Infiniti q50 2017 Electrical Wiring Diagrams

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Infiniti Q50 2017 Electrical Wiring

Diagrams
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Contents:Antilock Brakes Traction Control Systems - AntiLock Brakes Except


Hybrid.pdfAntilock Brakes Traction Control Systems - AntiLock Brakes
Hybrid.pdfAntitheft and Alarm Systems - AntiTheft Forced Entry Circuit.pdfAntitheft
and Alarm Systems - AntiTheft Immobilizer Circuit.pdfBody Control Module - Body
Computer.pdfCruise Control - Cruise Control Cruise Control Circuit.pdfCruise
Control - Cruise Control Intelligent Cruise Control Circuit.pdfDoors, Hood and
Trunk - Trunk, Tailgate, Fuel Doors Trunk Release Circuit.pdfHeadlamp -
Headlights Adaptive Front Lighting Circuit (Except Hybrid).pdfHeadlamp -
Headlights Adaptive Front Lighting Circuit (Hybrid).pdfHeadlamp - Headlights
Headlamps Circuit.pdfHeating and Air Conditioning - Air Conditioning Automatic A
C Circuit (Except Hybrid).pdfHeating and Air Conditioning - Air Conditioning
Automatic A C Circuit (Hybrid).pdfHorn - Horns.pdfInformation Bus - Computer
Data Lines W Direct Adaptive Steering System.pdfInformation Bus - Computer
Data Lines W O Direct Adaptive Steering System & FEB.pdfInformation Bus -
Computer Data Lines W O Direct Adaptive Steering System W FEB.pdfInstrument
Panel, Gauges and Warning Indicators - Instrument Cluster.pdfInstrument Panel,
Gauges and Warning Indicators - Warning Systems Chime Circuit.pdfInstrument
Panel, Gauges and Warning Indicators - Warning Systems Tire Pressure
Monitoring Circuit.pdfLighting and Horns - Exterior Lights Backup Lamps Circuit
(Except Hybrid).pdfLighting and Horns - Exterior Lights Backup Lamps Circuit
(Hybrid).pdfLighting and Horns - Exterior Lights Exterior Lamps Circuit.pdfLighting
and Horns - Interior Lights Courtesy Lamps Circuit.pdfLighting and Horns - Interior
Lights Instrument Illumination Circuit.pdfMemory Positioning Systems - Memory
Systems Memory Power Tilt & Power Telescopic Circuit.pdfMemory Positioning
Systems - Memory Systems Memory Seat & Mirrors Circuit.pdfMirrors - Mirrors
Auto Antidazzling Inside Mirror Circuit (W High Beam Assist).pdfMirrors - Mirrors
Auto Antidazzling Inside Mirror Circuit (W O High Beam Assist).pdfMirrors - Mirrors
Power Mirrors Circuit.pdfNavigation System - Navigation Around Vision Camera
Circuit.pdfNavigation System - Navigation Blind Spot Information System
Circuit.pdfNavigation System - Navigation Lane Departure Warning
Circuit.pdfNavigation System - Navigation Navigation Circuit.pdfNavigation System
- Navigation Rear Sonar Circuit.pdfNavigation System - Navigation Rear View
Camera Circuit.pdfNavigation System - Navigation Telematics Circuit.pdfPower
and Ground Distribution - Ground Distribution.pdfPower and Ground Distribution -
Power Distribution.pdfPower Locks - Door Locks.pdfPower Steering - Electronic
Power Steering Direct Adaptive Steering Circuit.pdfPower Steering - Electronic
Power Steering Standard Power Steering Circuit.pdfPowertrain Management -
Engine Controls.pdfRadiator Cooling Fan - Cooling Fans Cooling Fan
Circuit.pdfRadio, Stereo, and Compact Disc - Sound Systems Base.pdfRadio,
Stereo, and Compact Disc - Sound Systems Bose W Navigation.pdfRadio, Stereo,
and Compact Disc - Sound Systems Bose W O Navigation.pdfRear Defogger -
Defogger.pdfRestraints and Safety Systems - Passive Restraints Except
Hybrid.pdfRestraints and Safety Systems - Passive Restraints
Hybrid.pdfRestraints and Safety Systems - Supplemental Restraints.pdfSeats -
Seats Heated Seats Circuit (Except Hybrid).pdfSeats - Seats Heated Seats Circuit
(Hybrid).pdfSeats - Seats Lumbar Circuit (W Side Support).pdfSeats - Seats
Lumbar Circuit (W O Side Support).pdfSeats - Seats Power Seats
Circuit.pdfStarting and Charging - Starting Charging Charging Circuit.pdfStarting
and Charging - Starting Charging Starting Circuit.pdfSteering Wheel - Heated
Steering Wheel Circuit.pdfSunroof Moonroof - Power Tops.pdfSuspension Control
( Automatic - Electronic ) - Electronic Suspension Except Hybrid W Digital Motion
Control.pdfSuspension Control ( Automatic - Electronic ) - Electronic Suspension
Except Hybrid W O Digital Motion Control.pdfSuspension Control ( Automatic -
Electronic ) - Electronic Suspension Hybrid.pdfTransmission and Drivetrain - Shift
Interlock.pdfTransmission and Drivetrain - Transmissions A T
Circuit.pdfTransmission and Drivetrain - Transmissions AWD Circuit.pdfWindows -
Power Windows.pdfWiper and Washer Systems - Wiper Washer.pdf
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for some ten years later and Harvard only in the following decade,
but in the medical school of the University of Mexico, where the first
lectures were held in 1578, and where a full medical school was
organized before the end of the sixteenth century. In this medical
school, which during the seventeenth century came to have several
hundred students, the university tradition of the olden time was well
preserved. Three years of preliminary study at the university were
required before a student could take up the course in medicine, and
four years of medical study were required before graduation. We
have some of the text-books, and know much about the curriculum
of this old medical school, and in every way it is worthy of the old
university traditions.

