Bobcat Hydraulic Breaker 1250-6560

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the ministry; of this, Parliament to give 100,000l. The ecclesiastical
establishment of India—without Ceylon, but including Church of
Scotland chaplains, and grants to Wesleyans and Roman Catholics—
now costs India itself 160,000l. a year, while the annual value of the
lands devoted to the non-Christian cults is many millions sterling.
With all this, and the aid of the Additional Clergy and Anglo-Indian
Evangelisation Societies, and of the missionaries to the natives,
Great Britain does not meet the spiritual wants of the now enormous
number and scattered communities of Christian soldiers and
residents in its Indian Empire.
Henry Martyn went out to India at a time when the government of
India had been temporarily entrusted to one of the only three or
four incompetent and unworthy men who have held the high office
of Governor-General. Sir George Barlow was a Bengal civilian of the
old type, whom Lord Wellesley had found so zealous and useful in
matters of routine that he had recommended him as provisional
Governor-General. But the moment that that proconsul had seated
the East India Company on the throne of the Great Mogul, as has
been said, and Lord Cornwallis, who had been hurried out a second
time to undo his magnificent and just policy, had died at Ghazipore,
Sir George Barlow showed the most disastrous zeal in opposition to
all his former convictions. By withholding from Sindia the lamentable
despatch of September 19, 1805, which Lord Cornwallis had signed
when the unconsciousness of death had already weakened his
efficiency, Lord Lake gave the civil authorities a final opportunity to
consider their ways. But Barlow’s stupidity—now clothed with the
almost dictator’s power of the highest office under the British Crown,
as it was in those days—deliberately declared it to be his desire, not
only to fix the limit of our empire at the Jumna, a river fordable by
an enemy at all times, but to promote general anarchy beyond that
frontier as the best security for British peace within it. The peace of
Southern Asia and the good of its peoples were postponed for years,
till, with difficulty, the Marquis of Hastings restored the empire to the
position in which Lord Wellesley had left it. Sir George Barlow is
responsible for the twelve years’ anarchy of British India, from 1805
to 1817. His administration, which became such a failure that he was
removed to Madras, and was from even that province recalled, must
rank as a blot on the otherwise unbroken splendour and
benevolence to the subject races of the government of South Asia in
the century and a half from Clive to Lord Lansdowne.
The man who, from dull stolidity more than from Macchiavellian
craft, thus again plunged half India into a series of wars by chief
upon chief and creed upon creed, was no less guilty of intolerance to
Christianity within the Company’s territories. On the one hand, in
opposition to the views of Lord Wellesley, and even of the Court of
Directors led by Charles Grant, he made the Company’s government
the direct manager of the Poori temple of Jaganath and its dancing
girls; on the other, he would have banished the Serampore and all
Christian missionaries from the country, but for the courageous
opposition of the little Governor of that Danish settlement. All too
late he was relieved by Lord Minto, whom the Brahmanised officials
of 1807 to 1810 used for a final and futile effort to crush Christianity
out of India, to the indignation of Henry Martyn, whose language in
his Journal is not more unmeasured than the intolerance deserves.
But in his purely foreign policy Lord Minto proved that he had not
held the office of President of the Board of Control in vain. He once
more asserted the only reason for the existence of a foreign power
in India, ‘the suppression of intestine disorder,’ clearing Bundelkhund
of robber chiefs and military strongholds. Surrounded and assisted
by the brilliant civilians and military officers whom Wellesley and
Carey had trained—men like Mountstuart Elphinstone, Metcalfe and
Malcolm—Lord Minto proved equal to the strain which the designs of
Napoleon Bonaparte in the Treaty of Tilsit put upon our infant
empire in the East. He sent Metcalfe to Lahore, and confined the
dangerous power of Ranjeet Singh to the north of the Sutlej. He
despatched Elphinstone to Cabul, introducing the wise policy which
has converted Afghanistan into a friendly subsidised State; and
through Malcolm he opened Persia to English influence, paving the
way for the embassy of Wellesley’s friend, Sir Gore Ouseley, and—
unconsciously—for the kindly reception of Henry Martyn.
It was on April 22, 1806, at sunrise, that the young chaplain landed
from the surf-boat on the sands of Madras. His experience at San
Salvador had prepared him for the scene, and even for the crowds of
dark natives, though not for ‘the elegance of their manners.’ ‘I felt a
solemn sort of melancholy at the sight of such multitudes of
idolators. While the turbaned Asiatics waited upon us at dinner,
about a dozen of them, I could not help feeling as if we had got into
their places.’ He visited the native suburb in which his Hindustani-
speaking servants dwelt, and was depressed by its ‘appearance of
wretchedness.’ His soul was filled with the zeal of the Old Testament
prophets against idolatry, the first sight of which—of men, women,
and children, mad upon their idols—produces an impression which
he does not exaggerate: ‘I fancy the frown of God to be visible.’ He
lost not a day in commending his Master to the people. ‘Had a good
deal of conversation with a Rajpoot about religion, and told him of
the Gospel.’ The young natives pressed upon the new-comer as
usual. ‘Rose early, but could not enjoy morning meditations in my
walk, as the young men would attach themselves to me.’

