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Chapter 06 Job Design and Performance Answer Key
True / False Questions
1. The term "job redesign" specifically refers to any instance in which management specifies the duties
and responsibilities of a job.
FALSE
Job design refers to the first instance in which management creates a job by specifying its duties and
responsibilities. Subsequent instances are called a redesign.
Accessibility: Keyboard Navigation

Difficulty: 2 Medium
Learning Objective: 06-01 Describe the relationship between job design and quality of work life.
Topic: Chapter Introduction
2. As used in the text, the term job design refers to a one-time, static process.
FALSE
Job design is an ongoing, dynamic process.

Learning Objective: 06-02 Summarize the key components in the general model of job design.
Topic: Chapter Introduction
3. The trade-offs between the gains in human terms from improved quality of work life and the gains in
economic terms from revitalization aren't fully known.
TRUE
Topic: Job Design and Quality of Work Life
4. According to the "General Model of Job Design" perceived job content leads to job performance.
TRUE
Topic: A General Model of Job Design
5. Performing a job can sometimes result in health problems for the worker.
TRUE
Difficulty: 1 Easy
Learning Objective: 06-03 Identify the key elements linking job design and performance.
Topic: Job Performance Outcomes
6-1
Copyright © 2014 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of
McGraw-Hill Education.
6. Jobs can provide intrinsic or extrinsic outcomes, but not both.
FALSE
Most jobs provide opportunities for both intrinsic and extrinsic outcomes.

Difficulty: 1 Easy
7. Job satisfaction depends on the levels of intrinsic and extrinsic outcomes and how the job-holder views
those outcomes.
TRUE
8. It's generally held that extrinsic rewards reinforce intrinsic rewards in a positive direction when the
individual can attribute the source of the extrinsic reward to her own efforts.
TRUE
Difficulty: 1 Easy
9. Job depth reflects the amount of control that an individual has to alter or influence the job and the
surrounding environment.
TRUE
Learning Objective: 06-04 Compare the job design concepts of range and depth.
Topic: Job Designs: Range, Depth, and Relationships
10. Job depth reflects the number of operations that a job occupant performs to complete a task.
FALSE
The number of operations that a job occupant performs to complete a task is job range.

11. An employee with the same job title, who is at the same organizational level as another employee, may
possess more, less, or the same job depth.
TRUE
6-2
12. Without the opportunity to communicate, people will be unable to establish cohesive work groups.
TRUE
Difficulty: 1 Easy
13. Product, territory, and customer departments are comprised of jobs that are quite similar (homogenous).
FALSE
Jobs in product, territory, and customer departments are quite different (heterogeneous).

14. Job designs describe the objective characteristics of jobs.
TRUE
15. Managers cannot understand the causes of job performance without considering the social setting in
which the job is performed.
TRUE
Learning Objective: 06-05 Give examples of how managers can influence how employees perceive their jobs.
Topic: The Way People Perceive Their Jobs
16. Employees with relatively weak higher-order needs are more concerned with performing a variety of
tasks than are employees with relatively strong growth needs.
TRUE
Employees with relatively weak higher-order needs are less concerned with performing a variety of
tasks than are employees with strong growth needs.

Learning Objective: 06-06 Explain the differences between job rotation; job enlargement; and job enrichment.
Topic: Designing Job Range: Job Rotation and Job Enlargement
17. Managers expecting higher performance to result from increased task variety will be disappointed if the
jobholders do not have strong growth needs.
TRUE
Difficulty: 1 Easy
6-3
18. Performance will turn down as individuals reach the limits imposed by their abilities and time.
TRUE
19. If an individual perceives a job as boring, job performance will suffer.
TRUE
Difficulty: 1 Easy
20. The relationship between performance and task variety is likely to be linear.
FALSE
The relationship between performance and task variety (even for individuals with high growth needs) is
likely to be curvilinear.

Difficulty: 3 Hard
Topic: Increasing Range in Jobs: Job Rotation and Job Enlargement
21. Job enlargement strategies focus on dividing work into more specialized tasks.
FALSE
Job enlargement focuses on increasing the number of tasks a worker performs, not on dividing work.

22. Job enlargement is a necessary precondition for job enrichment.
TRUE
23. Job enrichment and job enlargement are competing strategies.
FALSE
Job enrichment necessarily involves job enlargement.

6-4
24. Higher-level needs regain importance when the economy moves through periods of recession and high
inflation.
FALSE
During periods of recession and high inflation, lower-level needs, such as obtaining food and shelter,
regain importance.