Unfortunately our universities in what is now the United States


developed very slowly. King's College (Columbia) did not become a
university in the sense of having law and medical schools as well as
an undergraduate department until the nineteenth century had
almost begun. Harvard did not have a law school affiliated with it
until the first quarter of the nineteenth century had almost run its
course. The affiliations between the medical schools and the
universities in these cases was only very slight, and the medical
schools were entirely in the hands of the {372} medical faculty,
whose main purpose during a great part of the nineteenth century
was to make medical studies as short as possible and as inexpensive
as they could possibly be made for the faculty, because that left so
much more of the fees to be absorbed by the historic septennate of
professors who ruled and managed the university. The consequence
was that during most of the nineteenth century two terms of four
months each were all that was required for the diploma in medicine
in most American medical schools. Three schools maintained a very
high standard by requiring twenty weeks in each of two calendar
years. The medical school that was considered one of the best in the
country, and whose graduates obtained the highest marks in the
army and navy examinations, that of the University of Virginia,
required but two terms of four and one-half months each which
might be taken in the same calendar year, and then gave the
doctor's degree.

It may be as well to say that the doctor's degree or diploma was a


license to practise. There were no State regulations for the practice
of medicine, and no matter how obtained, a diploma allowed
practise. As some one has well said the diploma, then, was a license
to practise, not medicine, the Lord knows! but to practise on one's
patients until one had learned some medicine. It is out of this slough
of despond in medical education that we have climbed in the last
thirty-five years. We are getting back to the {373} old-time
university traditions. Let us hope that we shall not allow ourselves to
get away from them again. There are ups and downs in medical
practice and medical fashions and medical education, and all
depends on the men who compose the profession at any one time
and not on any mythical progress that holds them up and compels
them to do better than those who went before them. The highest
compliment that can be paid to American medicine and medical men
is that, in spite of this handicap of education they did not utterly
degenerate, but, on the contrary, somehow managed to maintain
the dignity of the profession and do much good work.

It is to you to-day, entering on this profession, that we look to do


your share in keeping up the dignity of the medical profession and in
maintaining standards in medical education. We have a glorious
tradition of 6,000 years behind us with the great men of the
profession worshipped as gods at the beginning, because men
thought so much of them, and remembered fondly as great masters
when they came in the after-time. From I-em-Hetep through
AEsculapius and Hippocrates and Galen and Guy de Chauliac and
Sydenham and Boerhaave down to our own time, the men whom we
delight to honor are the ones who did not work with an eye single to
their own success, but who tried, above all, to do things for
humanity and for the profession to which they belonged. The man
who is successful as a {374} money-maker in his profession is only
doing half his duty. He must make medicine as well as money, that
is, he must by his observations help others to recognize and treat
disease better than they did before; he must labor for the benefit of
humanity, and, above all, he must see that there are no decadence
of professional spirit and no deterioration of medical education as far
as his influence can go. It is men of this kind that we hope to send
forth from Fordham, and you stand in the van of them all, and I wish
you God-speed.

