needs,
preferences, and interests and that equality of outcomes may necessitate different treatment of men
and women.
An equity approach implies that all development policies and interventions need to be scrutinized for
their impact on gender relations. It necessitates a rethinking of policies and programs to take account
of men’s and women’s different realities and interests. So, for example, it implies rethinking existing
legislation on employment, as well as development programs, to take account of women’s
reproductive work and their concentration in unprotected, casual work in informal and home-based
enterprises. It is worth examining the content of policies, not just the language, before deciding
whether equity or an equality approach is being followed. Gender equity goals are seen as being
more political than gender equality goals.
Most development specialists agree that sustainable development is not possible without the full
participation of both halves, female and male, of the world’s population. Development policies that
incorporate gender as a factor reflect a growing understanding of the necessity for women’s and
men’s full and equal participation in civil, cultural, economic, political, and social life. Gender-
focused development means that female and male infants are given equal opportunities to survive;
boys and girls are equally nourished and educated; and women and men have equal opportunities to
contribute to and benefit from social, economic, and political processes. With equity, women and
men will enjoy full and equal legal rights and access to and control over resources. Together, women
and men can participate in building more equitable, secure, and sustainable societies. Two
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international conferences, the first on population and development in Cairo (1994), and the second,
on women in Beijing (1995) laid the foundation for incorporating gender equality and gender equity
in development. They state:
Advancing gender equality and equity and the empowerment of women...are cornerstones of
population and development related programmes. The full and equal participation of women
in civil, cultural, economic, political and social life, at the national regional and
international levels, and the eradication of all forms of discrimination on grounds of sex, are
priority objectives of the international community (International Conference on Population
and Development, 1994).
Equality between women and men is a matter of human rights and a condition for social
justice and is also a necessary and fundamental prerequisite for equality, development and
peace. A transformed partnership based on equality between women and men is a condition
for people-centered sustainable development (The Fourth World Conference on Women, 1995).
Activity – 5
1. Discuss the difference between gender equality and gender equity.
2. Outline and discuss the limitations inherent to gender equality in relation to equity.
?What limitations do you think are inherent to practical gender needs strategy?
While practical interventions can increase women’s participation in the development process, they
are unlikely to change gender relations and, in fact, may preserve and reinforce inequitable divisions
20
of labor. PGNs do not challenge, although they arise out of gender divisions of labor, women's
subordinate position in society.
Activity 6
1. Discuss the significance and limitations of meeting practical gender needs to development projects.
2. Discuss the significance of meeting strategic interests to development projects.
3. Discuss the significance of addressing both practical needs and strategic interests together
to development projects.
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UNIT THREE: FEMINISM, FEMINIST THEORIES AND DEVELOPMENT
Unit Introduction
Dear learner, in the preceding units, we have seen that in almost all societies, women and men have
quite different experiences of the same world in terms of work, access to education, health and social
power. In many of these societies, women have a low status in comparison with men. Relationships
between men and women seem to give men more power than women. These differences have led to
the development of a range of feminist theories which try to explain how and why women have
become subordinated and how this subordination is carried on from generation to generation. This
part of your module, therefore, will introduce you to the varieties of feminisms and/or feminist
theories, their contribution to gender equality and their salient connections to development. You will
acquaint yourself with explanations provided for why women and men were, and are, so unequal;
and with the feminist gender politics: the activities and strategies for remedying gender inequality.
You will learn about the development of feminist theories in relation to the sources of gender
inequality and its pervasiveness, and the different feminist political solutions and remedies based on
these theories. You will also see the major continuities and discontinuities in the feminist ideas and
perspectives. Feminist perspectives of the last five decades are grouped into three broad categories
that reflect their theories and political strategies with regard to the gendered social order. These are
gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. Feminist
theories are also classified into white feminism, black feminism, and feminism in developing
countries based on geographic and ethnic criteria. In this unit, you will learn about these theories
with particular focus on gender reform, gender resistant and gender revolution feminisms. Each
category is broad and consists of sub-divisions.
Unit objectives
Dear leaner, by the end of this unit you should be able to:
List the major feminist theories and perspectives;
Define key concepts and terms entertained in feminist theories;
Analyze the explanations provided by the various feminist theories about gender inequality
and women’s subordination to men, and the suggested solutions and remedies; and
Identify the major continuities and discontinuities in the feminist theorization and
perspectives on gender and development.
Unit Pre-test Questions
1. What are the major feminist theories and perspectives on gender and development?
2. What are the underlying causes of inequalities and women’s subordination to men according
to the dominant feminist perspectives?
3. What are the different political solutions devised and adopted by the various feminist theories?
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4. What are the dominant ideas that have survived the continuous changes and modifications in
the feminist movements and theories on gender and development?
Section objectives
Dear learner, by the end of this section you should be able to:
List feminist theories that are categorized under gender reform feminisms;
Describe the major viewpoints entertained in liberal feminism, Marxist/socialist feminism
and development feminism; and
Analyze the convergences and divergences between liberal, Marxist/socialist and
development feminisms;
Describe the shared political solutions suggested by gender reform feminisms; and
Restate the major flaws or criticisms forward against gender reform feminisms.
?What do you think are the weapons of liberal feminists to fight gender inequality?
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Liberal feminist politics took important weapons of the civil rights movement= anti-discrimination
legislation and affirmative action, and used them to fight gender inequality, especially in the job
market. Affirmative action calls for aggressively seeking out qualified people to redress the gender
and ethnic imbalance in work places. That means encouraging men to train for such jobs as nursing,
teaching, and secretary, and women for fields like engineering, construction, and police work. With
a diverse pool of qualified applicants, employers can be legally mandated to hire enough different
workers to achieve a reasonable balance in their workforce, and to pay them the same and also give
an equal chance to advance in their careers.
? What do you think is Marxist feminism all about? How does it relate to socialist ideas?
Marx's analysis of the social structure of capitalism was supposed to apply to people of any social
characteristics. If you owned the means of production, you were a member of the capitalist class; if
you sold your labor for a wage, you were a member of the working class for the capitalists. That
would be true of women as well, except that until the end of the 19th century, married women in
capitalist countries were not allowed to own property in their own name; their profits from any
businesses they ran and their wages belonged to their husband. Although Marx recognized that
workers and capitalists had wives who worked in the home and took care of the children, he had no
place for housewives in his analysis of capitalism.
? What new perspective of women has Marxist feminism added to socialist conceptions of society?
It was Marxist feminism that put housewives into the structure of capitalism, and not Karl Marx.
Housewives are vital to capitalism, indeed to any industrial economy, because their unpaid work in
the home maintains bosses and workers and reproduces the next generation of bosses and workers
(and their future wives as well). Furthermore, if a bourgeois husband (one who owns means of
production, or just a member of industry owning class) falls on hard times, his wife can do genteel
(refined or proper) work in the home, such as dressmaking, to earn extra money, or take a temporary
or part-time job, usually white collar. And when a worker's wages fall below the level needed to feed
his family, as it often does, his wife can go out to work for wages in factories or shops or other
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people's homes, or turn the home into a small factory and put everyone, sometimes including the
children, to work.
? What is the central argument and critiques of Marxist feminism about housewives?
The housewife's labor, paid and unpaid, is for her family. Marxist and socialist feminisms
severely criticize the family as a source of women's oppression and exploitation. If a woman works
for her family in the home, she has to be supported, and so she is economically dependent on the
"man of the house," like her children. If she works outside the home, she is still expected to fulfill
her domestic duties, and so she ends up working twice as hard as a man, and usually for a lot less pay.
This source of gender inequality has been somewhat redressed in countries that give all mothers
paid leave before and after the birth of a child and that provide affordable child care. But those
solutions put the burden of children totally on the mother, and encourage men to either consciously
or unconsciously exit out of family responsibilities altogether. To counteract that trend, feminists in
the government of Norway allocated a certain portion of paid-child-care-leave to fathers
specifically. Women in the former communist countries had what liberal feminism in capitalist
economies always wanted for women, that is, full-time jobs with state-supported maternity leave and
child-care services. But Marxist and socialist feminists claim that the welfare state can be
paternalistic, substituting public patriarchy for private patriarchy. They argue that male-dominated
government policies put the state's interests before those of women. When the economy needs
workers, the state may pay for child-care leave, and with a down-turn in the economy, the state
reduces the benefits. Similarly, when the state needs women to have more children, it cuts back on
abortions and contraceptive services. Women's status as a reserve army of labor and as a child
producer is thus no different under socialism than under capitalism. The solution of women's
economic dependence on men thus cannot simply be waged work, especially if jobs continue to be
gender-segregated and women's work is paid less than men's.
Socialist feminism had a different solution to the gendered workforce than liberal feminism's
program of affirmative action. In examining the reasons why women and men workers' salaries are
so discrepant, proponents of comparable worth found that wage scales are not set by the market for
labor, by what a worker is worth to an employer, or by the worker's education or other credentials.
Salaries are set by conventional "worth," which is rooted in gender and ethnic and other forms of
discrimination. Comparable worth programs compare jobs in traditional women's occupations, such
as secretary, with traditional men's jobs, such as automobile mechanic. They give a point values for
qualifications needed, skills used, extent of responsibility and authority over other workers, and
dangerousness. Salaries are then equalized for jobs with a similar number of points (which represent
the "worth" of the job). Although comparable worth programs do not do away with gendered job
segregation, feminist proponents argue that raising the salaries of women who do the traditional
25
women's jobs could give the majority of women economic resources that would make them less
dependent on marriage or state benefits as a means of survival.
3.1.3 Development Feminism
Development feminism has done extensive gender analysis of the global economy. They argue that
the gendered division of labor in developing countries is the outcome of a long history of
colonialism. Under colonialism, women's traditional contributions to food production were
undermined in favor of exportable crops, such as coffee, and the extraction of raw materials, such as
minerals. Men workers were favored in this work, but they were paid barely enough for their own
subsistence. Women family members had to provide food for themselves and their children, but with
good land confiscated for plantations, they also lived at a bare survival level. As a result, they argue,
women workers in developing countries (Central and Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa)
were paid less than men workers, whether they work in factories or at home. To survive in rural
communities, women grow food, keep house, and earn money any way they can to supplement what
their migrating husbands send t1.hem.
Development feminism made an important theoretical contribution in equating women's status with
control of economic resources. In some societies, women control significant economic resources and
so have a high status. In contrast, in societies with patriarchal family structures where anything
women produce, including children, belongs to the husband, women and girls have a low value.
Development feminism's theory is that in any society, if the food women produce is the main way
the group is fed, and women also control the distribution of any surplus they produce, women have
power and prestige. If men provide most of the food and distribute the surplus, women's status is
low. Whether women or men produce most of the food depends on the kind of technology used.
Thus, the mode of production and the kinship rules that control the distribution of any surplus is the
significant determinants of the relative status of women and men in any society. In addition to
gendered economic analyses, development feminism addresses the political issue of women's rights
versus national and cultural traditions. At the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women
Forum held in Beijing in 1995, the popular slogan was "human rights are women's rights and
women's rights are human rights." The Platform for Action document that came out of the UN
Conference condemned particular cultural practices that are oppressive to women. Such practices
include: infanticide, dowry, child-marriage (early marriage), and female genital mutilation. The 187
governments that signed onto the Beijing Platform for Action agreed to abolish these practices.
However, since they are integral parts of cultural and tribal traditions, to give them up at a time
could be seen as kowtowing to Western ideas. The development feminist perspective, so critical of
colonialism and yet so supportive of women's rights, has found this issue difficult to resolve.
26
Western ideas of individualism and economic independence are double-faced. On the one hand,
these ideas support the rights of girls and women to an education that will allow them to be
economically independent. They are also the source of a concept of universal human rights that can
be used to fight subordinating and sometimes physically hurtful tribal practices, such as genital
mutilation. On the other hand, Western ideas may weaken communal enterprises and traditional
reciprocal food production and shared child care. Indigenous women's own solution to this dilemma
is community organizing around their productive and reproductive roles as mothers so that what
benefits them economically and physically is in the service of their families, not themselves alone.
However, this same community organizing and family service can support the continuance of
cultural practices like female genital mutilation, which Western development feminists want to see
eradicated. The decision to not interfere with traditional cultural practices that are physically harmful
to girls, and at the same time, that works for their education and better health care are a particularly
problematic dilemma for development feminism.
Activity 1
1. Discuss the major points raised by the liberal, Marxist/socialist and development
feminisms.
2. Discuss the political solutions suggested by reform feminisms.
3. Discuss the convergences and divergences between Marxist/socialist and development
feminisms.