Topic: Increasing Depth in Jobs: Job Enrichment
25. Self-managed teams (SMT) represent a job enrichment approach at the group level.
TRUE
Multiple Choice Questions
26. The impetus for designing job depth was provided by _____________ theory of motivation.
A. Vroom's
B. Locke's
C. Maslow's hierarchy
D. Herzberg's two-factor

27. The concept of quality of work life (QWL) is widely used to refer to a philosophy of management that
does all of the following except:
A. Streamlines and standardizes the job

B. Enhances the dignity of all workers
C. Introduces changes in an organization's culture
D. Improves the physical and emotional well-being of employees

6-5
28. Job design attempts to ______________.
A. identify the most important needs of employers and organization

B. remove employees in the workplace that frustrate the needs of the organization and employees
C. match applicants to positions
D. All of the choices are correct.

29. Perceived job content is influenced by:
A. Job design
B. Individual differences
C. Social setting differences
D. All of the above.

30. According to the "General Model of Job Design" job performance is influenced by:
A. perceived job content

B. personalized job content
C. extra-organizational job content

31. All of the following are typically thought of as "objective" measures except:
A. Output
B. Tardiness
C. Turnover
D. Job satisfaction

6-6
32. Contemporary job design theory defines intrinsic motivation in terms of the employee's
_______________ to achieve outcomes from the application of individual ability and talent.
A. potential
B. empowerment
C. incentives
D. directives

33. All of the following are considered extrinsic outcomes of a job except:
A. Pay
B. Co-workers
C. Feeling challenged
D. Working conditions

Difficulty: 1 Easy
34. People differ in the extent that _______________.
A. they view work is a central life interest

B. they perceive work as central to self-esteem
C. they perceive work as consistent with self-concept

Difficulty: 1 Easy
35. Job __________ has been defined as the feelings beliefs and attitudes that employees have regarding
their jobs.
A. satisfaction
B. depth
C. joy
D. EQ

6-7
36. An individual who executes eight tasks to perform a job has a wider job _______ than a person
executing four.
A. specification
B. range
C. diversity
D. richness

37. Mike's position requires the use of more discretion than Jack's. Mike's position could be characterized as
having greater job _______.
A. depth
B. range
C. diversity
D. "Q"

38. An employee with the same job title who's at the same organizational level as another employee may
possess __________ job depth because of personal influence.
A. more
B. less
C. the same amount of
D. All of the above

39. Job designs specify all of the following job characteristics except:
A. Range
B. Depth
C. Relationships
D. Specific duties

6-8
40. Which of the following jobs would have the highest job depth?
A. Assembly-line worker
B. Bookkeeper
C. Chief of surgery
D. Anesthesiologist

41. A management initiative is increasing the number of tasks jobholders perform. Management is
increasing _________.
A. job range
B. job depth
C. task diversity
D. task range

42. A management initiative is increasing the amount of discretion individuals have to decide job activities
and outcomes. Management is increasing _________.
A. job range
B. job depth
C. task diversity
D. task range

43. There are ____________ precise equations that managers can use to decide job range and depth.
A. multiple
B. specific
C. no
D. three

6-9
44. A position with a wider ______________ means it has more direct reports.
A. job depth
B. job span
C. span of control
D. control depth

45. It is easier for people with _______________ backgrounds, skills, and training to establish social
relationships that are satisfying with less stress.
A. university
B. heterogeneous
C. homogeneous
D. dissimilar

46. Individuals who work in __________ departments experience feelings of dissatisfaction and stress more
intensely than those in ________, functional departments.
A. heterogeneous, homogeneous
B. homogeneous, heterogeneous
C. heterogeneous, heterogenic
D. heterogenic, hologynic

Difficulty: 3 Hard
47. Highly specialized jobs are those having all of the following except:
A. Few tasks to accomplish

B. Job-specific rules
C. Job-specific procedures
D. Discretion over means and ends

6-10
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48. In _______________ departments, people will be doing much the same specialty.
A. customer
B. functional
C. product
D. territory

49. Job design describes the _________ characteristics of jobs.
A. perceived
B. objective
C. true
D. All of the above

50. Taylor proposed that the way to improve work is to determine _________.
A. a variety of comparable methods to do a task

B. determine the standard time for the completion of tasks
C. incorporate social factors into work design
D. All of the responses are correct.