{375}
UNIVERSITY MEDICAL SCHOOLS

{376}

"Knowledge comes but wisdom lingers."


--Tennyson, Locksley Hall.

"The foundation stones of the whole modern structure of human


wisdom have all been laid by the architects of yesterday. Thrice
wise is he who knows the quarries and builders of by-gone ages
and is able to differentiate the stones which have been rejected
from those which have been utilized."
--Anon.

"Ideo Medico id in primis curandum, ut ab aegro circumstantias


omnes accurate intelligat, intellectas consideret, ut inter
curandum media illa adhibeat, quae tollendo morbo apta sunt, ne
ex medicina nocumentum proveniat." --Basil Valentine,
Triumphal Chariot of Antimony.

[The physician must therefore especially take care that he


understand all the circumstances of his patient very clearly, and
after understanding them weigh them well, so that during his
treatment he may use those means which are especially suited to
control the disease, lest any harm should come from his
medicine.]
{377}
UNIVERSITY MEDICAL SCHOOLS [Footnote 25]
[Footnote 25: Address to the graduates of St. Louis University
Medical and Dental Schools, May 31, 1910, at the Odeon, St.
Louis.]

It affords me great pleasure to accept the invitation of your Faculty


to address the graduates of a university medical school here in the
Middle West. I wondered, of course, what I should talk to you about,
and have come to the conclusion that as an historian of medicine
any message I may have for you is likely to come from my own
subject. It so happens that we are just beginning to realize that the
history of medicine may have much greater significance for us than
we have usually been accustomed to think, and, above all, that it
may mean much in furnishing incentive for the maintaining and
raising of standards in medical education. In recent years there has
come a very decided improvement in medical education in the
United States. It is not hard to understand that the foreigner lifts his
eyebrows in surprise when he is told that most of our medical
schools a generation ago required but two terms of four months
each, and that there was then just beginning to be a demand for a
little more complete course and better facilities. There was a large
number of medical schools, turning out graduates every year with
the degree {378} of doctor of medicine, which was a license to
practise in every state in the Union, for there were no state or
federal laws regulating the practice of medicine. As for preliminary
requirements the less said the better. If a man could write his name
and, indeed, he did not have to write it very plainly, he found it easy
to matriculate in a medical school and to be graduated at the end of
two scant terms of four months each. He might come from the
mines, or from the farm, or from before the mast, or from the
smithy, or the carpenter shop; he need know nothing of chemistry,
nor physics, nor of botany, nor of English and, above all, of English
grammar, and he was at once admitted to what was called a
professional school and graduated when he had served his time.
Practically no one was plucked. The desire of the faculty for numbers
of students forbade that in most cases. The two terms in medicine
were not even successive courses. The second-year student listened,
as a rule, to the same lectures that he might have heard the
preceding year.

We all know the reason now for this extremely low standard of
medical education. Proprietary medical schools made it their one
business in life to make just as much out of medical education as
possible and the historic septennate of professors, or sometimes the
Dean, pocketed the fees (I came near saying spoils) every year, and
robbed medical American education of {379} whatever possibilities it
might have for the real training of young men in the science and art
and practice of medicine. Perhaps the most interesting feature of
this maintenance of extremely low standards in medical education,
however, is the fact that in spite of it, men, or at least some of them,
succeeded in obtaining a good foundation in medicine and then by
personal work afterwards came to be excellent practitioners of
medicine. Professor Welch said not long since: "One can decry the
system of those days, the inadequate preliminary requirements, the
short courses, the dominance of the didactic lecture, the meagre
appliances for demonstrative and practical instruction, but the results
were better than the system. Our teachers were men of fine
character devoted to their duties; they inspired us with enthusiasm,
interest in our studies and hard work, and they imparted to us sound
traditions of our profession."