He was much in the society of the Rev. Dr. Kerr[21] and the other
Madras chaplains; one of these was about to proceed to
Seringapatam, where Martyn urged him to ‘devote himself to the
work of preaching to the natives.’ This was ever foremost in his
thoughts. He spent days in obtaining from Dr. Kerr ‘a vast deal of
information about all the chaplains and missionaries in the country,
which he promised to put in writing for me.’ Schwartz was not then
dead ten years, and Dr. Kerr, who had known him and Guericke well,
gave his eager listener many details of the great missionary.

Felt excessively delighted with accounts of a very late date

from Bengal, describing the labours of the missionaries,
and was rather agitated at the confusion of interesting
thoughts that crowded upon me; but I reasoned, Why
thus? God may never honour you with a missionary
 commission; you must expect to leave the field, and bid
adieu to the world and all its concerns.

On his first Sunday in India, April 27, 1806, Henry Martyn assisted in
the service in the church at Fort St. George, and preached from Luke
x. 41, 42, ‘One thing is needful.’

There was much attention, and Lord William sent to Dr.

Kerr afterwards to request a copy of the sermon; but I
believe it was generally thought too severe. After dinner,
went to Black Town to Mr. Loveless’s chapel. I sat in the
air at the door enjoying the blessed sound of the Gospel
on an Indian shore, and joining with much comfort in the
song of divine praise. With young Torriano I had some
conversation respecting his entering the ministry, as he
spoke the Malabar tongue fluently. Walked home at night
enjoying the presence of God.
April 28.—This morning, at breakfast, Sir E. Pellew came in
and said: ‘Upon my word, Mr. Martyn, you gave us a good
trimming yesterday.’ As this was before a large company,
and I was taken by surprise, I knew not what to say.
Passed most of the day in transcribing the sermon. There
was nothing very awakening in it. About five in the
evening I walked to Dr. Kerr’s, and found my way across
the fields, which much resembled those near Cambridge; I
stopped some time to take a view of the men drawing
‘toddy’ from the tree, and their manner of ploughing.
April 30.—Breakfasted at Sir E. Pellew’s with Captain S.
Cole of the Culloden. I had a good deal of conversation
about our friends at St. Hilary and Marazion. Continued at
home the rest of the day transcribing sermon, and reading
Zechariah. In the evening drove with Dr. Kerr to Mr.
Faulkner’s, the Persian translator, five or six miles in the
 country. We had some useful conversation about the
languages. On my return walked by moonlight in the
grounds reflecting on the mission. My soul was at first
sore tried by desponding thoughts: but God wonderfully
assisted me to trust Him for the wisdom of His
dispensations. Truly, therefore, will I say again, ‘Who art
thou, O great mountain? before Zerubbabel thou shalt
become a plain.’ How easy for God to do it! and it shall be
done in good time: and even if I never should see a native
converted, God may design by my patience and
continuance in the work to encourage future missionaries.
But what surprises me is the change of views I have here
from what I had in England.—There, my heart expanded
with hope and joy at the prospect of the speedy
conversion of the heathen! but here, the sight of the
apparent impossibility requires a strong faith to support
the spirits.