51. The pioneering effort to measure perceived job content through employee responses to a questionnaire
resulted in the identification of __________ characteristics.
A. two
B. three
C. five
D. six

6-11
52. RTAI is an acronym for _____________.
A. Requisite Task Attribute Index

B. Revised Task Attribute Index
C. Revised Task and Authority Index
D. Relationship Task and Authority Index

53. Organization behavior researchers have attempted to measure perceived job content in a variety of work
settings, primarily through _______________.
A. face-to-face interviews
B. observation
C. questionnaires
D. time and motion studies

54. Variety, task identity, and feedback are perceptions of job _______________.
A. range
B. depth
C. relationships
D. autonomy

Difficulty: 3 Hard
55. Employees sharing similar _______________ should report similar job characteristics.
A. perceptions
B. job designs
C. social settings

6-12
56. Managers of General Electric, Ford, and Deloitte Services LP all utilized different forms of the
_______________ strategy.
A. job enlargement
B. job rotation
C. job redesign
D. job enhancement

Difficulty: 3 Hard
57. Research studies have pointed out, how one perceives a job is _______ affected by what other people
say about it.
A. generally not
B. weakly
C. inversely
D. greatly

58. A disadvantage of job enlargement is that it __________.
A. may increase employee training requirements

B. typically leads to neutral to negative change in productivity
C. diminishes the work satisfaction of managers
D. All of the above are correct.

59. A pioneering Walker and Guest study found that many workers were dissatisfied with their highly
specialized jobs. In particular, they disliked:
A. Mechanical pacing
B. Repetitiveness of operations
C. A lack of a sense of accomplishment

Learning Objective: 06-07 Discuss how quality is being designed into jobs today.
6-13
60. Increasing task variety should, according to recent studies, do all of the following except:
A. Increase employee satisfaction

B. Increase mental overload
C. Decrease the number of errors due to fatigue
D. Reduce the number of on-the-job injuries

61. If employees are amenable to job enlargement and have the requisite ability, then job enlargement
should _______________.
A. increase product quality

B. decrease absenteeism
C. decrease turnover

62. Job specialization is generally associated with _______________.
A. a low range and significant depth

B. a moderate amount of range and depth
C. a low depth and generally low range
D. None of the above, as there is no specific relationship between the constructs.

63. If employees are able to carry out enriched jobs and managers are willing to delegate authority,
performance gains can be expected. This positive outcome is the result of all of the following except:
A. Employees' increased expectations that efforts lead to performance

B. Employees' increased expectations that jobs will be further enriched
C. Employees' increased expectations that performance lead in rewards
D. Employees' expectations that the achieved rewards will lead to satisfied needs

6-14
64. Employees with a strong need for _______________ will respond more positively to job redesign
efforts than those with relatively weak growth needs.
A. accomplishment
B. learning
C. challenge

65. In the context of job design SMT is an acronym for _________.
A. social media teams

B. situational mediated teams
C. self-managed teams
D. solo-man team

Difficulty: 1 Easy
66. When switching from a traditional hierarchy structure to work teams, two notable barriers are resistance
and _______________.
A. misunderstanding
B. distrust
C. increased personnel needs
D. insufficient communication

67. One of the earliest forms of alternative work arrangements was _______________.
A. flex-time
B. telecommuting
C. the compressed work week
D. job sharing