Nothing that I know is a better compliment to American enterprise


and power of overcoming the difficulties of the situation than the life
stories of some of the men who came from these completely
inadequate schools. If with the maimed training and incomplete
education given a generation ago American medicine not only
succeeded in maintaining the dignity of the profession to a
noteworthy degree, but also developed many men who made
distinct contributions to world medicine, what will we not do now
that {380} our medical education is gradually being lifted up out of
the slough of despond in which it was and the preliminary education
for medical studies set at a standard where real work of thoroughly
scientific character can be looked for, from the very beginning of the
medical course?

Is it any wonder, then, that those of us who have the best interests
of American medicine at heart are watching with careful solicitude
the movement that is now reforming medical education in this
country? The one hope of medical education is, and always has
been, organic connection with a university. Real University Medical
Schools, that is medical schools as the genuine Post-Graduate
Departments of Universities with the fine training that they give,
have opened our eyes to what is needed in medical education in this
country. Some of the old-time medical schools here in the United
States had been connected by name with universities but this was
more apparent than real, and the medical faculty ruled absolutely in
its own department and throttled medical education and divided the
income of the college among themselves, devoting as little as
possible to equipment, to laboratories, to all that was needed for
medical education.

Now has come the epoch of university medical schools in this


country. I came near saying America, but we must not forget that
the Spanish-American countries, having adopted their educational
systems from the mother Latin country, {381} have always
maintained the organic connection of the medical school with their
universities, and as a consequence a good preliminary education, the
equivalent of three years of college work with us, is required and has
always been, and then some four years in the medical school and,
indeed, in most of the countries five or six years and in one at least
seven years of medical study required. I have thought, however, that
this story of medical education in connection with universities and
real university work will be especially interesting to the graduates of
this thorough Western university, whose work in medicine is
acknowledged as up to some of the best standards of professional
attainment and whose organic connection with a great university
assures not only the continuance, but the future development of
medical education here along lines that shall place this among the
serious progressive medical schools of the world.

The first university medical school that well deserves that name is
the one that came into existence in connection with the University of
Alexandria. I have been at some pains, because it is so delightfully
amusing, to point out how closely the University of Alexandria
resembles our modern universities in most particulars. It was
founded by a great conqueror, who had gone forth to conquer the
world, and having attained almost universal dominion sighed for
more worlds to conquer. Then he set about the foundation of {382}
a great city that was to be the capital of his empire, and endowed a
great institution of learning in that capital that was to attract
students from all over the world. When he died prematurely the
Ptolemys, who inherited the African portion of his vast dominions,
carried out his wishes. Money was no object at Alexandria: they put
up magnificent buildings, founded a great library, bought a lot of
first editions of books in the shape of author's original manuscripts,
stole the archives at Athens, used Alexander's collection (made for
Aristotle) as the foundation of what we would call a museum, paid
professors better salaries than they received at that time anywhere
else and housed them in palaces. What a strangely familiar sound all
this has! Then Alexandria proceeded to do scientific work.

Euclid wrote his geometry, and, unchanged, it has come down to us


and we still use it as a text-book in our colleges. Archimedes,
following up Euclid's work, laid the foundation, of mechanics in his
study of the lever and the screw, and of hydrostatics and of optics in
his studies of specific gravity and burning mirrors and lenses. He
made a series of marvellous inventions showing that he was a
practical as well as a theoretic genius, who would be gladly
welcomed, nay, eagerly sought for, as a member of the faculty even
of a university of the highest rank or largest income in our modern
times. Ptolemy elaborated the system of astronomy that had been so
ably {383} developed by teachers at Alexandria before his time, and
Heron invented his engines, which we have had as toys in our
laboratories for centuries. We realized the true significance of one of
them only when the turbine engine was invented and we found that
the principle of it was in the toy engine of this old natural
philosopher of Alexandria. They even did their literature scientifically
at the University of Alexandria. We have no great original works
from them in literature, but they invented comparative literature; for
this making the Septuagint translation of the Holy Scriptures and
doing the same for many other religious documents of the
surrounding nations for comparative study.