The ‘Lord William’ of the Journal is the Governor of Madras, Lord

William Bentinck, whom, at the beginning of his Indian career, it is
interesting to find thus pleasantly brought into contact with Henry
Martyn—just as he became the fast friend of Alexander Duff, at the
close of his long and beneficent services to his country and to
humanity. In two months thereafter the Vellore Mutiny was to break
out, through no fault of his, and he was to be recalled by an act of
injustice for which George Canning and the Court of Directors
atoned twenty years after by appointing him Governor-General.
After a fortnight off Madras, the Union once more set sail under the
convoy of the Victor sloop-of-war. Every moment the young scholar
had sought to add to his knowledge of Hindustani and Persian. He
changed his first native servant for one who could speak Hindustani.
He drove with Dr. Kerr to Mr. Faulkner’s, the Persian translator to
Government. ‘We had some useful conversation about the
languages.’ On the voyage to Calcutta, he was ‘employed in learning
Bengali. Passed the afternoon on the poop reading Sale’s Al Coran.’
Only missionary thoughts and aspirations ruled his mind, now
despairing of his own fitness; now refreshed as he turned from the
Church Missionary Society’s reports to the evangelical prophecies of
Malachi; again praying for the young missionaries of the London
Society as he passed Vizagapatam, and for ‘poor India’ as he came
in sight of the Jaganath pagoda, ‘much resembling in appearance
Roche Rock in Cornwall ... the scene presented another specimen of
that tremendous gloom with which the devil has overspread the
land.’ After taking a pilot on board in Balasore Roads, where Carey
had first landed, the ship was driven out to sea by a north-wester,
and Henry Martyn suffered from his first sunstroke. In three days
she anchored in the Hoogli, above Culpee, and on May 13 bumped
on that dreaded shoal, the James and Mary. ‘The captain considered
the vessel as lost. Retired as soon as possible for prayer, and found
my soul in peace at the prospect of death.’ She floated off,
exchanging most of the treasure into a tender which lay becalmed
off the Garden Reach suburb, then ‘very beautiful.’
Henry Martyn landed at Calcutta in the height of the hot season, on
May 16, 1806. Claudius Buchanan had passed him at the mouth of
the Hoogli, setting out on the tour of the coasts of India, which
resulted in the Christian Researches. David Brown was in his country
retreat at Aldeen, near Serampore.
The man whom, next to his own colleagues, he first sought out was
the quondam shoemaker of Hackleton, and poor Baptist preacher of
Moulton, the Bengali missionary to whose success Charles Simeon
had pointed him when fresh from the triumph of Senior Wrangler;
the apostle then forty-five years of age, who was busy with the
duties of Professor of Sanskrit, Bengali, and Marathi, in the College
of Fort William, that he might have the Bible translated into all the
languages of Asia, and preached in all the villages of North India.