Section objectives:
27
Dear learner, by the end of this unit you should be able to:
List feminist theories that are categorized under gender resistant feminisms;
Describe the major viewpoints entertained in radical feminism, lesbian feminism
psychoanalytical feminism and standpoint feminism;
Analyze the inherent contradictions in each sub-category of gender resistant feminisms;
Describe the shared political solutions suggested by gender resistant feminisms; and
Restate the major flaws or criticisms forward against gender resistant feminism
4. 2.1 Radical Feminism
?What do you think are radical feminism all about?
Radical feminism had its start in small, leaderless, women-only consciousness-raising groups, where
the topics of intense discussion came out of women's daily lives- from housework, serving men's
emotional and sexual needs, menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth, and menopause. From these
discussions came a theory of gender inequality that went beyond discrimination, to oppression, and a
gender politics of resistance to the dominant gender order. Radical feminism's theoretical watchword
is patriarchy, or men's pervasive oppression and exploitation of women, which can be found
wherever women and men are in contact with each other, in private as well as in public. Radical
feminism argues that patriarchy is very hard to eradicate because its root- the belief that women are
different and inferior- is deeply embedded in most men's consciousness. It can best be resisted,
radical feminists argued, by forming non-hierarchical, supportive, woman-only spaces where women
can think and act and create free of constant sexist put-downs, sexual harassment, and the threat of
rape and violence. Stimulating possibilities of creating woman-oriented health care facilities, safe
residences for battered women, counseling and legal services for survivors of rape, a woman's
culture, and even a woman's religion and ethics forged the bonds of “sisterhood” and the rationale
for separation from men. Radical feminism turns male-dominated culture on its head. It puts down
all the characteristics that are valued in male-dominated societies - objectivity, distance, control,
coolness, aggressiveness, and competitiveness -and blames them for wars, poverty, rape, battering,
child abuse, and incest. It praises what women do feed and nurture, cooperate and reciprocate, and
attend to bodies, minds, and psyches. The important values, radical feminism argues, are intimacy,
persuasion, warmth, caring, and sharing -- the characteristics that women develop in their hands on,
everyday experiences with their own and their children's bodies and with the work of daily living.
Men could develop these characteristics, too, if they "mothered," but since few do, they are much
more prevalent in women. Radical feminism claims that most men have the potential to use physical
violence against women, including rape and murder. They point to the commonness of date rape and
wife beating, of murders of ex-wives and former girlfriends. The commercial side of this systemic
misogyny, or women-hating, is the way women are depicted as sex objects in the mass media and as
pieces of meat in pornography, and the global exploitation of girls and young women in prostitution.
Even more insidious, they argue, sexual exploitation is the common downside of romantic
heterosexual love, which itself is oppressive to women. The threat of violence and rape, radical
feminism theorizes, is the way patriarchy controls all women.
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?What are the radical feminist solutions to address the patriarchal ideology and gender inequality?
Radical feminism's political battlefield has been protection of rape victims and battered women, and
condemnation of pornography, prostitution, sexual harassment, and sexual coercion. Since all men
derive power from their dominant social status, any sexual relationship between women and men is
intrinsically unequal. Consent by women to heterosexual intercourse is, by this definition, always
coerced unless it is explicitly agreed to by a fully aware, autonomous woman. This viewpoint led to
an expansion of the parameters of rape, and to making date rape visible and legally actionable. The
radical feminist political remedies-women-only consciousness-raising groups and alternative
organizations- were vital in allowing women the "breathing space" to formulate important theories of
gender inequality, to develop women's studies programs in colleges and universities, to form communities,
and to produce knowledge, culture, religion, ethics, and health care from a woman's point of view.
But they alienated many working-class women, especially those of disadvantaged ethnic groups,
who felt that their men were just as oppressed as they were by the dominant society or classes.
Radical feminism's critique of heterosexuality and its valorization of mothering produced a schism
(division) among feminists, offending many of those who were in heterosexual relationships or who
didn't want children. Its praise of women's emotionality and nurturing capabilities and condemnation
of men's violent sexuality and aggressiveness has been seen as essentialist -rooted in deep-seated and
seemingly intractable differences between two global categories of people. This concentration on
universal gender oppression has led to accusations that radical feminism neglects ethnic and social
class differences among men and among women, and that it downplays other sources of oppression.
By pitting women against men, radical feminism alienates women of color and working-class
women, who feel torn between their feminist and their ethnic and class loyalties.
29
disturb the gender and sexual dichotomies that are the basis for lesbian feminism. Their presence has
been severely resisted in many lesbian communities, but they have become a contradiction not yet
resolved in lesbian feminism.
Another important gender resistant feminism of the 1970s and 1980s came out of feminist re-
readings of Freud and the French feminist engagement with Lacan, Derrida, and Foucault. Freud's
theory of personality development centers on the Oedipus complex- the detachment from the
mother. Psychoanalytic feminism claims that the source of men's domination of women is men's
unconscious two-sided need for women's emotionality and rejection of them as potential castrators.
Women submit to men because of their unconscious desires for emotional connectedness. These
gendered personalities are the outcome of the Oedipus complex- the separation from the mother.
Because women are the primary parents, infants bond with them. Boys, however, have to separate
from their mothers and identify with their fathers in order to establish their masculinity. They
develop strong ego boundaries and a capacity for the independent action, objectivity, and rational
thinking so valued in most cultures. Women are a threat to their independence and masculine
sexuality. Girls continue to identify with their mothers, and so they grow up with fluid ego
boundaries that make them sensitive, empathic, emotional. It is these qualities that make them
potentially good mothers, and keep them open to men's emotional needs. But because the men in
their lives have developed personalities that make them emotionally guarded, women want to have
children to bond with. Thus, psychological gendering of children is continually reproduced.
? What are the solutions suggested by psychoanalytic feminisms to break gendered personalities?
To develop nurturing capabilities in men, and to break the cycle of the reproduction of gendered
personality structures, psychoanalytic feminisms recommend shared-parenting, after men are
taught how to parent. French psychoanalytic feminism focuses on the ways that cultural productions
(novels, drama, art, opera, music, movies) reflect and represent the masculine unconscious,
especially fear of castration. In French feminist psychoanalytic theory, patriarchal culture is the
sublimation of men's suppressed infantile desire for the mother and fear of the loss of the phallus,
the symbol of masculine difference. Since women don't have a phallus to lose and are not different
from their mothers, they can't participate in the creation of the culture. Women's wish for a phallus
and repressed sexual desire for their fathers is sublimated into wanting to give birth to a son; men's
repressed sexual desire for their mother and fear of the father's castration are sublimated into cultural
creations. What women represent in phallic culture is the sexual desire and emotionality men must
repress in order to become like their fathers, men who are controlled and controlling. No matter what
role women play in cultural productions, the male gaze sees them as desired or despised sexualized
objects. Phallic cultural productions, according to psychoanalytic feminism, are full of aggression,
30
competition, and domination, with an underlying misogynist subtext of fear of castration – of
becoming a woman. To resist and to counter with woman centeredness, French feminism called for
women to write from their biographical experiences and their bodies, about menstruation,
pregnancy, childbirth, and sexuality. That way, women can resist their suppression by the dominant
phallic culture. However, urging women to produce woman-centered art and literature locks them
into a categorically female sensibility and emphasizes their difference from men and the dominant
culture even more. Women's emotional and erotic power is unleashed and made visible in women's
cultural productions, but they are separated from men's culture, which is still dominant.
Radical, lesbian, and psychoanalytic feminist theories of women's oppression converge in standpoint
feminism, which turns from resistance to confrontation with the dominant sources of knowledge and
values. The main idea among all the gender resistant feminisms is that women and women's
perspectives should be central to knowledge, culture, and politics, not invisible or marginal.
Whoever sets the agendas for scientific research, whoever shapes the content of education, whoever
chooses the symbols that permeate cultural productions has hegemonic power. Hegemony is the
ideology that legitimates a society's unquestioned assumptions. In Western societies where the
justifications for many of the ideas about women and men largely come from science, as they
believe in scientific "facts" and rarely question their objectivity, Standpoint feminism emerges as a
critique of mainstream science and social science, a methodology for feminist research, and an
analysis of the power that lies in producing knowledge. Simply put, standpoint feminism says that
women's "voices" are different from men's, and they must be heard if women are to challenge
hegemonic values. Men do not recognize that the knowledge they produce and the concepts they use
come out of their own experience. Rather, they claim that their scientific work is universal, general,
neutral, and objective. But women know that it is partial, particular, masculine, and subjective
because they see the world from a different angle, and they have been excluded from much of
science. The grounding for standpoint theory comes from Marxist and socialist feminist theory,
which applies Marx's concept of “class consciousness” to women, and psychoanalytic feminist
theory, which describes the gendering of the unconscious. Standpoint feminism argues that as
physical and social reproducers of children -out of bodies, emotions, thought, and sheer physical
labor, women are grounded in material reality in ways that men are not. Because they are closely
connected to their bodies and their emotions, women's unconscious as well as conscious view of the
world is unitary and concrete. If women produced knowledge, it would be much more in touch with
the everyday, material world, and with the connectedness among people. Although men could
certainly do research on and about women, and women on men, standpoint feminism argues that
women researchers are more sensitive to how women see problems and set priorities, and therefore
would be better able to design and conduct research from a woman's point of view.
31
? What do you think is the limitations embedded in standpoint feminism?
Unquestionably, women do privilege to women's experience. But is all women's experience is not the
same. The "facts" produced from a woman's perspective are also just as biased as those produced
from a man's point of view. Donna Haraway (1998) says that all knowledge is situated, just as
standpoint feminism claims, but situations differ, and so do all perspectives.
Activity 2
1. Discuss the major points raised by the radical, lesbian, psychoanalytic and standpoint
feminisms.
2. Discuss the shared political solutions suggested by gender resistant feminisms in order to
address gender inequality.
3. Discuss the convergences and divergences between radical and lesbian feminisms.
4. What is the main idea among all the gender resistant feminisms? Discuss.
5. How do explanations given in radical, lesbian and psychoanalytic feminisms converge
under standpoint feminism?
Section objective
Dear learner, by the end of this section you should be able to:
List feminist theories that are categorized under gender revolution feminisms;
Describe the major viewpoints entertained in multi-ethnic, men’s feminism, social
construction feminism, post-modern feminism and queer theory;
Analyze the convergences and divergences between multi-ethnic feminism, men’s feminism,
social construction feminism, post-modern feminism and queer theory;
32
Describe the shared political solutions suggested by gender revolution feminisms; and
Restate the major flaws or criticisms forward against gender revolution feminisms.
Throughout the 20th century, social critics have argued that no one aspect of inequality is more
important than any other. Ethnicity, religion, social class, and gender comprise a complex
hierarchical stratification system in which upper-class, heterosexual, white men and women oppress
lower-class women and men of disadvantaged ethnicities and religions. In teasing out the multiple
strands of oppression and exploitation, multi-ethnic feminism has shown that gender, ethnicity,
religion, and social class are structurally intertwined relationships. Ethnicity, religion, social class,
and gender are the walls and windows of our lives, they structure what we experience, do, feel, see,
and ultimately believe about ourselves and others. As a writer points out in a comment on standpoint
theory ("Comment on Hekman's 'Truth and Method: Feminist Standpoint Theory Revisited': Where's
the Power?", 1997), these experiences are not individual, but belong to groups; thus they are a vital
source of both a world view and a sense of identity. The important point made by multi-ethnic
feminism is that the subordinate group is not marked just by gender or by ethnicity or religion, but is
in a social location in multiple systems of domination. Men are as oppressed as women, but men
and women of disadvantaged groups are often oppressed in different ways. For example, in the
United States, Black men are punished for their masculinity and Black women are seen as sexual
objects or mothers. Thus, group consciousness reflects all social statuses at once.
Multi-ethnic cultural feminism finds art in what women of every culture produce in everyday life:
quilts, folk songs, celebratory dances, festive food, decorated dishes, weaving and embroidery
(needlework) are all part of a vibrant women's culture. These women's modes of art and literature are
interactive and emotionally expressive. They are the equivalent of men's subversive cultural
productions, such as jazz and rap, and equally distinctive from the dominant group's way of talking
and thinking. A woman of a disadvantaged ethnic group may not feel loyalty or identity with "all
women." But she may also feel alienated from the men of her own group, if they are oppressive to
women because of a traditional patriarchal culture or because they are themselves subordinated by
men at the top of the pyramid.
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Men's feminism is a burgeoning field of study that applies feminist theories to the study of men and
masculinity. Men's feminism took on the task called for by feminists studying women in relationship
to men, that is, to treat men as well as women as a gender and to scrutinize masculinity as carefully
as femininity. A prime goal has been to develop a theory, not of masculinity, but of masculinities,
because of the diversity among men. They argue that there is no universal masculine characteristic
that is the same in every society. Nor, for that matter, in any one society, or in any one
organizational setting, as earlier studies of working-class men and racial stratification made very
clear. The main theory developed in men's feminism, which has been used to dissect the differences
between and within groups of middle-class and working class men of different ethnic groups and
sexual orientations, is a concept of hegemonic masculinity. Hegemonic or dominant men are those
who are economically successful, ethnically superior, and visibly heterosexual. Yet the
characteristics of masculinity, hegemonic or otherwise, are not the source of men's gender status.