It is rather easy to understand, then, that a medical school arose in


connection with this scientific university, and that it did excellent
work. The collections of Aristotle contained many illustrations which
served as the basis for zoology, botany, comparative anatomy and
probably even comparative physiology. The Ptolemys were very
liberal and allowed dissection of the human body, so that human
anatomy developed from a definite scientific standpoint better then
ever before. The number of strangers in the town and the rather
unhealthy climate of Egypt left many unclaimed bodies. It has
always been the difficulty of obtaining bodies much more than
prejudice against the violation of the human body on any general
principle, that has been the reason {384} for the absence of human
dissection in many periods of the world's history. We object to
having the bodies of friends cut up, but we do not mind much if the
bodies of those who are unknown to us are treated in that way. So
long as men did not travel much there were few unclaimed bodies.
With the advent of travel came abundant material for dissection and
the Ptolemys allowed the medical school to use it.

Two great anatomists built up the structure of scientific human


anatomy on the rather good foundation that had been laid on animal
anatomy in the foretime. After all, the anatomy of the animal
resembles that of man so much that very precious knowledge had
been gained from zootomies in the previous ages. These two
anatomists were Erasistratos and Herophilos. Both of them studied
the brain especially, as might have been expected. For just as soon
as the opportunity for dissecting man was provided, this, his most
complex structure, attracted instant attention. Herophilos has named
after him the torcular herophili, and the name he gave the curious
appearance in the floor of the fourth ventricle--the calamus
scriptorius--is still retained. He describes the membranes of the
brain, the various sinuses, the choroid plexuses, the cerbral
ventricles and traced the origin of the nerves from the brain and the
spinal cord, recognizing, according to well-grounded tradition, the
distinction between nerves of sensation and motion. {385} He
described the eye and especially the vitreous body, the choroid and
the retina. He did not neglect other portions of anatomy, however,
and his power of exact observation, as well as his detailed study,
may be judged from his remark that the left spermatic vein in certain
cases joins the renal.

Erasistratos, his colleague, was perhaps even a more successful


investigator than Herophilos. He represented the best tradition of
Greek medicine of the time. He had two distinguished teachers, one
of them Metrodoros, the son-in-law of Aristotle. It was probably
through this influence that Erasistratos received his invitation from
the first Ptolemy to come to Alexandria. The scientific work of
Alexandria was founded on Aristotle's collections, on his books, for
his library was brought to Alexandria as the foundation of the great
University Library, and then best of all on the direct tradition of his
scientific teaching through this pupil of his son-in-law. Erasistratos'
other great teacher was the well-known Chrysippos of Cnidos.
Cnidos was the great rival medical school to that of Cos. Owing to
the reputation of Hippocrates we know of Cos, but we must not
ignore Cnidos.

Erasistratos' discoveries were more in connection with the heart than


anything else. He came very near discovering the circulation. His
description of the valves and of their function is very clear. He looked
for large-sized {386} anastomoses between veins and arteries and,
of course, did not discover the minute capillaries which required
Malpighi's microscope to reveal them nearly 2,000 years after. Like
Herophilos, Erasistratos also studied the brain very faithfully.

One story that we have of Erasistratos deserves to be in the minds


of young graduates in medicine, because it illustrates the practical
character of the man and also how much more important at times it
may be in the practice of medicine to know men well rather than to
know medical science alone. Erasistratos was summoned on a
consultation to Antioch to see the son of King Seleucus. Seleucus
was one of the four of Alexander's generals who, like Ptolemy, had
divided the world among them after the young conqueror's death.
His portion of the Eastern world, with its capital at Antioch, was
probably the richest region of that time. There had been no
happiness, however, in the royal household for months because the
scion of the Seleucidae, the heir to the throne, was ill and no
physician had been able to tell what was the matter with him, and,
above all, no one had been able to do anything to awaken him from
a lethargy that was stealing over him, making him quite incapable of
the ordinary occupations of men, or to dispel an apathy which was
causing him to lose all interest in affairs around him. He was losing
in weight, he looked miserable, he seemed really to have been
stricken by one of {387} the serious diseases as yet undifferentiated
at that time which were expressed by the word phthisis, which
referred to any wasting disease.

As a last hope then almost, Erasistratos was summoned from distant


Alexandria as a consultant in the case of young Seleucus. The
proceeding, after all, is very similar to what happens in our own
time. The head of an important department in medicine at a
university is asked to go a long distance to see the son of a reigning
monarch, or of a millionaire prince in industry, or perhaps a coal
baron, or a railroad king, and a special train is supplied for him and
every convenience consulted. A caravan was sent to bring
Erasistratos over the desert to Antioch. It is such consultations that
count in a physician's life. I hope sincerely that you shall have many
of them and that you shall conduct them as successfully as
Erasistratos this one.