1806, May 16.—Went ashore at daylight this morning, and

with some difficulty found Carey: Messrs. Brown and
Buchanan being both absent from Calcutta. With him I
breakfasted, joined with him in worship, which was in
Bengali for the advantage of a few servants, who sat,
however, perfectly unmoved. I could not help contrasting
them with the slaves and Hottentots at Cape Town, whose
hearts seemed to burn within them. After breakfast Carey
began to translate, with a Pandit, from a Sanskrit
manuscript. Presently after, Dr. Taylor came in. I had
engaged a boat to go to Serampore, when a letter from
Mr. Brown found me out, and directed me to his house in
the town, where I spent the rest of the day in solitude,
and more comfortably and profitably than any time past. I
enjoyed several solemn seasons in prayer, and more lively
impressions from God’s Word. I felt elevated above those
distressing fears and distractions which pride and
worldliness engender in the mind. Employed at times in
writing to Mr. Simeon, Mr. Brown’s moonshi; a Brahmin of
the name of B. Roy came in and disputed with me two
hours about the Gospel. I was really surprised at him; he
spoke English very well and possessed more acuteness,
good sense, moderation, and acquaintance with the
Scriptures than I could conceive to be found in an Indian.
He spoke with uncommon energy and eloquence,
intending to show that Christianity and Hinduism did not
materially differ. He asked me to explain my system, and
adduce the proofs of it from the Bible, which he said he
believed was the Word of God. When I asked him about
his idolatry, he asked in turn what I had to say to our
worshipping Christ. This led to inquiries about the Trinity,
which, after hearing what I had to say, he observed was
actually the Hindu notion. I explained several things about
the Jews and the Old Testament, about which he wanted
information, with all which he was amazingly pleased. I
feel much encouraged by this to go to instruct them. I see
that they are a religious people, as St. Paul called the
Athenians, and my heart almost springs at the thought
that the time is ripening for the fulness of the Gentiles to
come in.
May 17.—A day more unprofitable than the foregoing; the
depravity of my heart, as it is in its natural frame,
appeared to me to-day almost unconquerable. I could not,
however long in prayer, keep the presence of God, or the
power of the world to come, in my mind at all. It sunk
down to its most lukewarm state, and continued in
general so, in spite of my endeavours. Oh, how I need a
deep heartrending work of the Spirit upon myself, before I
shall save myself, or them that hear me! What I hear
about my future destination has proved a trial to me to-
day. My dear brethren, Brown and Buchanan, wish to keep
me here, as I expected, and the Governor accedes to their
wishes. I have a great many reasons for not liking this; I
almost think that to be prevented going among the
heathen as a missionary would break my heart. Whether it
be self-will or aught else, I cannot yet rightly ascertain. At
all events I must learn submission to everything. In the
multitude of my thoughts Thy comforts delight my soul. I
have been running the hurried round of thought without
God. I have forgotten that He ordereth everything. I have
been bearing the burden of my cares myself, instead of
casting them all upon Him. Mr. Brown came in to-day from
Serampore, and gave me directions how to proceed;
continued at home writing to E. In the afternoon went on
board, but without being able to get my things away.
Much of the rest of the day passed in conversation with
Mr. Brown. I feel pressed in spirit to do something for
God. Everybody is diligent, but I am idle; all employed in
their proper work, but I tossed in uncertainty; I want
nothing but grace; I want to be perfectly holy, and to save
myself and those that hear me. I have hitherto lived to
little purpose, more like a clod than a servant of God; now
let me burn out for God.
 FOOTNOTES:
[19] An Abstract of the Annual Reports and Correspondence of the
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge from 1709 to 1814. London,
1814, pp. 4-24.
[20] See a remarkable letter from Mr. Burke to Yuseph Emin, an
Armenian of Calcutta, in Simeon’s Memorial Sketches of David Brown, p.
334.
[21] Simeon thus introduced him to Dr. Kerr, in a private letter quoted by
a later Madras chaplain, Rev. James Hough, in his valuable five volumes
on The History of Christianity in India: ‘Our excellent friend, Mr. Martyn,
lived five months with me, and a more heavenly-minded young man I
never saw.’ In the same year, the Rev. Marmaduke Thompson, an
evangelical chaplain, arrived in Madras viâ Calcutta.
 CHAPTER V
CALCUTTA AND SERAMPORE, 1806