Genders- men's and women's- are relational and embedded in the structure of the social order. The
object of analysis is thus not masculinity or femininity but their oppositional relationship. Neither
men nor women can be studied separately; the whole question of gender inequality involves a
relationship of “haves” and “have-nots”, of dominance and subordination, of advantage and
disadvantage. Men's feminism argues that gender inequality includes men's denigration of other
men as well as their exploitation of women. Low-level men workers around the world are oppressed
by the inequalities of the global economy, and young working class urban men's impoverished
environment and "taste for risk" has made them an endangered species. Men's feminism blames
sports, the military, fraternities, and other arenas of male-bonding for encouraging physical and
sexual violence and misogyny. It deplores the pressure on men to identify with but not be
emotionally close to their fathers and to be "cool" and unfeeling towards the women in their lives
and distant from their own children. But many men feminists have been critical of the men's
movements that foster a search for the primitive or "wild man" and of religiously oriented men's
organizations that link responsibility to family with patriarchal concepts of “manhood”. They argue
that these movements seek to change individual attitudes and do not address the structural conditions
of gender inequality or the power differences among men. The sources of gender inequality that
men's feminism concentrates on are embedded in the stratification systems of Western societies as
well as in the homophobia of heterosexual men, who construct their masculinity as clearly opposite
to that of homosexual men. Thus, it is necessary for prominent men of all ethnic groups in politics,
sports, and the mass media to appear heterosexual.
Gender inequality is also embedded in men's jockeying for the leading positions in whatever arena
they find themselves, and excluding women as much as possible from competition. It is not an
accident that so much of the language of competition is the language of sports, because organized
sports are not only an immediate site of masculinity displays, but also a source for vicarious
competitiveness and for the creation of symbolic icons of masculine strength and beauty.
Unfortunately, these are also icons of physical and sexual violence. Men's feminism overlaps with
gay studies in analyzing the social dimensions of male homosexuality. Examining homosexuality
from a gender perspective shows that homosexual men are men, not a third gender, and partake of
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the privileges and disadvantages and life styles of men of the same ethnic group and social class.
Nonetheless, because homosexual men do not have sexual relationships with women, an important
marker of “manhood” in Western society, they are considered not-quite men. Thus, like other men
who do not have the marks of hegemonic status (white, economically successful, heterosexual),
homosexual men are lower on the scale of privilege and power in Western society. Homosexual
men, however, do not subvert the gender order because they retain some of the "patriarchal
dividend" of male advantage. Men's feminism provides a needed corrective in bringing men into
gender research as a specific subject of study, but it does not offer any new theoretical perspective.
Rather, men's feminism is an amalgam of social construction, multi-ethnic, psychoanalytic, and
development feminism and gay studies. It is likely that men's feminism will eventually be absorbed
into more general feminist perspectives.
While multi-ethnic feminism focuses on the effects of location in a system of advantage and
disadvantage, and men's feminism on the hierarchical relationships of men to other men and to
women, social construction feminism looks at the structure of the gendered social order as a whole.
It sees gender as a “society-wide-institution” that is built into all the major social organizations of
society. As a social institution, gender determines the distribution of power, privileges, and
economic resources. Gendered norms and expectations get built into women's and men's sense of
self as a certain kind of human being, and alternative ways of acting and arranging work and family
life are literally unthinkable. In social construction feminist theory, inequality is the core of gender
itself: Women and men are socially differentiated in order to justify treating them unequally. Thus,
although gender is intertwined with other unequal statuses, remedying the gendered part of these
structures of inequality may be the most difficult, because gendering is so pervasive. Indeed, it is this
pervasiveness that leads so many people to believe that gendering is biological, and therefore
"natural." Social construction feminism focuses on the processes that create gender differences and
also on what renders the construction of gender invisible. The common social processes that
encourage us to see gender differences and to ignore continuums are the gendered division of labor
in the home that allocates child care and housework to women; gender segregation and gender
typing of occupations so that women and men don't do the same kind of work; re-gendering (as
when an occupation goes from men's work to women's work and is justified both ways by "natural"
masculine and feminine characteristics); selective comparisons that ignore similarities, as in men's
and women's separate sports competitions; and containment, suppression, and erasure of gender-
inappropriate behaviors and appearances, such as aggressiveness in women and nurturance in men.
Social construction feminism argues that the dichotomies of male and female biological sex and
physiology are also produced and maintained by social processes. Genital and hormonal ambiguities
are ignored or overridden in the sex categorization of infants; and the gendering of sports and
physical labor ignores the overlaps in female and male stature and musculature. In the social
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construction feminist perspective, the processes of gender differentiation, approval of accepted
gendered behavior and appearance, and disapproval of deviations from established norms are all
manifestations of power and social control. Religion, the law, and medicine reinforce the boundary
lines between women and men and suppress gender variation through moral censure and
stigmatization, such as labeling gender-inappropriate behavior sinful, illegal, and insane.
Social construction feminism also analyzes the historical and cultural context in which sexuality is
learned and enacted, or "scripted." What sexual behaviors are approved, tolerated, and tabooed
differs for women and men and varies for social groups over time and place. Sexuality, in this
perspective, is a product of learning, social pressures, and cultural values. Legal penalties, job loss,
and violence uphold the heterosexual social order, defeating individual attempts at resistance and
rebellion. Most people, however, voluntarily go along with their society's prescriptions for those of
their gender status, because the norms and expectations get built into their individual sense of worth
and identity. Even transvestites (males who dress in women's clothes and females who dress in
men's clothes) and transsexuals (people who have sex-change surgery) try to pass as "normal" men
and women. So male “cross-dressers” tend to wear very feminine-looking clothing, and male
transsexuals use hormones to grow breasts.
? What are the solutions suggested by social construction feminism to change existing social
order and achieve gender equality?
In the social construction feminist view, long-lasting change of this deeply gendered social order
would have to mean a conscious re-ordering of the gendered division of labor in the family and at
work, and at the same time, undermining the taken-for-granted assumptions about the capabilities of
women and men that justify the status quo. Such change is unlikely to come about unless the
pervasiveness of the social institution of gender and its social construction are openly challenged.
Since the processes of gendering include making them invisible, where are we to start? Is that with
individual awareness and attitude change? Or is that with restructuring social institutions and
behavioral change? Certainly, both individuals and institutions need to be altered to achieve gender
equality, but it may be impossible to do both at once.
?What challenges do social construction feminists face?
Social construction feminism is faced with a political dilemma. If political activities focus on getting
individuals to understand the constrictions of gender norms and expectations and encourage
resistance to them in every aspect of their lives, it would not necessarily change social structure. If
the focus is on getting work organizations and governments to structure for gender equality, it would
not necessarily change gendered norms for individuals. The dilemma is built into the theory of social
construction, individuals construct and maintain the norms and expectations and patterns of behavior
that become institutionalized, but existing institutions constrain the extent of allowable variation and
individual and group difference. Socially patterned individual actions and institutional structures
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construct and reinforce each other. For this reason, social construction feminism recognizes that
there is always change, but it is usually slow.
? What do you think is postmodern feminism and queer theory all about?
Post-modern feminism and queer theory go the furthest in challenging gender categories as dual,
oppositional, and fixed, arguing instead that sexuality and gender are shifting, fluid and multiple
categories. They critique a politics based on a universal category, woman, presenting instead a more
subversive view that undermines the solidity of a social order built on concepts of two sexes, two
sexualities, and two genders. Equality will come, they say, when there are so many recognized sexes,
sexualities, and genders that one can't be played against the other. Postmodern feminism and queer
theory examine the ways societies justify the beliefs about gender at any time (now and in the past)
with ideological "discourses" embedded in cultural representations or "texts." Not just art, literature,
and the mass media, but anything produced by a social group, including newspapers, political
pronouncements, and religious liturgy, is a "text." A text's "discourse" is what it says, what it doesn't
say, and what it hints at (sometimes called a "sub-text"). The historical and social context and the
material conditions under which a text is produced become part of the text's discourse. If a movie or
newspaper is produced in a time of conservative values or under a repressive political regime, its
"discourse" is going to be different from what is produced during times of openness or social change.
Who provides the money, who does the creative work, and who oversees the managerial side all
influence what a text conveys to its audience. The projected audience also shapes any text, although
the actual audience may read quite different meanings from those intended by the producers.
"Deconstruction" is the process of teasing out all of these aspects of a "text."
Queer theory goes beyond cultural productions to examine the discourses of gender and sexuality in
everyday life as texts ripe for deconstruction. In queer theory, gender and sexuality are
"performances", identities or selves we create as we act and interact with others. What we wear and
how we talk are signs and displays of gender and sexual orientation. What we do socially creates us
as women and men of a particular ethnic group, social class, occupation, religion, place of residence,
even if we try to create ourselves as individuals. queer theorists often find is that gender roles are
recreated in the same old way, a transvestite passing as a woman wears a demure dress, stockings,
and high-heeled shoes; a butch lesbian swaggers (boastfulness) in men's jeans and cowboy boots.
The bearded lady in a skirt still belongs in a circus, and is stared at openly on the street. Genders and
sexualities may be mixed up, but they are not erased. If social construction feminism puts too much
emphasis on institutions and structures, and not enough on individual actions, postmodern feminism
and queer theory have just the opposite problem. In queer theory, all the emphasis is on agency,
impression management, and presentation of the self in the guise and costume most likely to produce
or parody conformity. Social construction feminism argues that the gendered social order is
constantly re-stabilized by the individual action, but queer theory has shown how individuals can
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consciously and purposefully create disorder and gender instability, opening the way to social
change. Social construction feminism can show where the structural contradictions and fault lines
are, which would offer places for individuals, organizations, and social movements to pressure for
long-lasting restructuring and a more equal social order for all kinds of people.
Activity 3
1. Discuss the major points raised by the multi-ethnic, men’s, social construction, post-
modern feminisms and queer theory.
2. Discuss the shared political solutions suggested by gender revolution feminisms in order to
address gender inequality.
3. Discuss the convergences and divergences between social construction and post-modern feminisms.
4. What is the main idea among all the gender revolution feminisms? Discuss.
UNIT FOUR
THEORIES OF WOMEN’S ISSUE IN DEVELOPMENT AND PRACTICAL APPROACHES
TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF WOMEN
Unit introduction
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Dear learner, in the preceding unit, you have learnt about the various feminist perspectives on gender
and development. The political and economic solutions suggested by these theories converge to
certain strategies and approaches that help to address the questions of women as well as men in
development. As a result, different theories of women’s issue in development and practical
approaches were developed to relate issue of women with development. In this unit, you will learn
about these theories and practical approaches under two sections.
Unit objectives
Dear learner, by the end of this unit you should be able to:
Describe the WID, WAD and GAD and their respective goals;
Restate the limitations inherent to the WID and WAD and the way outs provided by the GAD
approach; and
Describe practical approaches to development of women (welfare approach, equality
approach, antipoverty approach, efficiency approach, empowerment approach)
Unit pre-test questions
1. What are WID, WAD and GAD?
2. What are the goals of WID, WAD and GAD?
3. What are the limitations of WID and WAD?
4. What are welfare approach, equality approach, antipoverty approach, efficiency approach,
empowerment approach
5. What are goals of welfare approach, equality approach, antipoverty approach, efficiency
approach, empowerment approach
6. What limitations do welfare approach, equality approach, antipoverty approach, efficiency
approach, empowerment approach have in satisfying women’s need in development?
Section objectives
Dear learner, by the end of this section you should be able to:
Describe the WID, WAD and GAD approaches;
State the goals of the WID, WAD and GAD approaches; and
Restate the limitations inherent to the WID and WAD approaches and the way outs provided
by the GAD approach.
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? Do you think that women have benefited from development processes, programmmes and
projects to the same extent as men?
The question has been asked whether the issue of women’s development is an issue separate
from that of broader development. Research and practical experience has, in general, taught us
the following:
● Women have not benefited from development processes, programmes and projects to the same
extent as men
● Women are very often not included in the planning or implementation of development
● Development can undermine the role, status and position of women in society
● Development affects women and men differently, often with a negative impact on women
? Dear learner, what do you think is the limitation of the WID approach?
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The WID approach did not address the root causes of discrimination that prevented women’s full
participation in their societies. In the late 1970s, the WAD perspective was developed in reaction to
omissions in WID.
