THE COMPOSITION OF EUSEBIUS' "ONOMASTICON"

Author(s): T. D. Barnes
Source: The Journal of Theological Studies , OCTOBER 1975, NEW SERIES, Vol. 26, No. 2
(OCTOBER 1975), pp. 412-415
Published by: Oxford University Press

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 412 NOTES AND STUDIES
section of the D.I. Lactantius is talking, as he is
the nature of the soul, so that the contexts a
second poet will then be Varro.
But which Varro? Of Atax or Reate? Before
that, it needs to be established that whichever i
probably never read him, at least at first han
'quotations' (e.g. from Lucilius, Propertius, L
writers), this allusion is almost certainly der
F. A. Schob, for one, saw in his dissertation V
seine literar-historischen Abschnitte (1908), p. 9
naturally and certainly knew—Quintilian 1.
Graecis, Varronem ac Lucretium in Latinis qu
versibus tradiderunt'. (Varro and Lucretius a
'auctores carminum' in Veil. Pat 2. 36. 2.)
Lactantius' motive in citing 'Varro' was simply
and authority to his exposition of the soul. I
invokes Hermes Trismegistus and Sallust. He him
it was the Varro with whose other works he was so familiar—Varro of
Reate. But in fact, as Schôb argued, Varro of Atax is much more likely.
He touched on philosophical matters in his poetry (Cic. Acad. 1. 9;
Suetonius fr. 94 Reiff) and was well acquainted with Greek literature.
His reputation stood high in the first century of the empire.
If so, Lactantius' method of working is clearly revealed: for he had
certainly never read Varro of Atax. A very close parallel is his citation of
historians at 1. 13. 8 'res in Italia gestae memoriae prodiderunt, Graeci
Diodorus et Thallus, Latini Nepos et Cassius et Varro.' Had he read
Thallus and Cassius? No. The reference is taken from Min. Fel. 21. 4
('scit hoc Nepos et Cassius in historia, et Thallus ac Diodorus hoc
loquuntur')—with the addition of Varro of Reate whom he did know
well. R. M. Ogilvie

THE COMPOSITION OF EUSEBIUS'

ONOMASTICON

Eusebius composed a gazetteer of biblical place-names which

to be of invaluable assistance even to modern students of the Old
Testament. Its original title is unwieldy (Ilepl τών τοπικών ονομάτων
των εν τ-rj θεία γραφή) and the work conventionally bears the inauthentic
but compendious title Onomasticon'. The text, with Jerome's transla
tion en face, was excellently edited by E. Klostermann in 1904 (G.C.S.,
Eusebius Werke, iii. 1 : Das Onomastikon der biblischen Ortsnamen), and

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 4x3

at about the same time P. Thomsen produced tw

contents.1 By its very nature, the Onomasticon h
Palestine of Eusebius' own day than to biblical ti
date would be worth knowing, in view of two types
Eusebius describes three villages as having a who
tion, viz. Anaia (p. 26. 13-14 Klostermann), Jethei
(p. 108. 1-3), and Karaiatha or Kariathaim (Num
Medaba in Arabia (p. 112. 15-16).* In several place
detachments of Roman troops or to military garr
it might make some historical difference whethe
a situation which obtained c. 320 or at the close o
It has long been recognized that the Onomastico
324: not only is little said about Christianity in g
mention whatever of Constantine's buildings in
Eusebius describes the pagan ceremonies at the s
as still continuing (p. 76. 1-3 : καϊ ύπό των εθνών θ
suppressed, and a church was built, very soon af
Const, iii. 53 ; Socrates, H.E. i. 18. 5 ff. ; Sozome
how long before 324 was Eusebius writing? It m
an approximate date if the following three entr
terms of how the Onomasticon was probably prod
Άρκέμ· κατά Ίώσιππον αϋτη εστίν Πέτρα πόλις
στίνης (ρ. 36. 13-14)7
Πέτρα· πόλις έν γη Έδώμ της Αραβίας, ητις επεκ
'Ρεκέμ παρά Άσσυρίοις ονομάζεται (ρ. 142.
'Ρεκέμ■ αυτή εστίν Πέτρα πόλις της Αραβίας, ής
άνεΐλον οί υιοί 'Ισραήλ, λέγεται 8ε και αυτός
(ρ. ΐ44· 7-9)

1 P. Thomsen, 'Palâstina nach dem Onomastikon de

des deutschen Palastina-Vereins, xxvi (1903), pp. 97-
Verzeichnis der im I. bis 6. Jahrhundert erwàhnten Ortsc
Among subsequent studies, note esp. M. Noth, 'Die t
im Onomastikon des Eusebius', Zeitschrift des deuts
lxvi (1943)» PP· 32-63.
2 On these places, see A. Harnack, Mission und Ausbre
(1924). PP· 650 f·, 701.
2 Listed by Thomsen, op. cit. (1903), pp. 162-3.
* Eusebius records the presence of Legio X at Aila (p
ably transferred there from Jerusalem under Diocletia
xii (1925), col. 1674. 5 P. Thomsen, op cit. (1903), p. 101.
6 W. Hôlscher, R.E. xiv (1929), cols. 964-5, s.v. Mamre.
7 This entry poses a problem: it occurs between Asimath (2 Kings xvii. 30)
and Adramelech (2 Kings xvii. 31), but Arkem occurs there in neither the
Hebrew text nor the Septuagint.
4011 C 74 Ε e