‘Now let me burn out for God!’ Such were the words with which
Henry Martyn began his ministry to natives and Europeans in North
India, as in the secrecy of prayer he reviewed his first two days in
Calcutta. Chaplain though he was, officially, at the most intolerant
time of the East India Company’s administration, he was above all
things a missionary. Charles Simeon had chosen him, and Charles
Grant had sent him out, for this as well as his purely professional
duty, and it never occurred to him that he could be anything else. He
burned to bring all men to the same peace with God and service to
Him which he himself had for seven years enjoyed. We find him
recording his great delight, now at an extract sent to him from the
East India Company’s Charter, doubtless the old one from William
III., ‘authorising and even requiring me to teach the natives,’ and
again on receiving a letter from Corrie, ‘exulting with thankfulness
and joy that Dr. Kerr was preaching the Gospel. Eight such chaplains
in India! this is precious news indeed.’ Even up to the present time
no Christian in India has ever recognised so fully, or carried out in a
brief time so unrestingly, his duty to natives and Europeans alike as
sinners to be saved by Jesus Christ alone.
Henry Martyn’s first Sunday in Calcutta was spent in worship in St.
Johns, the ‘new church,’ when Mr. Jefferies read one part and Mr.
Limerick another of the service, and Mr. Brown preached. Midday
was spent with ‘a pious family where we had some agreeable and
religious conversation, but their wish to keep me from the work of
the mission and retain me at Calcutta was carried farther than mere
civility, and showed an extraordinary unconcern for the souls of the
poor heathens.’ In the evening, though unwell with a cold and sore
throat, he ventured to read the service in the mission or old church
of Kiernander. He was there ‘agreeably surprised at the number,
attention, and apparent liveliness of the audience. Most of the young
ministers that I know would rejoice to come from England if they
knew how attractive every circumstance is respecting the church.’
Next day he was presented at the levée of Sir George Barlow, acting
Governor-General, ‘who, after one or two trifling questions, passed
on.’ He then spent some time in the College of Fort William, where
he was shown Tipoo’s library, and one of the Mohammedan
professors—a colleague of Carey—chanted the Koran. Thence he
was rowed with the tide, in an hour and a half, sixteen miles up the
Hoogli to Aldeen, the house of Rev. David Brown in the suburb of
Serampore, which became his home in Lower Bengal. On the next
two Sundays he preached in the old church of Calcutta, and in the
new church ‘officiated at the Sacrament with Mr. Limerick.’ It was on
June 8 that he preached in the new church, for the first time, his
famous sermon from 1 Cor. i. 23, 24, on ‘Christ crucified, unto the
Jews a stumblingblock, and unto the Greeks foolishness; but unto
them which are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of
God, and the wisdom of God.’
This is his own account of the immediate result:

1806, June 8.—The sermon excited no small ferment;

however, after some looks of surprise and whispering, the
congregation became attentive and serious. I knew what I
was to be on my guard against, and therefore, that I
might not have my mind full of idle thoughts about the
opinions of men, I prayed both before and after, that the
Word might be for the conversion of souls, and that I
might feel indifferent, except on this score.
We cannot describe the sermon, as it was published after his death,
and again in 1862, more correctly than by comparing it to one of Mr.
Spurgeon’s, save that, in style, it is a little more academic and a little
less Saxon or homely. But never before had the high officials and
prosperous residents of Calcutta, who attended the church which
had become ‘fashionable’ since the Marquess Wellesley set the
example of regular attendance, heard the evangel preached. The
chaplains had been and were of the Arian and Pelagian type
common in the Church till a later period. They at once commenced
an assault on their young colleague and on the doctrines by which
Luther and Calvin had reformed the Churches of Christendom. This
was the conclusion of the hated sermon:

There is, in every congregation, a large proportion of Jews

and Greeks. There are persons who resemble the Jews in
self-righteousness; who, after hearing the doctrines of
grace insisted on for years, yet see no occasion at all for
changing the ground of their hopes. They seek
righteousness ‘not by faith, but as it were by the works of
the law: for they stumble at that stumbling-stone’ (Rom.
ix. 32); or, perhaps, after going a little way in the
profession of the Gospel, they take offence at the rigour of
the practice which we require, as if the Gospel did not
enjoin it. ‘This is a hard saying,’ they complain; ‘who can
hear it?’ (John vi. 60), and thus resemble those who first
made the complaint, who ‘went back and walked no more
with Him.’
Others come to carp and to criticise. While heretics who
deny the Lord that bought them, open infidels, professed
atheists, grossly wicked men, are considered as entitled to
candour, liberality, and respect, they are pleased to make
serious professors of the Gospel exclusively objects of
contempt, and set down their discourses on the mysteries
of faith as idle and senseless jargon. Alas! how miserably
dark and perverse must they be who think thus of that
Gospel which unites all the power and wisdom of God in
it. After God has arranged all the parts of His plan, so as
to make it the best which in His wisdom could be devised
for the restoration of man, how pitiable their stupidity and
ignorance to whom it is foolishness! And, let us add, how
miserable will be their end! because they not only are
condemned already, and the wrath of God abideth on
them, but they incur tenfold danger: they not only remain
without a remedy to their maladies, but have the guilt of
rejecting it when offered to them. This is their danger, that
there is always a stumbling-block in the way: the further
they go, the nearer are they to their fall. They are always
exposed to sudden, unexpected destruction. They cannot
foresee one moment whether they shall stand or fall the
next; and when they do fall they fall at once without
warning. Their feet shall slide in due time. Just shame is it
to the sons of men, that He whose delight it was to do
them good, and who so loved them as to shed His blood
for them, should have so many in the world to despise
and reject His offers; but thus is the ancient Scripture
fulfilled—‘The natural man receiveth not the things of the
Spirit of God’ (1 Cor. ii. 14).
Tremble at your state, all ye that from self-righteousness,
or pride, or unwillingness to follow Him in the
regeneration, disregard Christ! Nothing keeps you one
moment from perdition but the mere sovereign pleasure
of God. Yet suppose not that we take pleasure in
contradicting your natural sentiments on religion, or in
giving pain by forcing offensive truths upon your attention
—no! as the ministers of joy and peace we rise up at the
command of God, to preach Christ crucified to you all. He
died for His bitterest enemies: therefore, though ye have
been Jews or Greeks, self-righteous, ignorant, or profane
—though ye have presumed to call His truths in question,
 treated the Bible with contempt, or even chosen to prefer
an idol to the Saviour—yet return, at length, before you
die, and God is willing to forgive you.
How happy is the condition of those who obey the call of
the Gospel. Their hope being placed on that way of
salvation which is the power and wisdom of God, on what
a broad, firm basis doth it rest! Heaven and earth may
pass away, though much of the power and wisdom of God
was employed in erecting that fabric; but the power and
wisdom themselves of God must be cut off from His
immutable essence, and pass away, before one tittle of
your hope can fail. Then rejoice, ye children of Wisdom,
by whom she is justified. Happy are your eyes, for they
see; and your ears, for they hear; and the things which
God hath hidden from the wise and prudent, He hath
revealed unto you. Ye were righteous in your own esteem;
but ye ‘count all things but loss for the excellency of the
knowledge of Christ Jesus our Lord.’ Then be not ashamed
of the Gospel of Christ, ‘which is the power of God unto
salvation unto every one that believeth’; but continue to
display its efficacy by the holiness of your lives, and live
rejoicing in hope of the glory of God.