The main focus of WAD is on the interaction between women and development processes rather
than purely on strategies to integrate women into development. WAD saw both women and men as
not benefiting from the global economic structures because of disadvantages due to class and the
way wealth is distributed. WAD therefore argued that the integration of women into development
was to their disadvantage and only made their inequality worse. WAD saw global inequalities as the
main problem facing poor countries and, therefore, the citizens of those countries.
WAD was very persuasive in raising the debate that women have a role not only in reproduction but
in production as well. For development to be meaningful for women both these roles have to be
acknowledged.
WAD has been criticized for assuming that the position of women will improve if and when
international structures become more equitable. In so doing, it sees women’s positions as primarily
within the structure of international and class inequalities. It therefore underplays the role of
patriarchy in undermining women’s development and does not adequately address the question of
social relations between men and women and their impact on development. It has been argued that,
although at a theoretical level WAD recognizes and focuses strongly on class, in practical project
design and implementation, it tends like WID to group women together irrespective of other
considerations such as class divisions.
WAD proponents argued that women were already integrated into development processes but on
unequal terms. They pointed out that development projects increase the demands on women without
increasing access to resources or decision-making power and, in effect, work against women’s
interests. WAD argued that class structures were more oppressive than gender and that poor,
marginalized women have more in common with men of their class than with women of another
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class. The emergence of GAD in the 1980s marked a revolution in thinking about equitable,
sustainable development.
? What progresses do you think GAD makes from WID and WAD?
In the 1980s further reflections on the development experiences of women gave rise to Gender and
Development (GAD). GAD represented a coming together of many feminist ideas. It sought to bring
together both the lessons learned from, and the limitations of, the WID and WAD approaches. GAD
looks at the impact of development on both women and men. It seeks to ensure that both women and
men participate in and benefit equally from development and so emphasizes equality of benefit and
control. It recognizes that women may be involved in development, but not necessarily benefit from
it. GAD is not concerned with women exclusively, but with the way in which gender relations allot
specific roles, responsibilities and expectations between men and women, often to the detriment of
women. Development, therefore, is about deep and important changes to relations dealing with
gender inequality within society. This approach also pays particular attention to the oppression of
women in the family or the ‘private sphere’ of women’s lives. As a result, we have seen projects
develop addressing issues such as violence against women.
GAD reflects the recognition that women are an integral part of every development strategy. GAD
includes three main concepts:
Both men and women create and maintain society and shape the division of labor. However,
they benefit and suffer unequally. Therefore, greater focus must be placed on women because
they have been more disadvantaged.
Women and men are socialized differently and often function in different spheres of the
community, although there is interdependence. As a result, they have different priorities and
perspectives. Because of gender roles, men can constrain or expand women’s options.
Development affects men and women differently, and women and men will have a different
impact on projects. Both must be involved in identifying problems and solutions if the
interests of the community as a whole are to be furthered.
GAD focuses on the social or gender relations (i.e. the division of labour) between men and women
in societyand seeks to address issues of access and control over resources and power. The GAD
approach has also helped us understand that the gender division of labour gives “triple roles” to
women in society. The gender division of labour operates differently from one society and culture to
another and it is also dynamic. The way these roles are analysed and valued affects the way
development projects will make certain things a priority or not. Provision for child-care for instance
is not likely to be a priority among men planning for development but it is a crucial factor in
ensuring women may take advantage of development opportunities for their benefit. GAD goes
further than the other approaches in emphasising both the reproductive and productive role of
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women and argues that it is the state’s responsibility to support the social reproduction role mostly
played by women of caring and nurturing of children. As such, it treats development as a complex
process that is influenced by political, social and economic factors rather than as a state or stage of
development. It therefore goes beyond seeing development as mainly economic well-being but also
that the social and mental wellbeing of a person is important.
Arising from the GAD analysis is the need for women to organise themselves into a more effective
political voice in order to strengthen their legal rights and increase the number of women in decision
making.
GAD uses this model to explore and analyze the differences between the kinds of work performed
by women and men in particular social, cultural and economic circumstances. In order to identify
differences between female and male roles, responsibilities, opportunities and rewards, the approach
requires that three important questions are asked, explicitly or implicitly, at all stages of designing,
planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluating an intervention:
Dear learner, it is important to see the issues that should be included under each question.
Who Does What: This question identifies the different activities performed by the men and women
in the target population. For example, a rural development project aimed at cash-cropping might
result in the female population assuming the major burden of the agricultural work, because in such
a society women do most of the agricultural labor. Asking the question “Who does what?” can alert
project designers to the possibility that such a project could increase the women’s work.
Who Has Access (Ability to Use): This question asks how much each population group can use
existing resources, benefits, and opportunities or those which will be generated by the intervention.
These include land, money, credit, and education.
Who Controls (Determines the Outcome of the Resources): This question asks to what extent
different groups of women and men in the population can decide how to use the available resources.
Some groups may have access to resources but may not be able to use them. If these three questions
are not asked, the kinds of interventions which are developed may be based on incomplete and
incorrect assumptions and perceptions of the way things work in a particular society. For example,
planners may incorrectly assume that in a given setting the men are heads of households and chief
decision-makers, even though women play this role. This assumption may lead them to design
ineffective and inappropriate interventions. Analysis of the information provided by these questions
enables planners to find out how an intervention would impact different groups. If needed, corrective
43
measures can then be put in place to ensure that the project will meet the needs of all identified
groups equally.
Activity 2
1. Outline and discuss the goals of WID, WAD and GAD.
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2. Discuss the limitations inherent to the WID approach.
3. Outline and discuss the key questions needed to be asked under GAD’s development
intervention, from the designing to monitoring and evaluation of the intervention.
4. Do you have any experience in gender-focused development intervention? If any, what
Dear learner, by the end of this section you should be able to:
Describe the welfare approach, equality approach, antipoverty approach, efficiency
approach, empowerment approach
State the goals of the welfare approach, equality approach, antipoverty approach,
efficiency approach, empowerment approach; and
Restate the limitations inherent to welfare approach, equality approach, antipoverty
approach, efficiency approach, empowerment approach
45
traditional while men were increasingly identified with the modern and progressive. Men were
assisted in this with economic development projects, such as the introduction of cash crops, and
new agricultural technologies that exclude women.
? What do you think is the equality approach and how it differs from the welfare
approach?
Feminist calls for gender equality were important in bringing about this approach, the main aim
of which was to eliminate discrimination. It emphasised the revaluing of women’s contribution
and share of benefits from development. The equity approach also dealt with both the productive
and reproductive roles as a responsibility of government. The emphasis on revaluing women’s
contribution and share of benefits meant that the approach dealt with issues of policy and legal
measures as a means of bringing about equity. The equity approach, in contrast to the welfare
approach, saw women as active participants organising to bring about necessary changes.
This approach focuses on both the productive and reproductive role of women with an emphasis
on satisfaction of basic needs and the productivity of women. A key operational strategy required
access to income generation and waged employment. The tendency with this approach was to
reinforce the basic needs and ignore the strategic needs of women.
The efficiency approach targets women as workers and is a product of the 1980s’ economic
reforms known as the Structural Adjustment Programmes of the International Monetary fund and
the World Bank. Its aim has been increased production and economic growth with an emphasis
on full use of human resources. Education and training are therefore key strategies. Advocates of
this approach argue that gender analysis makes good economic sense. This is because
understanding men’s and women’s roles and responsibilities as part of the planning of
development activities helps improve effectiveness and ensures that women, as well as men, can
play their part in national development.
The efficiency approach succeeded in bringing the concerns about women and gender into the
mainstream of development. However, this was done with a focus on what women could do for
development, rather than on what development could do for women.
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But the economic reforms in effect undervalue paid work as they seek to restrict trade union
activity and freeze wages of workers. They also burden women due to restrictions on social
spending in areas such as health and education. Women are therefore spending much more time
in caring for the ill. In so burdening women the reforms hinder progress towards meeting
women’s strategic needs.
This is an approach closely associated with third world feminist and grassroots organisations. The
aim of the empowerment approach is to increase the self-reliance of women and to influence change
at the policy, legislative, societal, economic and other levels to their advantage. Its main point of
reference is the “triple roles” of women and it emphasises women’s access to decision-making. Its
main strategy is awareness-raising and situates women firmly as active participants in ensuring
change takes place. Building organizational skills and self-esteem is an important aspect of the
empowerment approach.
The empowerment approach has been instrumental in ensuring that opportunities are opened for
women to determine their own needs. However, empowerment has often been misunderstood to be
an end rather than a means. This has resulted in poor women becoming very knowledgeable about
issues while realising little change to their material situation, which is often dire.
Activity: 1
UNIT FIVE
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Unit Introduction
Dear learner, the chapter is about techniques/tools of making gender issues operational under
development programs and projects. The unit is divided in to four sections. The first section gives
due concern to gender analysis where issues like definitions, concepts, importance, framework and
elements of gender analysis will be discussed. The second section is about gender planning where
we will highlight on the importance of appropriate strategies in gender mainstreaming. The third
section pays due regard to gender mainstreaming where we will discuss on issues like the definition,
concept and steps in gender mainstreaming. The final section of the chapter is about gender
budgeting and it is a call for government and other stakeholders to budget and finance their gender
commitments and plans.
Unit Objectives
Section Objectives
Dear learner, upon the successful completion of this section, you will be able to:
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5.1.1 Concept and definition of gender analysis
The concept of gender analysis arose from the need to mainstream women’s interests while at the
same time acknowledging that women could not be treated as a homogeneous group. It was realized
that women’s needs were better understood when viewed in relation to men’s needs and roles and to
their social, cultural, political and economic context. Gender analysis thus takes into account
women’s roles in production, reproduction and management of community and other activities.
Changes in one may produce beneficial or detrimental effects in others.
Gender analysis means a close examination of a problem or situation in order to identify the gender
issues. Gender analysis of a development programme involves identifying the gender issues within
the problem which is being addressed and in the obstacles to progress, so that these issues can be
addressed in all aspects of the programme- in project objectives, in the choice of intervention
strategy and the methods of program implementation.
Gender analysis is the systematic attempt to identify key issues contributing to gender inequalities so
that they can be properly addressed. Gender analysis provides the basis for gender mainstreaming
and is described as “the study of differences in the conditions, needs, participation rates, access
to resources and development, control of assets, decision-making powers, etc., between women
and men in their assigned gender roles”. Gender analysis is also needed to determine whether
specific actions are needed for women or men in addition to mainstreaming activities.
Gender analysis refers to the socio-economic methodologies that identify and interpret the
consequence of gender differences and relations for achieving development objectives.
a) Identify gender based differences in access to resources to predict how different members of
households , groups, and societies will participate in and be affected by planned development
interventions;
b) Permit planners to achieve the goals of effectiveness, efficiency, equity and empowerment in
designing policy reforms, and supportive programs and strategies;
c) Develop training package to sensitize development staff on gender issues and training
strategies for beneficiaries;
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d) A gender analysis is important because gender inequalities need to be identified before they can be
addressed either though mainstreaming actions or specific actions directed to women or to men.
e) A gender analysis provides information on the different roles of women and men at different
levels, their respective access to and control over the material and non-material benefits of
society, their priorities, needs and responsibilities.
f) On the basis of a thorough gender analysis it will be possible to understand current gender
inequalities in a given situation or sector and to propose a range of measures to be included
in the project/program to address and redress the situation.
g) A gender analysis is important when it is focused on institutions in order to determine how
the nature of their services affects women and men, or how institutions themselves are also
“gendered” in terms of recruitment practices, division of labor and decision-making. Policies
and legislation can be analyzed in terms of gender outcomes or potential differential impacts
on men and women.
? What can gender analysis tell us?
An analysis of gender relations can tell us who has access, who has control, who is likely to benefit
from a new initiative, and who is likely to lose. Gender analysis asks questions that can lead us in a
search for information to understand why the situation has developed the way it has. It can also lead
us to explore assumptions about issues such as the distribution of resources and the impact of culture
and traditions. It can provide the potential on the direct or indirect benefit of a development initiative
on women and men, on some appropriate entry points for measures that promote equality within a
particular context, and on how a particular development initiative may challenge or maintain the
existing gender division of labor. With this information measures of equality can be created to
address the disparities and promote equality.
For example, in the case of primary education, gender analysis can tell us that a gender gap exists in
most countries; i.e. a gap between girls’ and boys’ enrolment retention in school. In the majority of
countries where there is a gender gap, the gap works against girls, but in others, it works against
boys. In India, an average six years-old girl is expected to spend in school three years less than a boy
of the same age. Girls in rural areas are at even greater disadvantage; their risk of dropping out of
school is three times that of a boy. In Jamaica, however, it is boys who are at higher risk of missing
out on education. Boys are often pulled out of school and sent to work to boost family income, and
thus, their drop-out rate is higher than that of girls’. In their efforts to balance the needs of both boys
and girls, governments are increasingly using gender analysis to investigate the source of the gap and
what measures can be adopted to reduce the distortions in the educational system
There are varieties of frameworks that have been developed to assist people in asking these
questions. Each tool is different, with some advantages and disadvantages, some account for other
social characteristics and factors better, while others are more participatory. Following are some examples:
51
who makes the decisions about the use of different resources and the activities of the household
members? Who decides about the mobility of the household members?