The young prince's case proved as puzzling to Erasistratos for a time


as it had to so many other physicians before him. Like the
experienced practitioner he was, he did not make his diagnosis at
once, however. Will you remember that when you, too, have a
puzzling case? It is when we do not take time to make our diagnosis
that it often proves erroneous. Not ignorance, but failure to
investigate properly, is responsible for most of our errors. He asked
to see the patient a number of times, and saw him under varying
conditions. Finally, one day, while he was {388} examining the
young man's pulse--and I may tell you that Erasistratos made a
special study of the pulse and knew many things about it that it is
unfortunate that the moderns neglect--his patient's pulse gave a
sudden leap and then continued to go much faster than it had gone
before. At the same time there came a rising color to the young
man's cheek. Erasistratos looked up to see what was the cause of
this striking change, and found that the young wife of the King
Seleucus, the prince's stepmother, had just come into the room.
Seleucus, as an old man, had married a very handsome young
woman, and it was evident that the young man's heart was touched
in her regard, and that here was the cause of the trouble.
Erasistratos did not proclaim his discovery at once. He did announce
that now he knew the cause of the trouble, that it was an affection
of the heart that would be cured by travel, and he proposed to take
young Seleucus back with him to Alexandria. In private, very
probably, he told his young patient that he had discovered his secret,
and then persuaded him that absence would be the thing for him.
Very probably the young man considered that cure was impossible,
and with many misgivings he consented to go to Alexandria, and as
has happened many times before and since, in spite of the patient's
assurance to the contrary, the travel cure proved effective even for
the heart affection.
{389}

I hope sincerely that you shall have as much tact, as much


knowledge of men and women and as much success as this great
teacher at the first of our modern university medical schools, when
the great consultations do come your way, for it is easy to
understand that when the young man recovered under the kindly
ministrations of Erasistratos and the good effect of absence from the
disturbing heart factor, Erasistratos was loaded with the wealth of
the East and acquired a reputation that made him known throughout
all the world of that time. There is a curious commentary on this
story that I think you should also know. It is Galen who has
preserved the incident for us. He does so in the book on the pulse,
mainly in order to show, as he thinks, the fatuity of such
observations. After giving the details he says, "Of course, there is no
special pulse of love." Poor Galen, how his wits must have been
wool-gathering, or how forgetful he must have been of his own
youth writing in the serenity of age, or how lacking in ordinary
human experience if that is his serious meaning. The older man was
by far the better observer, and I hope that you shall not forget in the
time to come that there are many things that affect men and women
besides bacteria and auto-intoxications of various kinds and
metabolic disturbances and nutritional changes. Erasistratos seems
to have known very well how much the mind, or as they called it in
the older terminology, and we {390} still cling to the phrase, the
heart, meant for many a phenomenon of existence supposed to be
physically pathologic and yet really only representing psychologic
influences apart from the physical side of the being. I may say to
you that the more you know about these old teachers of medicine
the more you will appreciate and value their largeness of view, their
breadth of knowledge of humanity and their practical ways.

It is no wonder that students from all over the world were attracted
to Alexandria for the next three centuries because of the
opportunities, for the study of medicine afforded them there. After
the first century of its existence not as much was accomplished as at
the beginning, because what always happens in the history of
medicine after a period of successful investigation, happened also
there. Men concluded that nearly everything that could be, had been
discovered and began to theorize. They were sure that their theories
explained things. Men have persisted in spinning theories in
medicine. Theories have almost never helped us and they always
have wasted our time. Observation! Observation is the one thing
that counts, Alexandria continued to have her reputation, however,
and in the first century of the Christian era was the centre of medical
interest. It was probably here that St. Luke was educated, and as we
know now from the careful examination of the {391} Third Gospel
and of the Acts, he knew his Greek medical terms very well. Harnack
has shown us recently once more how thoroughly Luke converted
the ordinary popular terms of the other Evangelists into the Greek
medical terms of his time. Luke must have known medicine very
well. His testimony to the miracles of Christ is therefore all the more
valuable, and so the Alexandrian medical school has its special place
in the order of Providence.