The opposition of the officers and many of the troops on board the
transport had made the preacher familiar with attack and
misrepresentation, but not less faithful in expounding the Gospel of
the grace of God as he himself had received it to his joy, and for his
service to the death. But the ministrations of David Brown for some
years might have been expected to have made the civilians and
merchants of Calcutta more tolerant, if not more intelligent. They
were, however, incited or led by the two other chaplains thus:
1806, June 16.—Heard that Dr. Ward had made an
intemperate attack upon me yesterday at the new church,
and upon all the doctrines of the Gospel. I felt like the
rest, disposed to be entertained at it; but I knew it to be
wrong, and therefore found it far sweeter to retire and
pray, with my mind fixed upon the more awful things of
another world.
June 22.—Attended at the new church, and heard Mr.
Jefferies on the evidences of Christianity. I had laboured
much in prayer in the morning that God would be pleased
to keep my heart during the service from thinking about
men, and I could say as I was going, ‘I will go up to Thy
house in the multitude of Thy mercies, and in Thy fear will
I worship toward Thy holy temple.’ In public worship I was
rather more heavenly-minded than on former occasions,
yet still vain and wandering. At night preached on John x.
11: ‘I am the good shepherd;’ there was great attention.
Yet felt a little dejected afterwards, as if I always preached
without doing good.
July 6.—Laboured to have my mind impressed with holy
things, particularly because I expected to have a personal
attack from the pulpit. Mr. Limerick preached from 2 Pet. i.
13, and spoke with sufficient plainness against me and my
doctrines. Called them inconsistent, extravagant, and
absurd. He drew a vast variety of false inferences from the
doctrines, and thence argued against the doctrines
themselves. To say that repentance is the gift of God was
to induce men to sit still and wait for God. To teach that
Nature was wholly corrupt was to lead men to despair;
that men thinking the righteousness of Christ sufficient to
justify, will account it unnecessary to have any of their
own: this last assertion moved me considerably, and I
started at hearing such downright heresy. He spoke of me
as one of those who understand neither what they say nor
whereof they affirm, and as speaking only to gratify self-
sufficiency, pride, and uncharitableness. I rejoiced at
having the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper afterwards, as
the solemnities of that blessed ordinance sweetly tended
to soothe the asperities and dissipate the contempt which
was rising; and I think I administered the cup to —— and
—— with sincere good-will. At night I preached on John iv.
10, at the mission church, and, blessed be God! with an
enlarged heart. I saw —— in tears, and that encouraged
me to hope that perhaps some were savingly affected, but
I feel no desire except that my God should be glorified. If
any are awakened at hearing me, let me not hear of it if I
should glory.
August 24.—At the new church, Mr. Jefferies preached. I
preached in the evening on Matt. xi. 28, without much
heart, yet the people as attentive as possible.
August 25.—Called on Mr. Limerick and Mr. Birch; with the
latter I had a good deal of conversation on the
practicability of establishing schools, and uniting in a
society. An officer who was there took upon him to call in
question the lawfulness of interfering with the religion of
the natives, and said that at Delhi the Christians were
some of the worst people there. I was glad at the
prospect of meeting with these Christians. The Lord
enabled me to speak boldly to the man, and to silence
him. From thence I went to the Governor-General’s levée,
and received great attention from him, as, indeed, from
most others here. Perhaps it is a snare of Satan to stop
my mouth, and make me unwilling to preach faithfully to
them. The Lord have mercy, and quicken me to diligence.
August 26.—At night Marshman came, and our
conversation was very refreshing and profitable. Truly the
love of God is the happiness of the soul! My soul felt much
 sweetness at this thought, and breathed after God. At
midnight Marshman came to the pagoda, and awakened
me with the information that Sir G. Barlow had sent word
to Carey not to disperse any more tracts nor send out
more native brethren, or in any way interfere with the
prejudices of the natives. We did not know what to make
of this; the subject so excited me that I was again
deprived of necessary sleep.
August 28.—Enjoyed much comfort in my soul this
morning, and ardour for my work, but afterwards
consciousness of indolence and unprofitableness made me
uneasy. In the evening Mr. Marshman, Ward, Moore, and
Rowe came up and talked with us on the Governor’s
prohibition of preaching the Gospel, &c. Mr. Brown’s
advice was full of wisdom, and weighed with them all. I
was exceedingly excited, and spoke with vehemence
against the measures of government, which afterwards
filled me justly with shame.