Are there indications for agents of change of gender roles? Are initiatives for change
welcome or oppressed?
Which rites de passage do women and men have to go through in their life cycle? (cultural
steps to take trough different initiation rites)
How is marriage organized, do women have the right to chose their husbands freely? Is there
a bride price system, or a dowry system? Is there a practice of early child marriage and if yes,
due to which arguments?
What happens to women and girls, if they do not (want) fit into the culturally apt (e.g.
arranged) marriage patterns? Does this hamper their access to resources, inheritance, etc?
Macro level
Have gender equality commitments have been made by the government in the context of
international processes such as the Beijing process, the MDG process, or the ratification of
CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women)?
What are the concluding observations of the special procedures of the UN human rights
system regarding the CEDAW reporting (also the Child Rights Convention is relevant) for
special procedures and concluding observation of state reporting to the covenants
Do national and sector policies reflect these commitments by their awareness of inequalities
between men and women at different levels and the inclusion of means to address them?
How do current policies, laws and regulations (e.g. voting rights, rights to inheritance and
credit opportunities, rights to divorce and child custody, reproductive rights, etc.) impact
differently on women and men?
In national-level institutions (parliament, government ministries, universities, businesses)
how are decisions made? How are women represented in the system? How are decisions taken?
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Is gender budgeting in place in parliament and/or local governments?
Review the UNDP MDG reports on MDG 3 in a respective country; analyze the data of the
Human Development and Gender Development /Gender Gap data available.
Activity: 1
Section overview
Dear learner, in this section you are going to be acquainted with what gender planning means and
why we require having it. Once gender analysis stage is complete, the following step is to make
gender issues as part of the overall socio-economic development planning and so that possible to
mainstream at all levels and in all sectors.
Section Objectives
Dear learner, upon the successful completion of this section, you will be able to:
There is considerable evidence that women and men use, contribute to and gain from their country in
different ways and planning initiatives need to be gender-sensitive. It is critical to both increase
women's participations in development alongside men as well as to improve the gender awareness of
planners, managers and politicians. This can be justified on the grounds of gender equity, ensuring
that the priorities of both women and men are addressed and that their needs are met, but it is also
important to bring in the knowledge, energy and expertise of both women and men into planning and
management processes (Beall, 1997a).
The early literature on women and development critiqued the stereotypical assumptions of policy
makers and planners for assuming that a) households were male-headed and nuclear, b) there was a
gender division of labor involving men in paid work and women primarily in domestic work and
child-rearing, (Moser 1987, 1993) and c) that there is a strong separation between the public and
private sphere, with women confined to the latter (Whitzman 1995; Beall 1996; Pain 2001;
53
Grundström 2005; Chant 2007b). But many of the more recent guidelines place considerable
emphasis on analyzing the conditions and needs of various groups of men and women in particular
contexts, rather than reading these off a priori. Nevertheless, the earlier formulations which
attempted to highlight in generic ways how gender can be understood in relation to development and
planning remain useful as tools for thinking about these issues.
For Moser (1987), gender planning is an approach that recognizes the fact that because women and
men play different roles in society they often have different needs. Women have particular needs that
differ from those of men, not only because of their triple role, but also because of their subordinate
position in relation to men. It is, therefore, useful to consider gender needs in gender planning. From
the onset of planning, it becomes of paramount importance to distinguish between practical gender
needs and strategic interests of women so that the basic goals attempted at to address in planning are
clearly identified.
The renewed emphasis on strategic planning enabled gender activists to advocate for gender
mainstreaming - to ensure that a gender-blind approach was not reproduced in subsequent
development efforts, and instead, that gender equality was achieved.
Reeves (2002) notes the following points to assess whether a strategic plan is likely to promote
gender equality:
relevant gendered information needs to be collected;
women and men need to be represented on decision-making bodies;
policies need to reflect different needs; and
Measurable goals and outcomes need to be established.
More specifically geared towards practical implementation, much gender mainstreaming toolkit
shows how to incorporate a consideration of gender into planning. It is based on a series of questions
and can be used at any stage of the plan-making process. In summary, these are:
Who are the planners?
Who forms the policy team?
Which sorts of people are perceived to be planned?
How are statistics gathered and who do they include?
What are the key values, priorities and objectives of the plan?
Who is consulted and who is involved in participation?
How are the planning proposals evaluated? By whom?
How is the policy implemented, monitored and managed?
Is gender mainstreaming fully integrated into all policy areas?
Thus, in the planning process, the implementation of gender mainstreaming usually entails the
following elements: gender analysis; sex-disaggregated data; gender-sensitive indicators;
institutional mechanisms; gender-responsive resource allocation; and gender partnerships and
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networks. Gender planning is usually based on the main problems identified at the stage of gender
analysis. Once gender analysis is made the planning process involves the following steps:
The first step is that key priority “gender objectives” have to be identified to start the process
of making the intervention more gender aware;
Second step is the identification of the major constraints and opportunities these gender
objectives are expected to encounter (what to do?); and
The last step is the development of an “entry strategy (planning)” to achieve the gender
objectives and the steps necessary to overcome the constraints and assets (how to do it).
Activity-2
1. Why do you think is considering gender needs important in gender planning? Discuss.
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women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design,
implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic and
societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The
ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality.” (UN ECOSOC, 1997)
Gender mainstreaming is a flexible strategy that accommodates mainstreaming women into all
projects, women-specific components, and separate projects and programmes directed exclusively at women.
A
According to UNDP, gender mainstreaming is a process of identifying and taking full account of the
relationships between men and women in all of an agency’s policies, strategies, programs,
administrative and financial activities at every level. Gender mainstreaming offers a dynamic way of
determining and enhancing development potential of both women and men and identifying
constraints that each faces, and it entails:
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transformation of unequal social and institutional structures in to equal and just structure for both
men and women.
Gender mainstreaming was adopted as a major strategy for promoting gender equality at the Fourth
World Conference of Women in 1995. It called for mainstreaming in all ‘Critical Areas of Concern’
at the conference which included poverty, human rights, economy, violence against women and
armed conflict. In addition, the Beijing Platform for Action established that gender analysis should
be undertaken on the respective situation and contributions of both women and men before
undertaking development policies and programs.
The inclusion of a goal on gender equality and the empowerment of women in the MDGs re-
established the commitment voiced in Beijing. In addition, in outlining the way forward toward
achieving that goal, the report of the Task Force on Education and Gender Equality of the UN
Millennium Project reinforced the importance of investing in gender mainstreaming as a tool and
reiterated (repeated) the need to expedite (accelerate) mainstreaming responses and actions and put
in place the systems to hold institutions accountable.
This is especially important now because the United Nations (UN) Millennium Development Goals
(MDG), especially MDG3 on gender equality and the empowerment of women, offer an invaluable
opportunity to reinvigorate efforts to achieve positive development outcomes. Besides, the vast body
of experience and knowledge gained over the past three decades on what works and what doesn’t in
development interventions across different sectors is available to be applied to make greater and
more rapid progress on mainstreaming gender into operations. As results emerge and development
effectiveness improves from mainstreaming gender, it is believed that the success and growing
experience will generate additional interest, learning and enthusiasm, and the process will gather
momentum. Changes at the operations level will also improve the lives of women and men, the
purpose for which gender mainstreaming was adopted. Concrete results in terms of increased
development effectiveness constitute a way forward in the current impasse with gender
mainstreaming and will make important and growing contributions towards achieving the wider
institutional goals of empowerment and equality for low-income and disenfranchised people that are
not currently being met.
Gender mainstreaming is a powerful new development in feminist theory and practice. While most
frequently understood as a specialized tool of a policy world, it is also a feminist strategy that draws
on and can inform feminist theory. It is an international phenomenon, originating in development policies,
and adopted by the UN at the 1995 conference of Women in Beijing (Walby, 2003)
Gender mainstreaming was adopted mainly to address the perceived failure of previous strategies
such as women-specific projects to bring about significant changes in women’s status. There was
widespread consensus that the failures of women-specific projects in the 1970s and 1980s were due
to their marginalization. Gender mainstreaming was designed to overcome this marginalization and
to bring gender equality issues into the core of development activities. In the decade since gender
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mainstreaming was endorsed and adopted by countries and institutions, however, it has yet to be
fully implemented anywhere.
The primary objective behind gender mainstreaming is to design and implement development
projects, programs and policies that;
These broad goals will be translated into specific targets and objectives (see step 6), and once you
have refined the question (see step 5) you are ready to develop concrete policy interventions.
4. Mapping the situation: What information do we have?
Mapping the Situation is a critical stage for introducing efficiency into the mainstreaming process.
Three tools and exercises are suggested that will help you answer the above questions:
Mapping exercise
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Policy review from a gender perspective
Legislative review from a gender perspective
5. Refining the issue: research and analysis
iii) Commissioning the Research: Regardless of whether the research is conducted in- house or
outsourced, you should refer to the following questions when evaluating any research proposals:
Actors: Who will be involved in the gathering and analysis of data? Is gender balance and a
gender perspective (expertise) ensured?
Subjects: Will the situation of both genders be researched? Will data be disaggregated by gender?
Methodology: What methodology will be used? Is it sensitive to both men’s and women’s
particular needs? (e.g. confidentiality, sensitivity to some issues)
Analytical Axes: Does the research include gender as an important variable in determining
social processes? Are other important axes for analysis considered (ethnicity, socio-economic
status, geographical location, etc.)?
Theoretical Framework: Is knowledge of gender analysis frameworks demonstrated? Will
these frameworks be used in the analysis of data?
Credibility: Have steps been taken to ensure that results will be credible in the eyes of all
stakeholders (will they have the chance to provide inputs and comments)?
6. Formulating policy or project interventions from a gender perspective
Choosing the “correct” course for policy or project intervention is rarely straightforward. It involves
balancing a number of crucial considerations, including efficiency–cost-benefit analysis;
effectiveness–the degree to which your goal will be met; and social justice, including gender
equality–the extent to which social and historical disadvantages between different groups in society
are addressed and compensated.
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Objectives: Do the intervention objectives address needs of both women and men?
Activities: Do planned activities involve both men and women? Are any additional activities needed to ensure
that a gender perspective made explicit (e.g. training in gender issues, additional research, etc.)?
Indicators: Have indicators been developed to measure progress towards the fulfillment of each
objective? Do these indicators measure the gender aspects of each objective? Are indicators
gender disaggregated? Are targets set to guarantee a sufficient level of gender balance in
activities (e.g. quotas for male and female participation)?
Implementation: Who will implement the planned intervention? Have these partners received
gender mainstreaming training, so that a gender perspective can be sustained throughout
implementation? Will both women and men participate in implementation?
Monitoring and Evaluation: Does the monitoring and evaluation strategy include a gender
perspective? Will it examine both substantive (content) and administrative (process) aspects
of the intervention?
Risks: Has the greater context of gender roles and relations within society been considered as a
potential risk (i.e. stereotypes or structural barriers that may prevent full participation of one
or the other gender)? Has the potential negative impact of the intervention been considered
(e.g. potential increased burden on women or social isolation of men?)
Budget: Have financial inputs been “gender-proofed” to ensure that both men and women will
benefit from the planned intervention? Has the need to provide gender sensitivity training or
to engage short-term gender experts been factored in to the budget?
Annexes: Are any relevant research papers (or excerpts) included as annexes (particularly those that
provide sound justification of your attention to gender)?
Communication Strategy: Has a communication strategy been developed for informing various
publics about the existence, progress and results of the project from a gender perspective?
Decision-makers need to be presented with arguments that highlight, concretely and precisely, why
gender matters. In other words, you must illustrate what development problems gender equality
contributes to solving, and what specific benefits a gender-aware perspective will bring to the
government, individuals –both men and women - and the nation as whole. Well-defined arguments
will increase your chances of receiving financial and moral support for any planned interventions.