We are prone to think because of the curious way in which not only
the histories of medical education, but of all education, have been
written, that while there were some medical schools in the interval
from the days of Alexandria and Rome down to the modern time,
these were so hampered by unfortunate conditions that men
practically did nothing in education and, above all, scientific and
medical education until comparatively recent times. Nothing could
well be more absurd than such an opinion. The great universities
founded during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries attracted
more students to the population of the countries of the time than go
to our universities to the number of our population in the present
time. These universities are the model of our universities of the
present time and, indeed, the history of many of the old European
universities is continuous for seven centuries. They had an
undergraduate department in which students were trained in
grammar, rhetoric, logic, {392} arithmetic, astronomy, music and
gymnastics, and graduate departments of law, theology and
medicine. Professor Huxley, reviewing mediaeval education, once
said that the undergraduate education of the mediaeval universities
was better than our own. He doubted "that the curriculum of any
modern university shows so clear and generous a comprehension of
what is meant by culture as this old trivium and quadrivium did."

Their post-graduate work was just as fine as their undergraduate


work. They made the law of the world in the thirteenth century, and
laid the foundations on which the philosophy and theology of the
after-time have been built up. Strange as it may seem to many
accustomed to give credence to far different traditions, they did the
same thing in medicine. Take as a single example what they did for
the regulation of medical education and practice. A law of the
Emperor Frederick II, issued in 1241 for the Two Sicilies (Southern
Italy and Sicily proper), required three years of preliminary training
in the ordinary undergraduate course at the university before a man
was allowed to take up medicine, and four years at medicine before
he got his degree. But even this was not all; after graduation, a year
of practice with a physician was required before he was allowed to
practise for himself. If he were going to practise surgery an extra
year of the study of anatomy was required. But it may {393} be said
by those who cannot persuade themselves that the Middle Ages so
far anticipated us: since they knew almost nothing of medicine and
surgery, what did they spend their time at during these four years?
The more we know about the details of that early teaching, the
more we respect them and the more we admire the magnificent
work of the old-time professors and their schools.

Probably the most surprising feature of their teaching was surgery.


We are rather likely to think that the development of surgery was
reserved for our day. Nothing could be more untrue. The greatest
period in the history of surgery, with the possible exception of our
own time, is the century and a half from 1250 to 1400. What they
taught in surgery we know not from tradition, but from the text-
books of the great teachers which have been preserved for us, and
which have been recently republished. Three men stand out pre-
eminent: William of Salicet; Lanfranc, who taught at Paris, having
been invited there from Italy, where he had been a pupil of William
of Salicet, and Guy de Chauliac, to whom has been given by
universal accord the title of Father of Modern Surgery.

There is practically nothing in modern surgery that these men did


not touch in their text-books. Perhaps the most surprising thing is to
find that William of Salicet, in discussing his {394} cases, suggested
that sometimes he succeeded in obtaining union by first intention by
keeping his wounds clean. Alas for the surgery of succeeding
centuries, Guy de Chauliac, a greater mechanical genius than
William, insisted that union by first intention was an illusion and that
it could only come through pus formation. Laudable pus became the
shibboleth of surgery for centuries, imposed upon it by the genius of
a great man. Most men think that they think, they really follow
leaders, and so we followed blindly after Guy until Lister came and
showed us our mistake.

Guy was the professor of surgery down at Montpellier, and also the
physician to the Popes, who for the time were at Avignon. His text-
book of surgery is full of expressions that reveal the man and the
teacher. He said the surgeon who cuts the human body without a
knowledge of anatomy is like a blind carpenter carving wood. He
insisted that men should make observations for themselves and not
blindly follow others. He discussed operations on the head, the
thorax and the abdomen. He said that wounds of the intestines
would surely be fatal unless sewed up, and he described the
technique of suture for them. His specialty was operation for hernia.
There are pictures still extant of operations for hernia done about
this time in an exaggerated Trendelenberg position. The patient is
fastened to a board by the legs, head down, the board at an angle
of {395} forty-five degrees against the wall. The intestines dropped
back from the site of operation and allowed the surgeon to proceed
without danger. Guy said that more patients were operated on for
the sake of the doctor's pocket in hernia cases than for their own
benefit. His instructions to his students, his high standard of
professional advice, all show us one of the great physicians of all
time and historians of medicine are unanimous in their praise of him.