The earnestness of the young chaplain was such that ‘the people of
Calcutta,’ or all the Evangelicals, joined even by the Baptist
missionaries at Serampore, gave him no rest that he might consent
to become minister of the mission or old church, with a chaplain’s
salary and house. Dr. Marshman urged that thus he might create a
missionary spirit and organise missionary undertakings of more value
to the natives than the preaching of any one man. But he remained
deaf to the temptation, while he passed on the call to Cousin T.
Hitchins and Emma, at Plymouth. His call was not to preach even in
the metropolis of British India, the centre of Southern Asia; but,
through their own languages, to set in motion a force which must
win North India, Arabia, and Persia to Christ, while by his death he
should stir up the great Church of England to do its duty.
 PAGODA, ALDEEN HOUSE
Serampore was the scene of his praying, his communing, and his
studying, while every Sunday was given to his duties in Calcutta, as
he waited five months for his first appointment to a military station.
David Brown had not long before acquired Aldeen House, with its
tropical garden and English-like lawn sloping down to the river,
nearly opposite the Governor-General’s summer-house and park of
Barrackpore. Connected with the garden was the old and
architecturally picturesque temple of the idol Radha-bullub, which
had been removed farther inland because the safety of the shrine
was imperilled by the river. But the temple still stands, in spite of the
rapid Hoogli at its base, and the more destructive peepul tree which
has spread over its massive dome. In 1854, when the present writer
first visited the now historic spot, even the platform above the river
was secure, but that has since disappeared, with much of the fine
brick moulding and tracery work. Here was the young saint’s home;
ever since it has been known as Henry Martyn’s Pagoda, and has
been an object of interest to hundreds of visitors from Europe and
America.

A BRICK FROM HENRY MARTYN’S

PAGODA
Henry Martyn became one of David Brown’s family, with whom he
kept up the most loving correspondence almost to his death. But he
spent even more time with the already experienced missionaries
who formed the famous brotherhood a little farther up the right
bank of the Hoogli. Carey thus wrote of him, knowing nothing of the
fact that it was his own earlier reports which, in Simeon’s hands, had
first led Martyn to desire the missionary career: ‘A young clergyman,
Mr. Martyn, is lately arrived, who is possessed of a truly missionary
spirit. He lives at present with Mr. Brown, and as the image or
shadow of bigotry is not known among us here, we take sweet
counsel together and go to the house of God as friends.’ Later on,
the founder of the Modern Missionary enterprise, who desired to
send a missionary to every great centre in North India, declared of
the Anglican chaplain that, wherever he went no other missionary
would be needed. The late Mr. John Clark Marshman, C.S.I., who as
a lad saw them daily, wrote: ‘A strong feeling of sympathy drew him
into a close intimacy with Dr. Marshman, and they might be often
seen walking arm in arm, for hours together, on the banks of the
river between Aldeen House and the Mission House.’ To the last he
addressed Dr. Marshman, in frequent letters, as his ‘dear brother,’
anticipating the catholic tenderness of Bishop Heber.[22] Martyn
attended those family lectures of Ward on the Hindus which resulted
in his great book on the subject. In the Pagoda, ‘Carey, Marshman,
and Ward joined in the same chorus of praise with Brown, Martyn,
and Corrie.’ Martyn himself gives us these exquisite unconscious
pictures of Christian life in Serampore, in which all true missionaries
face to face with the common enemy have followed the giants of
those days.

1806, May 19.—In the cool of the evening we walked to

the mission-house, a few hundred yards off, and I at last
saw the place about which I have so long read with
pleasure. I was introduced to all the missionaries. We sat
down about one hundred and fifty to tea, at several long
tables in an immense room. After this there was evening
service in another room adjoining, by Mr. Ward. Mr.
Marshman then delivered his lecture on grammar. As his
observations were chiefly confined to the Greek, and
seemed intended for the young missionaries, I was rather
disappointed, having expected to hear something about
the Oriental languages. With Mr. M. alone I had much
conversation, and received the first encouragement to be