Arguments for adapting a gendered approach and for promoting gender equality in all projects and
policies generally fall into one of the following six categories:
i) Justice and equality arguments: These stress the value of democratic principles and
basic human rights, which demand gender equality. Justice arguments can be used to
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argue for equal representation and participation of both genders in various contexts,
premised on the basic notion of their shared human rights. Most states are party to a
variety of normative documents (for example, The Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination Against Women and global conference documents from Beijing,
Copenhagen and Cairo), all of which establish gender equality as a fundamental
principle. States are obliged to fulfill these commitments, especially as many basic
democratic principles articulated here reflect most states’ own constitutions.
ii) Credibility and Accountability Arguments: Credibility arguments ask decision makers to
“do the math”: because women and men each make up half of the population, any data,
policy or recommendation that does not recognize and address both genders equally will
be ultimately flawed, and will thus have no credibility. These arguments are useful for
justifying gender impact assessments (studies that examine how men and women are, will
be or have been differently affected by actions or situational factors), or calling for more
gender balance in decision-making processes. Accountability arguments in particular are
useful for reminding governments of their responsibility to ensure social justice and
sustainable human development.
iii) Efficiency and Sustainability Arguments: These arguments make clear an irrefutable fact:
equal inclusion of men and women in all aspects of development and society pays off for the country
as a whole. Nations cannot afford to ignore the contributions and economic and social capacities of
both men and women in all spheres, and the development of any country that does will ultimately
suffer in the medium and long term. This is an argument that addresses “macro” aspects of
development – i.e. the welfare and prosperity of a nation as a whole; that investment in gender
equality will pay off for the country as a whole in the future.
These arguments are particularly effective because they address the bottom line: money. They prove
that investment in gender equality will pay off for the country as a whole in the future. Global
studies have been done that prove the overall efficiency arguments– these can assist you to make
your argument, as will any national research you have to substantiate your case. Because gender
mainstreaming adopts a “human development” perspective, it is inextricably about ensuring
sustainability.And because gender mainstreaming demands a holistic approach to policy making
where coordination and cooperation (both vertical and horizontal) are key, interventions are more
likely to be sustainable.
iv) Quality of Life Arguments: while it is commonly recognized that women stand to benefit
from increased attention to gender equality, quality of life arguments also point out the
benefits to be gained by men and families as well. They stress the importance of social
relationships and interdependence of social actors, claiming, for example, that if women
are empowered, those closest to them stand to gain as well. On the flip-side, inequality or
hardship for one gender will negatively affect other social actors as well. For example,
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the negative effects of depression in men or poor employment opportunities for women
affect families, children and spouses as well.
Moreover, quality of life arguments are useful for promoting a gender dimension in programs aimed
at curbing social “pathologies”. For example, issues such as suicide, alcoholism, addictions and
chronic stress are strongly linked to changing gender roles and relations in society and the inability
of individuals to cope and adapt. The argument here therefore underlines how a gender perspective can
limit these pathologies and improve the quality of life of members of society.
vi) Chain Reaction Arguments: Lastly, all of the above arguments are strengthened when the
links between them are highlighted. Gender equality can in fact produce a “chain reaction” of
benefits, just as the effects of gender inequality can be passed on from individuals to families and
communities. The “chain reaction” argument highlights how sound the investment in gender
equality actually is: it will bring not only short-term, localized benefits, but medium and long-term
benefits that will ripple (flow) through society strengthening the nation as a whole. At the same
time, mainstreaming should also remain aware of “chain reactions” that might produce negative
gender equality effects if not anticipated and dealt with in an integrated manner. For example, a
“top down” mandate for family-friendly workplaces might bring backlash and even greater
exposure to harassment against women in their place of work. Similarly, advancement of women
may lead to greater depression and pathological behavior among men. These risks highlight the
crucial need to create complex strategies for gender mainstreaming, whereby a number of initiatives
are mutually reinforcing. Thus a negative chain reaction argument can be used to convince
decision-makers that mainstreaming must proceed in a strategic and holistic manner.
I. Levels of monitoring: Monitoring should take place at two different levels: Monitoring progress
towards fulfilling substantive goals and objectives and monitoring the implementation process. Both
require setting targets (goals) and developing indicators to measure progress towards meeting those
targets. When monitoring progress towards substantive goals and objectives, indicators must be
developed that track the delivery of specified outputs (activities) and outcomes (impact). When
monitoring the implementation process, targets and indicators must be developed that track the
extent to which the process itself is gender-sensitive. Monitoring the process will:
allow you to identify hindrances and gaps in the process that can be immediately redressed
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allow you to improve the design of future initiatives
document obstacles to mainstreaming that can be later addressed in a wider institutional context
II. Gender-sensitive monitoring plans: Plans for monitoring both substantive progress and the
implementation process should be developed and included in the official document outlining your
intervention. These plans should specify:
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Will both men and women stakeholders be given the opportunity to formally comment on or
state their reservations about the evaluation results?
To ensure the sustainability of mainstreaming efforts, consider the following:
How does your initiative fit into the “big picture”, i.e. more comprehensive government
programmes and policy frameworks? What entry points for follow-up and complementary
activities does this framework offer?
Does your evaluation include concrete recommendations for follow-up initiatives? What
other entry points can be accessed to ensure this follow-up?
Does your evaluation point to implications for other ministries or stakeholders more
broadly? How will you communicate these implications? Can you propose any concrete entry
points?
Are you documenting the process and results of your initiatives in a way that will guarantee
institutional memory?
In general, how and to whom are you communicating the results of your initiatives?
While “communication” figures as the last step in this gender mainstreaming guide, communication
considerations themselves need to be “mainstreamed” or integrated at all phases of the project or
policy cycle. Communication with other stakeholders - from civil society to your superiors – is
necessary at all stages and all levels. In every case, the way in which you communicate (both pro-
actively and reactively) will influence the success of your project or policy.
One of the barriers to effective gender mainstreaming is a lack of information on various levels, including:
about the situation, from a gender perspective
about government or organizational mandates for gender equality
about policies and programs targeting gender equality
about stakeholders and efforts of other actors in promoting gender equality
Part of your role must be to design and implement effective communication strategies to help bridge
this information gap for a diverse set of publics. These publics include:
Top-level policy makers and decision-makers
Other policy-makers
Different groups within civil society (men, women, activists, academics, etc)
Donors and Development Partners
Using a gender perspective when designing communication, strategies should highlight the different
ways in which men and women respond to different messages. Key questions you might ask during a
gender analysis of communication strategies include:
Do men and women read different publications?
Do men and women watch or listen to different electronic media?
Are media consumption patterns (frequency, time) different for men and women?
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Do men and women have different credibility criteria (regarding “authorities”, arguments
used, etc)?
Do men and women have different values that cause them to respond to certain messages in
different ways?
Possible interventions for communicating progress in gender mainstreaming:
Preparation of an Annual Report on Gender;
Use of Electronic Media;
Establishment of a Gender Policy Resource Centre.
Activity –3
1. Define the concept of gender mainstreaming?
2. Explain the elements of gender mainstreaming?
3. What are the key steps involved in gender mainstreaming?
Section Overview
Dear learner, here is the section on gender budgeting. Gender budgets are tools for testing a
government's gender mainstreaming commitments - linking policy commitments across government
departments with their budgets. Without a suitable economic underpinning, a government's equality
commitments are unlikely to be realized. Gender budgeting can be used in any phase of the budget
cycle, from planning and identifying objectives and identifying the financial allocations to meet
these objectives, to an evaluation of the extent to which these objectives have been met.
Section Objective
Dear learner, upon the successful completion of this section, you will be able to:
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spending the same on women and men, but whether the spending is adequate to women and men's
needs (Rake, 2002).As Sharp & Broomhill (2002) explain: "gender budgeting is a mechanism for
establishing whether a government's gender equality commitments translate into budgetary
commitments."
? What is a gender budget initiative?
Gender budgeting aims at analyzing any form of public expenditure and income from a gender
perspective, i.e. it identifies the different implications that public income and spending have on girls
and women, as well as different groups of women, as compared to boys and men. The final objective
of gender budgeting is to shape budgets so that they actively promote gender equality.
„Gender budgeting … means a gender-based assessment of budgets, incorporating a gender
perspective at all levels of the budgetary process and restructuring revenues and expenditures in
order to promote gender equality.“
Gender budgeting exercises now take place in more than forty countries around the world, originally
inspired by the early experience of countries such as Australia and given further momentum by the
United Nation's commitment to gender budgeting in the Beijing Platform for Action. They take place
both inside and outside government and there is a wide diversity in the ways in which they are
conducted and their scope. Gender budget initiatives go beyond the assessment of programs targeted
specifically at women and girls and seek to expose assumptions of 'gender neutrality' within all
economic policy - raising awareness and understanding that budgets will impact differently on
women and men because of their different social and economic positioning.
Originally the initiatives were termed 'women's budgets' because the focus was on the impact on
women and girls. More recently the emphasis has shifted to 'gender' as a category for analysis and to
avoid any misunderstanding that activists are working to produce a separate budget for women
(Sharp & Broomhill, 2002). Sharp and Broomhill explain that most gender budgeting initiatives have
three core goals. They seek to: (1) mainstream gender issues within government policies; (2)
promote greater accountability for governments' commitment to gender equality; and (3) change
budgets and policies.
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equality between women and men. It is therefore important to not only look at the planned
budgetary measures, but to also evaluate the actual spending and their effects on women and men.
Developing an alternative set of values by applying beneficiary assessments which evaluate
whether women and men believe that budgets meet their needs or not.
As Himmelweit (2002) explains, gender budgeting can benefit society both by reducing socio-
economic gender inequalities and by ensuring that public money is better targeted and spent more
efficiently, improving policy outcomes. Gender budgeting also brings internal benefits to
government. By strengthening the collection and analysis of gender-disaggregated data and
enhancing the ability to determine the real value of resources targeted towards women and men –
gender budget initiatives can provide a better understanding of how resources are being spent and
increase the efficiency of policy.
Well, gender budgeting theory and practice has grown out of a widening understanding that
economic policy can contribute to narrowing or widening gender gaps across a broad spectrum of
policy areas including health, education, welfare, transport and development - hence gender budget
initiatives can be applied to any policy area. Additionally, gender budgeting is applicable to both
macro and micro level economic policy and to both public spending and revenue. Most initiatives
around the world have focused on public expenditure except some, like in UK, where there is private
expenditure that focus women. In practice, the extent of gender budget initiatives vary from the
broadest analysis of the entire national budget to the more narrow expenditure of selected
government departments or programmes or narrower still, the expenditure on new projects, selected
forms of revenue, changes in the tax system or the implementation of new legislation. The extent to
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which the practice is applied will depend upon government commitment to gender budgeting,
resources and expertise available, national and international pressure etc.
One of the most important areas of government macro-economic policy is the national budget, which
deals with both public revenue and public expenditure across all policy areas and expresses the
social and economic priorities of the government. The national budget is therefore a key opportunity
for carrying out a gender budgeting initiative. Gender budgeting does not focus solely on gender
specific programs; rather it aims to expose assumptions of gender neutrality across the policy
spectrum.
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2. National Actors: At national level a range of actors can play a role in gender
budgeting. Initiatives should engage across as many of these groups as possible. The most
important actor is, obviously, the government, but other actors are also involved as follow;
Government: Experience has shown that gender budget initiatives are most effective when the
Ministry of Finance (due to its role in the budgeting process) takes the lead in a government
initiative - ideally with close engagement with the Ministry for Gender or Women's affairs. However
Budlender et al (2002) note that due to absence of established working relationships between the two
ministries, some countries have experienced a sidelining of the latter - and so valuable gender
expertise is lost from the process. Although the Ministry of Finance is likely to take the lead, other
ministries should also play a significant role in the process as it should not be assumed that any
government policy is gender neutral. At the outset of the gender budgeting process most
governments involve just two or three other key departments - typically health and education –
departments that account for a large proportion of government expenditure and have particular
relevance for women and those experiencing poverty. Another sector such as agriculture or transport
may also be selected to demonstrate that gender budgeting has a role to play outside of the social
sector. Within each ministry it is important that the more senior civil servants understand the need
for gender budgeting initiatives and support them in principle and that there are civil servants who
are equipped with the skills to carry them out.
Parliament: Gender budget initiatives are also likely to engage with parliamentarians - particularly
women members - for example through lobbying activities, awareness raising seminars and fact
sheets for their reference and use in the scrutiny and audit of government's public expenditure and
revenue plans. However Budlender et al (2002) suggest that the effect of this methodology is limited
- most parliamentarians are likely to have little or no powers to amend the national budget, although
there is unrealized potential in their powers to audit the national budget. However parliamentarians
have had a prominent role in both the South African and the Ugandan initiatives - but a few key
individuals have led this participation. The Swiss parliament has a high level of budgetary power,
but this is set to decrease dramatically with the introduction of New Public Management.
Civil Society groups: As the Australian example proved, the success of gender budgeting initiatives
is limited without the involvement of civil society groups to keep up the pressure and provide
expertise. Often the people involved in these groups are the contemporaries of the government
officials so have a good working relationship. They are drawn upon to conduct research and even
provide training for Government officials. In the South African, Tanzanian and Ugandan examples,
NGO groups work alongside the government, acting as 'critical friends' and nudging the government
further in the direction of a gender equality agenda. In the UK, the Women's Budget Group has been
instrumental in encouraging the Government to commit to a gender budgeting approach. However
there can be skepticism among some external gender economists about the ability of government to
tackle gender issues adequately and, conversely, governments can be suspicious of NGOs.