6-15
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
We walked along the beach of the lagoon and found a road that
paralleled the one we had come. It was lower than the other and the
rain had flooded it. The water was brown and stagnant, even red in
pools, like blood. Uncanny things shot past my feet or crawled upon
them, and once something that had not the feel of anything I knew
of climbed the calf of my leg, and when I turned and saw it dimly I
leaped into the air and kicked it off. I heard it plop into the dark
water.
Down this marsh we plodded and paddled, floundered and
splashed for half a mile. The cocoanut-palms arched across it, but
there was not a person nor a habitation in view. I wondered why
“she the great cook” had led me into this morass. Momuni looked at
me mysteriously several times, and his lips moved as if he had been
about to speak.
He studied my countenance attentively, and several times he
patted and rubbed my back affectionately and said, “You damafina.”
Then, slimy and sloppy as I was, covered with the foul water up to
my waist, when we were in the darkest spot Momuni halted and
drew me under a palm.
He would either seek to borrow money or to cut my throat, I
thought hastily. Again he scanned me closely, and I, to soften his
heart and avert the evil, tried to appear firm and unafraid. To my
astonishment he took from his pocket five five-franc notes, those
ugly, red-inked bills which are current in all the Etablissements
Français de l’Oceanie, and held them under my nose. He smiled and
then made the motion of pulling a cork, and of a bottle’s contents
gurgling through his loose mouth and down his long neck.
I shuddered at my thoughts. Could it be that in this dry atoll, with
intoxicants forbidden, and prison the penalty of selling or giving
them to a native, this hospitable Niauan had offered me his bread
and shown me his oven, and the glories of the isle, and was
displaying those five red notes to seduce me into breaking the law,
into smuggling ashore a bottle of rum or wine?
I was determined to know the worst. I drew from my drawers (I
had worn no trousers) an imaginary corkscrew, and from my
undershirt an unsubstantial bottle. I pulled a supposititious cork, and
took a long drink of the unreal elixir. Momuni was transfixed. His
jaws worked, and his tongue extended. He squeezed my hand with
happiness and hope, and left in it the five scarlet tokens of the
Banque de l’Indo-Chine.
“Wina damafina; rumma damafina,” he confided. The man would
be content with anything, so it bit his throat and made him a king
for an evil hour.
Tomé was dealing out tobacco when we reached his store. His
wife and baby, an Irish-Penrhyn baby, were now eating a can of
salmon and Nabisco wafers.
“Who is this gentleman, Mr. Eustace?” I asked, pointing to
Momuni.
“He’s an omadhaun, a nuisance, that he is, sure,” said Tomé. “He’s
a Mormon deacon that peddles bread an’ buys his flour from some
one else because I won’t trust him. He’s the only Mormon in this
blessed island. Every last soul is a Roman Cat’lic, except me, and I’m
a believer in the leprechawn. Has that hooligan been thryin’ to work
ye for a bottle of rum? He’ll talk a day for a drink.”
“What’s Momuni and Popay?”
“Momuni is the way they say ‘Mormons.’ The other’s the pope wid
the accint on the last syllable. It’s the name for Cat’lics all over these
seas, because they worship the pope iv Rome. The Popays run this
island, but the Momunis have got Takaroa and some others by the
tail.”
I turned to look at my guide, the bread-maker. I had new
admiration for him. It took courage to be the one Mormon among a
hundred Catholics, and to try to sell them the staff of life. But he
could not withstand the withering glances of Tomé, and fled, with
gestures to me which I could only hazard to mean to meet him later
in the fearsome swamp, with the rum.
“Does Momuni owe you any money?” I asked the trader, who was
lighting his wife’s cigarette.
“Does he? He owes me forty francs for flour, and I’ll nivir see the
shadow iv them. I’ll tell ye, though, he’s the best baker in the Group,
an’ they’re crazy about his bread.”
Eustace had no cargo for us, and McHenry and I caught the last
boat for the Marara, Moet having stayed for one trip only.
“Come an’ shtay wid us a month or two,” said Tomé in farewell.
“We’ll make ye happy and find ye a sweetheart! ’Tis here ye can
shpend yer valibil time doin’ nawthin’ at all, at all.”
He laughed heartily at his joke on virtue, and as we dashed
through the surf to climb into the boat I turned to see him telling the
assembling villagers some story that might provoke a laugh and
keep their copra a monopoly for him.
CHAPTER III
Perilous navigation—Curious green sky—Arrival at Anaa—Religion and the movies

—Character of Paumotuans.
A CURRENT set against us all night. Now I understood fully the