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 414 NOTES AND STUDIES

Although the three entries must always have o

the completed Onomasticon, they were presumab
order. For they relate to names which occur in
xvii. 30, Judges i. 36, and Numbers xxxi. 8
compiled the work by going through the Bible
entries for each letter are arranged book by bo
in the order of their occurrence, so that, for in
under tau are Tigris (Genesis ii. 14), the terebi
xxxv. 4), Tina (Joshua xv. 22),2 Telem (Joshua x
xv. 29),3 Tyre (Joshua xix. 35), Tabbath (Judge
xi. 3), Topheth (2 Kings xxiii. xo), Tanis (Is
comment 'in Isaiah and in Ezekiel', Taphnas
comment 'in Hosea and in Ezekiel and in Jerem
(Luke iii. 1).
One of the three entries quoted reflects a very recent administrative
change: at some date before 307 the portion of the Trajanic province of
Arabia surrounding Petra was attached to Palestine (Eusebius, Mart.
Pal. 7. 2),6 almost certainly after existing briefly as a separate province,
under the presumed title of Arabia Petraea.7 Since the passage of Jose
phus which Eusebius adduces to prove the identity of Arkem and Petra
states that the city which bears the name of Rekem 'ranks highest in the
land of the Arabs' (A.J. iv. 161), the change must be conscious and
1 As the preface implies, p. 2. 17-20: από πάσης μεν ουν της θεοπνεάστου γραφής
άναλεζω τα ζητούμενα, εκθήσομαι δε κατά στοίχε ϊον έκαστα εις ενχερη κατάληφιν των
σποράδην εν τοις άναγνώμασιν υποπιπτόντων. The entry for Kadesh-barnea
(Numbers xxxii. 8) also describes Petra as 'a city of Arabia' (p. 112. 8-9).
2 An error for 'Kina', which is also registered (p. 114. 14).
3 Klostermann tentatively identified 'Tessam' as an error for 'Esan' in
Joshua xv. 52, which is also registered under epsilon (p. 86. 10). Professor
J. W. Wevers has pointed out to me another and better identification, as an
error for 'Asem' (Joshua xv. 29), which Eusebius does not enter elsewhere.
* Eusebius enters both the Hebrew 'Taphnas' and the LXX Memphis
(p· 134· 4/5)·
3 Ezekiel xxx. 18; Jeremiah xliii. 7-8; li. 1. The reversed order results
from Eusebius' desire to gloss the reference to Jeremiah: ενθα κατοίκησαν οί μετά
'Ιερεμίου είσελβόντες εις Αίγυπτον Ιουδαίοι (ρ. 164. 25-6).
6 F. Μ. Abel, Géographie de la Palestine, ii3 (1967), p. 169, dates the incor
poration of Petra, Aila, and Phaeno in Palestine 'vers 295'.
7 Hence the three provinces in the Verona List 'Arabia, item Arabia, Augusta
Libanensis', cf. A. Alt, Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastina-Vereins, Ixxi (1955),
pp. 173-86; G. W. Bowersock, J.R.S. lxi (1971), p. 242; T. D. Barnes, Zeit
schrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik, xvi (1975), p. 277. Most of the evidence
relating to the Roman provincial divisions of southern Palestine and Arabia was
collected and discussed by R. E. Briinnow and A. von Domaszewski, Die
Provincia Arabia, iii (1909), pp. 264-80. They missed, however, Eusebius, In Is.
xlii. II : και Πέτρα δε τις εστί πόλις Παλαιστίνης δεισιδαιμόνων ανδρών και πολλή τη
πλάνη τη δαιμονική βεβαπτισμενη (P.G. xxiv, col. 392)·

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 NOTES AND STUDIES 415
deliberate. On the other hand, since Petra had b
centuries, the statements to that effect in the e
Petra might be ascribed to habit, carelessness, or
if these two entries were written earlier than t
possible that all three in fact reflect current adm
when Eusebius originally wrote them. If this hyp
two important conclusions follow: Eusebius comp
over a relatively long period of time, and he com
c. 300, perhaps even earlier.2
Such an early date for the Onomasticon can also
general grounds. The Onomasticon was the fourt
work, of which the first three parts comprised
Hebrew names in the Bible for places outside th
tion of Judaea showing the divisions of the Twel
the topography of Jerusalem (p. 2. 4 ff.). It is no
altogether impossible) to imagine Eusebius engage
of this sort either during the decade of persecu
the following years, when the Praeparatio and De
were being composed. On the other side, it is no
Jerome's statement that Eusebius wrote the O
Chronicle and the Ecclesiastical History (p. 3. 1 f
that the Onomasticon was written after 303.3 If
genuine fact, the deduction should proceed in th
to the conclusion that Eusebius produced the fir
major historical works beforeT.303.
D. Barnes

THE COMMENTARY ON HEBREWS AND

THE CONTRA THEODORUM OF CYRIL OF
ALEXANDRIA

When did Cyril of Alexandria first turn his attention from Nestor
Theodore? The question has a clear bearing on the understand
both the coherence and the purpose of the Cyrilline programme i
1 F. M. Abel, Géographie de la Palestine, ii3 (1967), p. 169.
2 Note, however, the entry for Αίλάμ (Genesis xiv. 1) : èv έσχατοι? {Παλαιστίνης
. . . ίγκάθηται St αυτόθι τάγμα 'Ρωμαίων το δόκατον (ρ. 6. 17 ff·)· Οη the hypothes
advanced here, either the supplement of Vallarsi and Klostermann must be
rejected (despite Jerome's in extremis finibus Palestinaé) or revision by th
author postulated.
3 E. Schwartz appears to have adopted a date after 313 when he declared that
the Onomasticon was written 'im Auftrag des Bischofs Paulinus, also unter
Licinius oder in den ersten Jahren Constantins' (R.E. vi (1909), col. 1434).

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