Additionally, NGOs have concerns about maintaining their independent voice and critical distance.
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In the Tanzanian example, in which NGOs have worked especially close to government, this was a
particular concern amongst the activists.
Academics: Some of the NGO initiatives draw on the expertise of academics, particularly feminist
economists. Several initiatives, such those planned in Bangladesh and Italy are led by academics.
Other initiatives, such as the UK Women's Budget Group are led jointly by academics and others
from NGOs and trades unions. It is useful for these groups to come together to ensure that research
is focused on what is useful for advocacy purposes and so that advocates have enough depth of
knowledge to pursue their gender budgeting objectives.
Individuals: Individuals in key positions have been essential in ensuring the success of many
projects - for example in Barbados, the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Namibia. But ideally initiatives
should not be reliant on the support of individuals, as once these key players move on or are replaced
the project may suffer setbacks - as in South Africa and Mozambique. Initiatives should aim to build
up a firm support base and institutionalize gender budget processes while these people have power
and the climate is favorable.
3. Regional and Local Actors: An increasing amount of gender budgeting work is being done
at the sub-national level, encouraged by the international trend to decentralize budgeting
functions and power. Chile, Mexico, Peru, the Philippines, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda
and Spain (in the Basque Country) are among the countries who are already having initiated work
at this level. There are benefits to the decentralization of both the budgets and the gender
budget projects - with the public becoming more engaged with the process now they can see
the direct impact of budget decisions. The Ugandan Forum for Women in Democracy argues
that local level interventions are most appropriate in their country where women are unlikely
to have the resources to engage with decision making outside of their own locality. However,
Budlender et al (2002) advise gender budget activists to be wary of decentralization.
Inequality can grow between regions, functions may be decentralized but not the spending
power and it can mean the state is absolving itself of responsibility of the budgeting function
and hence nationally agreed gender budgeting arrangements.
Activity – 4
1. Describe the concept of gender budgeting
2. Discuss on the gender budgeting initiatives
3. Explain actors in gender budgeting at international, national and regional levels.
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CHAPTER SIX: GENDER ISSUES IN ETHIOPIA
Unit Introduction
Dear learners, well come to the last but the most interesting chapter. This chapter takes you to
consider some issues of gender in Ethiopia and also some policy measures taken by the government
of as well. Hence, the chapter is divided in to two main sections. After brief introduction of the
concept to Ethiopian context, the first section provides a discussion on some gender related issues in
Ethiopia which includes gender and poverty, violence against women, women and participation,
women and health, women and education, women empowerment, women and media, women work
status, etc. The last section is on gender policy and implementation machinery in Ethiopia where you
will be overviewed with some international and national commitments made by Ethiopian
government and the means to implement these commitments.
Objectives
Section Objective
Dear learner, upon the successful completion of this section, you will be able to:
Elaborate the concept of gender in Ethiopia;
Recognize some issues of gender in Ethiopia.
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The issue of gender inequality can be considered as a universal feature of developing countries.
Unlike women in developed countries who are, in relative terms, economically empowered and have
a powerful voice that demands an audience and positive action, women in developing countries are
generally silent and their voice has been stifled by economic and cultural factors. Economic and
cultural factors, coupled with institutional factors dictate the gender-based division of labor, rights,
responsibilities, opportunities, and access to and control over resources. Education, literacy, access
to media, employment, decision making, among other things, are some of the areas of gender disparity.
The problems of gender inequalities discussed above are very much prevalent in and relevant to
Ethiopia. Ethiopia is a patriarchal society that keeps women in a subordinate position and remains
one of Africa’s most traditions bound societies. (Haregewoin and Emebet, 2003). There is a belief
that women are docile, submissive, patient, and tolerant of monotonous work and violence, for which
culture is used as a justification (Hirut, 2004).
The socialization process, which determines gender roles, is partly responsible for the subjugation of
women in the country. Ethiopian society is socialized in such a way that girls are held inferior to
boys. In the process of upbringing, boys are expected to learn and become self-reliant, major bread
winners, and responsible in different activities, while girls are brought up to conform, be obedient
and dependent, and specialize in indoor activities like cooking, washing clothes, fetching water,
caring for children, etc. (Haregewoin and Emebet, 2003; Hirut, 2004).
The differences in the ways in which individuals are treated through the socialization process,
mainly due to their sex status, leads to the development of real psychological and personality
differences between males and females (Almaz, 1991). For instance, a female informant in Arsi
stated that a man is a big person who has higher social position and knowledge, who can govern
others and think in wider perspectives; while a woman is a person who can serve a man, who is like
the husband’s object transferred through marriage, and to whom he can do anything he wishes to do
(Hirut, 2004). These socially induced differences between males and females result in discriminatory
rewards, statuses, opportunities and roles as shall be discussed below.
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play a vital role in production activities, in addition to shouldering reproductive responsibility, they
are denied recognition and access to resources. Cultural attitudes and harmful traditional practices
are major factors which relegate women to a subordinate position.
Like other least developing countries (LDCs), Ethiopia in 2002 also started the preparation of the
final draft of poverty reduction strategy paper immediately after the approval of the interim poverty
reduction strategy paper. The final document entitled "sustainable Development and Poverty
Reduction Program (SDPRP) provides a sound basis to continue the implementation of the
sustainable development and poverty reduction program activities in the country. Given poverty
reduction will continue to be the core of the agenda of the country's development, the strategy is
built on four pillars (building blocks). These are Agriculture Development led Industrialization
(ADLI), Justice System and Civil Service Reform, Decentralization and Empowerment, and
Capacity building in public and private sectors.
Taking the significance of addressing the gender dimension of poverty into consideration, a lot of
advocacy and lobbying work has been done by the government and Non Government Organization
(NGOs) and other actors to incorporate gender issues in both the interim and final poverty reduction
programs. Efforts have also been done by the Women's Affairs Office of the
Prime Minister Office (WAO/PMO) in terms of advocacy and lobbying the issue to be embedded in
the overall SDPRP. As a result of these and other effort made by various stakeholders, gender and
development has been incorporated as a cross cutting issue in the SDPRP.
? What are some of the traditional and socio-cultural practices against women in Ethiopia?
Violence against women such as rape, domestic violence, abduction for marriage, sexual harassment,
female genital mutilation, early marriage are widely speared in the country and are being widely
recognized, as a violation of women's right apart from the physical and psychological consequence it
has on the life of a woman. Women in Ethiopia as anywhere else are also victims of various violence
and harmful traditional practices simply because of their gender. Patriarchal domination, cultural and
traditional practices, economic deprivation etc are among the reasons for violence against women in Ethiopia.
The practices of female genital mutilation (FGM) and early/and forced marriage, impinge on the
rights and health of women. Traditional discriminatory practices such as FGM and widow
73
inheritance (including all her property) continue to persist. In Ethiopia, 80% of women (and in some
parts of the country up to 100%) are mutilated, as a means of women’s loyalty to culture and faith
(Haregewoin and Emebet, 2003). It is also estimated that, in each of the 28 Woredas in Addis
Ababa, three women are raped each day making it a total of 30,660 rape cases every year
(Haregewoin and Emebet, 2003). Data compiled by the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association
from woreda police stations in Addis Ababa showed a 39% and 54% increment of abduction and
assault and bodily injury to women and young girls between 1999 and 2001 (Federal Civil Service
Commission, 2005). The rapid spread of HIV/AIDS is also posing a serious threat to the
development of the country.
Cognizant to this fact, a lot of awareness has been undertaken by various stakeholders including the
WAO/PMO, Sectoral women's affairs machineries, and civil society organizations. FGM is
forbidden according to national law, and is presumed to be declining. The new penal code
criminalizes FGM by imprisonment of no less than three months, or a fine. Likewise, infibulations is
punishable by imprisonment of five to ten years. However, no criminal prosecutions have ever been
sought regarding FGM. Various strategies, including IEC materials, training's/workshops, media
campaign (both print and air), panel discussions, legal aid for women etc were used in this regard.
Taking the multi-dimensional consequences of violence against women into consideration, the
government of Ethiopia has taken measure in creating conducive environment for the revisions of
legal reforms that are discriminatory to women. Accordingly, the family law has been revised in a gender
sensitive manner and the penal code is at stake.
According to the 2004/05 household survey the average household size for the country is 4.8 (4.9 in
rural areas and 4.3 in urban). Of the estimated 13.4 million households, about 75% are male headed
and 25% female-headed. It is estimated that about 16% of households are urban dwellers and 84%
rural. A much higher proportion of female-headed households reside in urban areas compared to
rural areas. About one in five rural households (22%) and nearly two in five urban households (39%)
are female-headed.
The backbone of the economy in Ethiopia is agriculture, which accounts for 54% of the gross
domestic product (GDP) and 60% of exports, and 80% of total employment. The agricultural sector
suffers from frequent drought and poor cultivation practices. Under Ethiopia's land tenure system,
the government owns all land and provides long-term leases to tenants.
Rural women in Ethiopia engage as equally as their male counterparts in agricultural activities, in
addition to carrying the heavy burden of household duties. Even in areas where women are excluded
by custom from farming and planting, they participate in weeding, transporting harvest and storing
74
grain, as well as in livestock husbandry activities. In areas where production is based on the use of
the hoe and shift cultivation, women participate in all farm activities including soil preparation. In
pastoral societies, like Afar and Somali, where animal products are the predominant source of
income, women play a critical role in rearing animals and processing animal products for home
consumption and the market.
Women’s access to land is not only smaller, but they are also disadvantaged in terms of using their
land. This is because their land is often in a worse condition than those used by male-headed
households. This is due to the fact that women do not have the necessary resources to cultivate the
land, which in a lot of cases forces them to rent out their land to others.
Women also lack agricultural labor; this is another reason why they are forced to rent out the land.
This is not necessarily because they are incapable of working on their plot, but because the culturally
accepted gender divisions of labor prohibit women from such activity. For example, in the grain
producing areas of the country social norms prohibit women from farming land (Yigeremew, 2001).
Studies have also revealed that in areas where oxen are essential for farming, such as in plough
agriculture, women do not have enough oxen or the necessary implements to farm their land.
Women also have problem accessing credit because they do not have property for use as collateral.
In effect, this means that they are prevented from improving their land.
Further exploration of causes for poor educational status of women, by means of qualitative data that
are collected from selected regions in the country, revealed that early marriage is the single most
important reason mentioned in all Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and interviews with key persons
as to why girls’ education is undermined in almost all regions. Most cultures strongly urge girls to
get married early and take the responsibility of serving their husbands. The cultural pressure in favor
of early marriage is so strong that families who do not get their daughters married at an acceptably
young age will be scorned and ridiculed; the girls may also not get husbands if they pass that age. To
respect this tradition, parents continue defying the Constitution that set minimum age of marriage.
Other reasons given for early marriage and dropping out from school were fear of sexual violence,
such as rape and abduction, that befall young girls before marriage and fear of promiscuity and
unwanted pregnancy before marriage on the girls’ side. Yet another reason mentioned in the FGDs
held in Gambella was the dowry paid to parents of the girl, upon her marriage. Parents do not believe
75
that girls’ education is useful and girls are employable. Once married, women will have no time and
permission to go to school. Young girls are also expected to share the work load of their mothers at
home, taking care of their younger siblings and helping in household chores which lead to being
absent regularly and later results in drop out from school. It is also indicated that any financial stress
in the household will lead to pulling girls out of school to cut expenses or involve them in household
maintenance. In most societies girls’ main role is believed to be learning household activities,
cooking, cleaning, rearing children and taking care of the family as a whole, rather than going to
school. It is believed that educating girls is not that useful as they are going to get married and
assume their role soon anyway. These reasons are shared by almost all rural communities of the
country to different degrees while some are indicated even in urban settings.
Some region-specific, (in Somali, for example), reasons indicated that girls are not allowed in many
cases to attend classes with boys in the same classroom. In addition, the pastoralist lifestyle, which
involves relocating temporary residence and family maintenance, burdens women and girls and leads
to the disruption of girls’ education (Somali and Afar).
Low educational level is one of the causes and consequences of females’ low socio-economic status.