The next great development in medicine came at the time of the


Renaissance with the reorganization of the universities. In the
sixteenth century Italy particularly did magnificent work in the
universities, stimulated by close touch with old Greek medicine. At
Padua, at Bologna, above all, at Rome, the great foundations of the
modern medical sciences were laid. I need only mention the names
of Vesalius, Varolius, Eustachius, Fallopius, Columbus (who
discovered the circulation of the blood in the lungs), Caesalpinus, to
whom and rightly the Italians attribute the discovery of the systemic
circulation nearly half a century before Harvey. These men all of
them did fine work, everywhere in Italy. They were doing original
investigation of the greatest value. Whenever anybody anywhere in
Europe at this time wanted to do good work in science of any kind,--
astronomy, mathematics, physics and, above all, in any of the
medical sciences,--he went down to Italy; Italy was and continued
for five {396} centuries after the thirteenth to be what France was
for a scant half a century in the nineteenth, and Germany for a
corresponding period just before our own time. How curiously the
history of science and of medicine was written when it seems to
contradict this.

Above all, what ridiculous nonsense has been talked about Papal
opposition to science. The great universities of Italy in the thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries had charters from the Popes. They were
immediately under ecclesiastical influence, yet they did fine work in
anatomy and surgery. The Father of Modern Surgery was a Papal
physician. The Papal physicians for seven centuries have been the
greatest contributors to medicine. The Popes deliberately selected as
their physicians the greatest investigators of the time. Besides Guy
de Chauliac such men as Eustachius, Varolius, Columbus,
Caesalpinus, Lancisi, Malpighi were Papal physicians. We have even
a more striking testimony to the Papal patronage and
encouragement of medicine and to the Church's fostering care of
medical education, here in America. The first university medical
school in America was not, as has so often been said, the medical
school of the University of Pennsylvania founded in 1767, but the
medical school of the University of Mexico, where medical lectures
were first delivered in 1578. Our medical schools in this country have
only become genuine university medical schools in the sense {397}
of being organic portions of the university in the last twenty-five
years. Before that their courses were brief and unworthy and no
preliminary education was required.

The universities of Spanish America from the very beginning


required three years of preliminary training in the university before
medicine could be taken up, and then four years of medical studies.
These four years became five and six years in certain countries, and
at no time during the nineteenth century did the medical education
of Spanish America sink to the low level unfortunately reached in the
United States. The lesson of it is clear. When medical education is
seriously undertaken as a university department, all is well. When it
is not, the results are disastrous.

In our day and country another great awakening of university life


has come and with it a drawing together in intimate union of
universities and their graduate departments. Above all, the medical
schools have profited by this closer connection with university work,
and the prospects for medical education in the United States and a
new period of wonderful progress in it are very bright. You have my
hearty congratulations, then, on your graduation from a great
university medical school here in the West, and I hope sincerely that
you shall prove worthy of Alma Mater. You have had the privileges of
university education and these involve duties. {398} This is ever
true, though unfortunately it is somewhat seldom realized.
Noblesse oblige. We hear much in these days of the stewardship
of wealth, and do not let us forget that there is a stewardship of
talent and education. Much more will be demanded of you because
of your opportunities, and we look for an accomplishment on your
part far above the ordinary in medical work and maintenance and
uplift of professional dignity, that shall mean much for your fellows.

Remember that you are doing only half your duty if you but make
your living or even make money. You are bound besides to make
medicine. For all that the forefathers have done for us we in this
generation must make return by a broadening of their medical views
for the benefit of posterity. If you were graduates of some fourth-
rate proprietary medical school, perhaps it would be sufficient if you
succeeded in making your living out of your profession. Perhaps
even your teachers would then be quite satisfied with you. No such
meagre accomplishment can possibly satisfy those who are sending
you out to-day. Above all, you must remember that your education is
not for yourself, but for the benefit of others as well. If, somehow,
its influence becomes narrowed so as only to affect yourself and
your intimate friends then it is essentially a failure. You must not
only live your lives for yourselves, but so that at the end of them the
community shall have been benefited and medicine {399} and its
beneficent mission to mankind shall be broader and more significant
because you have lived. With this message, then, I welcome you as
brother physicians and bid you God-speed in your professional work.

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