In spite of the fact that significant progress has been realized in girls’ education during the last
decade, gender gap is still observed. According to various statistical abstracts of the Ministry of
Education, the share of female students has increased from 21% to 25% between the years 1998/99
and 2002/03. Nevertheless, the sex disaggregated Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER), the ratio of total
enrolment at primary or secondary education to the corresponding school age population, shows
disparity between the two sexes. Though female GER in primary education has increased from 41%
in 1999/2000 to 54% in 2002/03, the respective figures for males are 61% and 75%. In the year
2002, the rate of adult literacy for women was 34%, while it was 49% for men (MOE, 2002). The
gender gap is clearly observed when the Gender Parity Index (GPI), the ratio of female to male
enrolment, is considered. Between the years 1999 and 2003, GPI was found to be 0.7, indicating that
there were only 7 girls enrolled at primary schools for every 10 boys (Federal Civil Service
Commission, 2005). The gender inequality in education widens as one goes up higher in the
educational ladder. In the academic year 2001/2002, among the students who managed to enter
colleges at diploma level, only 24.9% were women. This figure goes further down for females in
undergraduate and postgraduate degree programs of various higher education institutes; only 15.0%
in undergraduate and 7.3% postgraduate degree programs were females. If one sees the percentage
share of females in higher education teaching staff it is on the average of 5.73% (Emebet, et al, 2004).
One of the strategic objectives and actions in the Beijing Declaration and the Platform of action is
education and training of women. The strategic objective clearly states that education is a human
right and an essential tool for achieving the goals of equality, development and peace. Following the
declaration, Ethiopia has been trying to close the gender gap in education through formulation of
policies, strategies and action oriented measures. The new education and training policy declared in
1994, has addressed the importance of girls education and among others it clearly stated that the
government will give financial support to raise the participation of women in education. It further
76
stated that, special attention would be given to the participation, recruitment, training and assignment
of female teachers.
Women are underrepresented in the formal sector of employment. The survey conducted by the
Central Statistical Authority (CSA, 2004) showed that women account for less than half (43%) of the
total employees in the country. Considering the percentage of female employees from the total
number of employees by employment type, the highest was in domestic activities (78%) and
followed by unpaid activities (59.3%). In other types of formal employment (e.g. government,
NGOs, private organizations), the percentage of female workers is less than 35. On the other hand,
the survey showed overrepresentation of female workers in the informal sector. About 58% of
working women work in the informal sector whereas the percentage of working men in the informal
sector was 37.7 % (ibid).
The breakdown of the federal government employees by occupational groups also indicated gender
disparity. From federal government employees found in the clerical and fiscal type of jobs 71.3 %
were female, while the percentage of females was slightly more than half (51%) in custodial and
manual type of jobs. Women make up 25% and 18% of the administrative and professional and
scientific job categories, respectively, indicating that upper and middle level positions are
overwhelmingly dominated by men (Federal Civil Service Commission, 2005). This concentration
77
of women in the informal sector and low level positions has implication on their earnings. In this
regard, the survey showed four out of ten women civil servants earn Birr 300 a month compared to
two out of ten for men (Federal Civil Service Commission, 2005).
HIV/AIDS epidemic is a threat to socio-economic advancement of most countries in the world. The
issue goes beyond health problem and it becomes a cause for social disintegration and economic
deterioration of many developing countries including Ethiopia. The problem is aggravated by the
existence of gender discrimination and violence against women. In Ethiopia, like many other
developing countries, the social definitions and expectations of gender put women at higher risk with
respect to HIV apart from their biological vulnerability to the disease.
78
To this effect, measures are being taken to integrate gender issues in response to HIV/AIDS. Among
these, the formation of a national coalition of Women against HIV/AIDS is a pioneer in terms of
building the leadership capacity of women to prevent the spread of HIV at the grassroots level. A
'core group' comprised of senior leadership from the government, including the first lady, and other
prominent women has been set up to manage and steer the process leading up to the formal launch of
the Coalition in June 2003. The vision of the Coalition is to create and promote leadership of women
at all levels that will inspire and lead a national movement of committed men and women throughout
Ethiopia to make HIV/AIDS, poverty and harmful traditional practices a thing of the past. The work
of the National Coalition for Women Against HIV/AIDS, will complement the existing leadership of
the Ethiopian Government in reversing the spread and impact of HIV/AIDS by focusing in particular
on addressing the gender and poverty related causes which fuel the epidemic.
79
j) Women in Power and Decision Making
Due to the various obstacles that women have such as triple role, violence against women, lack of
education etc, their representation and participation in leadership and decision making position has
also been limited. Despite the Government policies of equal opportunity for both men and women to
participate in the democratization of the country, women have not been adequately represented at all
levels of decision-making positions.
? Comment on the extent at which females are making decision in your family?
Out of 547 seats reserved for parliamentarians in 1995, it was only 15(2.74%) that was occupied by
women. However, by the next round election, an increasing trend of women's participation has been
observed. During the 2000 House of People's Representative election, about 42 (7.7%) of the
candidates for parliamentary seats were women compared to 2.7% in 1995. Although not
satisfactory, women participation in local authorities has also improved. With the introduction of a
Federal System of Government, in 1991, by devolution of decision making power and
responsibilities to regional states, an increasing trend of women participation in local authorities
have also been seen. During the 1995 general election for regional council, out of 1355 members 77
(5.0%) were women. This number increased both in terms of membership and number of women in
2000 election. Thus, in the election held in 2000 for regional council, while the number of members
increased to 1647, there were 244 (12.9%) women, which have shown an increase by 10%. At the
lowest level of Woreda Council, only 6.6% are women out of the 70,430 council members. At the
lowest administrative unit, the Kebele, women constitute only 13.9% of the 928,288 elected officials.
It is also the case that women have little or no power of making decisions on matters related to their
own households. Their decision making power is limited regarding land use in rural areas
(Haregewoin and Emebet, 2003) and even on sexual interactions (Adanech and Azeb, 1991).
Haregewoin and Emebet noted that less than 25% of women are able to decide by themselves on
contraceptive use. Mostly women in the country have the power to make decisions on issues related
to the daily life of their family, but decisions about large household purchases, degree of participation
of a woman in social activities, and reproductive health issues are dominated by men.
Further, at the level of international representation, among the 28 ambassadors that Ethiopia
appointed at different mission abroad, only 4 (14.3) are women. In the area of employment, while
the number of women in the Ethiopian civil service has been relatively small, the senior positions
areoverwhelmingly
Activity – 1held by men. Federal Civil Service Commission recent statistics revealed the
fact that the overwhelming majority of women civil servants are concentrated in positions such as
1. Elaborate
secretary, the others.
cleaner, and concept of gender in Ethiopian situation?
2. Give a brief explanation on some issues of gender in Ethiopia?
3. What do you think are key gender issue in Ethiopia? Justify?
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6.2 Gender policy and machinery
Section overview
Dear learners, this section focuses on gender policy and implementation machinery in Ethiopia.
Since coming to power in 1991, the current government has introduced several laws and policies to
address issues of democracy, decentralization, poverty reduction, institutional capacity and
improvement of the social, economic and political status of the citizenry. Moreover, the Constitution
of the federal government that was proclaimed in 1994 has domesticated international instruments
which Ethiopia has ratified or adopted. Ethiopia has ratified major international conventions,
protocols and treaties.
The issue of gender equality has become an area of concern in development planning during the last
few decades. The marginalization, from development programs, of women for a long period of time
is challenged with changing policy perspectives from Women in Development (WID), which aims to
include women in development projects in order to make the latter more effective, to Gender and
Development (GAD), which aims to address inequalities in women’s and men’s social roles in
relation to development (March et al., 1999).
Despite recently introduced policy instruments and legislative commitments serving women’s
interests, the vast majority of Ethiopian women - particularly in rural areas - are far from being well-
off, independent and direct beneficiaries of development initiatives. Hence, gender mainstreaming,
the integration of gender issues into every aspect of development programs, is aimed at empowering
women to enable them participate in and benefit from the programs equally as men, being supported
by international and national policies.
Section Objective
Dear learner, upon the successful completion of this section, you will be able to:
81
which Ethiopia has ratified or adopted. Ethiopia has ratified major international conventions,
protocols and treaties.
The issue of gender equality has become an area of concern in development planning during the last
few decades. The marginalization, from development programs, of women for a long period of time
is challenged with changing policy perspectives from Women in Development (WID), which aims to
include women in development projects in order to make the latter more effective, to Gender and
Development (GAD), which aims to address inequalities in women’s and men’s social roles in
relation to development (March et al., 1999).
Despite recently introduced policy instruments and legislative commitments serving women’s
interests, the vast majority of Ethiopian women - particularly in rural areas - are far from being well-
off, independent and direct beneficiaries of development initiatives. Hence, gender mainstreaming,
the integration of gender issues into every aspect of development programs, is aimed at empowering
women to enable them participate in and benefit from the programs equally as men, being supported
by international and national policies.
Global effort had been underway to alleviate the low status of women since the 1990s. In the
framework of the general conferences held in Cairo (1994) and in Beijing (1995), direction was set
and recommendations were made targeting mainly the removal of all the obstacles to gender
equalities. The outcomes of these conferences recognized that the integration of gender issues into
the general development plan and program of a country is crucial and unavoidable step for overall
sustainable development and that needs to get proper attention by governments.
At international level, the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW), the Beijing Platform for Action (BPA), and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)
are the main strategies and conventions introduced for the achievement of gender equality. CEDAW
incorporates the following measures that governments have to take to guarantee gender equality:
elimination of discrimination against women in employment opportunities and benefits of service;
ensuring gender equality in all areas of socio-economic life such as legal rights to contracts and
property, and access to financial credit; equality of women in national constitutions; and abolishing
existing laws, regulations, customs and practices that discriminate against women.
The government urged regional governments to make CEDAW part of the regional law and
encouraged them to proceed with the full implementation of the provisions of the Convention
throughout the country, through the enhancement of cooperation between federal and regional
governmental bodies and institutions, to achieve uniformity of results in the implementation of the
Convention. The Committee assigned by the government also recommended that the State party
improve its efforts to systematically monitor progress achieved in the implementation of the
Convention at all levels, and in all areas. Particular focus being placed on the improvement of the
capacity of all public officials in the area of women's human rights, and the seeking of resources
through international development assistance programmes, as necessary. It was also recommended
82
that the State party launch, at the national level, a comprehensive programme of dissemination of the
Convention, targeting women and men, in order to enhance awareness and promote and protect the
rights of women. However, CEDAW has not been implemented in regional law, even though the
Constitution encourages it.
According to CEDAW committee report (2003), women in the civil services, the largest employer in
the country, remain a small minority. In the legislative and judiciary branches, the situation is worse.
Women are seriously underrepresented. In the Federal Parliament, the highest decision making body,
women hold only 7.7% of the total seats. The figure sheds light on how far the country has to go in
the direction of empowering women. Especially in this key area, the government has a long way to
go. For without a vigorous effort to level the political playing from a gender perspective, the gap in
this area, critical in measuring women’s empowerment, will remain wide. The government cannot
fully meet its CEDAW obligations and commitments so long as the political representation gap
remains as high as it is at present.”
The measures that are included in the BPA are ensuring women’s equal rights and access to
economic resources; elimination of occupational segregation and all forms of employment
discrimination and promoting women’s access to employment, appropriate working conditions and
control over resources; facilitating women’s equal access to markets, trade, information, and
technology; promotion of harmonization of work and family responsibilities for women and men;
and conducting gender-based research and dissemination of its results for planning and evaluation.
The 1994 Education and Training Policy affirmed the importance of girls’ education. It focused on
the reorientation of the attitude and values of the society towards recognizing the roles and
contributions of women in development. The policy included gender equality issues such as
increasing girls’ school enrolment ratio, preparing a gender sensitive curriculum, and reducing girls’
dropout and repetition rates (FDRE, 1994).
In an attempt to address customary practices and backward traditions that undermine the roles of
women in society, the National Cultural Policy was enacted in 1997. The main objectives of this
policy are to ensure equal participation in and benefit from cultural activities, and to abolish
traditional harmful practices that violate the rights of women such as early marriage, female genital
mutilation and abduction (FDRE, 1997).
In addition to the aforementioned national policies gender equality is guaranteed by the Constitution
of the country. Article 25 of the FDRE Constitution states that all persons are equal before the law
and it prohibits any discrimination on grounds of gender. In Article 35, equality in matters related to
employment, equality in acquisition and management of property, equal participation in policy and
decision making, and right of women to plan families are stated to ensure gender equality. Similarly,
Article 42 states the right of female workers to equal pay for comparable work (FDRE, 1995).
The main reasons for the situation are the socio-cultural portrait of women and girls and their
assigned role; existing practices of resource distribution; the division of labor, and the distribution of
opportunities. Moreover there is a considerable gap between the needs and concerns of women and
girls, and the actual effort being made in response to them (CEDAW). In most cases this is
associated with implementation, or lack of implementation, of the policy, laws and constitutionally
given rights of women, and to national poverty.
Activity – 2
1. Discuss on the main national and international commitments entered by Ethiopian
government to mainstream gender?
2. Elaborate on the gender equality in Ethiopia in reference to the different articles
constituted in the FDRE constitution?
85
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