alarms and misgivings that had caused the first and following
discoverers of the “Pernicious Islands” to curse them by the titles
they gave them. Our current was of the mischievous sort that upset
logarithms and dead reckoning, and put ships ashore.
“This group is a graveyard of vessels,” said McHenry, “and there’d
be ten times as many wrecked, if they come here. Wait till you see
the County of Roxburgh at Takaroa! I’ve been cruisin’ round here
more’n twenty years, and I never saw the current the same. The
Frog Government at Papeete is always talkin’ about puttin’
lighthouses on a half dozen of these atolls, but does nothin’. Maybe
the chief or a trader hangs a lantern on top of his house when he
expects a cargo for him, but you can’t trust those lights, and you
can’t see them in time to keep from hittin’ the reef. There’s no
leeway to run from a wind past beating. It’s lee shore in some
bloody direction all the time.
“There’s a foot or two between high and low, and it’s low in the
lagoon when the moon is full. It’s high when the moon rises and
when it sets. In atolls where there’s a pass into the lagoon, there’s a
hell of a current in the lagoon at the lowerin’ tide, and in the sea
near the lagoon when the tide is risin’. We’re goin’ to beat those
tides with engines. In five years every schooner in the group will
have an auxiliary. There’s only one now, the Fetia Taiao, and she’s
brand new. It used to be canoes, and then whale-boats, and then
cutters here, and purty soon it’ll be gasolene schooners.”
Then will the cry arise that romance has perished of artificiality.
But the heart of man is always the same, and nothing kills romance
but sloth.
We battled with the current and a fresh wind during the long, dark
hours, Jean Moet never leaving the deck, and I keeping him
company. Below on a settee Virginie said her beads or slept. I could
see her by the smudgy cabin lamp, and hear her call to her husband
two or three times, hours apart, “Ça va bien?” Jean would answer in
Tahitian, as to a sailor, “Maitai,” and invariably would follow his
mechanical reply, with “Et toi, dors-tu?”
Ever light-hearted, currents nor squalls could burden his Gascon
spirit. He looked at the stars, and he looked at the water, he
consulted with the mate, and gave orders to the steersman.
“Eh b’en,” he said to me, “moi, I am comme monsieur ze
gouverneur ov ze Paumotu who live een Favarava, over zere.” He
pointed into the darkness. “’E ’as a leetle schoonaire an’ ’e keep ze
court and ze calaboose, bot mos’ly ’e lis’en to ze musique an’ make
ze dance. La vie est triste; viva la bagatelle! Maybee we pick op
Anaa in ze morning. Eef not, amigo mio, Virginie she weel pray for
nous both.”
Anaa, or Chain Island, as Captain Cook named it because of its
eleven motus or islets, strung like emeralds and pearls in a rosary,
was not visible at daybreak, but as I studied the horizon the sky
turned to a brilliant green. I thought some dream of that Tir-na’n-Og
spoken of by Tomé in Niau obsessed me. I turned my back and
waited for my eyes to right themselves. One sees green in the
rainbow and green in the sunset, but never had I known a morning
sky to be of such a hue. McHenry came on deck in his pajamas, and
looked about.
“Erin go bragh!” he remarked. “Ireland is castin’ a shadow on the
bloody heaven. There,” he pointed, “is the sight o’ the bleedin’ world.
You’ve never seen it before an’ you won’t see it again, unless you
come to Anaa in the mornin’ or evenin’ of a purty clear day. It’s the
shinin’ of the lagoon of Anaa in the sky, an’ it’s nowhere else on the
ball. There’s many a Kanaka in ’is canoe outa sight o’ land has said a
prayer to his god when he seen that green. He knew he was near
Anaa. You can see that shine thirty or thirty-five miles away, hours
before you raise the atoll.”
Some curious relation of the lagoon to the sky had painted this
hazy lawn on high. It was like a great field of luscious grass, at times
filmy, paling to the color of absinthe touched with water, and again a
true aquamarine, as I have seen the bay of Todos Santos, at
Enseñada of Lower California. Probably it is the shallowness of the
waters, which in this lagoon are strangely different from most of the
inland basins of the South Sea Isles. To these mariners, who moved
their little boats between them, the mirage was famed; and the
natives had many a legend of its origin and cause, and of their kind
being saved from starvation or thirst by its kindly glint.
McHenry called down the companionway, “Hey, monster, you can
see the grass on Anaa. Vite-vite!”
Moet, who was below, drinking a cup of coffee, leaped up the
companionway. He called out swift orders to go over on the other
tack, and headed straight for the mirage. The schooner heeled to the
breeze, now freshening as the sun became hotter, and we reeled off
six or seven knots with all canvas drawing. In an hour the celestial
plot of green had vanished, fading out slowly as we advanced, and
we began to glimpse the cocoanuts on the beach, though few trees
showed on the sky-line, and they were twisted as in travail.
Anaa, as others of these islands and Tahiti, too, had suffered
terribly by a cyclone a few years ago. More than any other island of
this group Anaa had felt the devastating force of the matai rorofai,
the “wind that kills”—the wind that slew Lovaina’s son and made her
cut her hair in mourning. Hikueru lost more people, because there
were many there; but Anaa was mangled and torn as a picador’s
horse by the horns of the angry bull. A half-mile away we could
plainly see the havoc of wind and wave. The reef itself had been
broken away in places, and coral rocks as big as houses hurled upon
the beach.
“I was there just after the cyclone,” said McHenry. “It was a
bloomin’ garden before then, Anaa. It was the only island in the
Paumotus in which they grew most of the fruits as in Tahiti, the
breadfruit, the banana, the orange, lime, mango, and others. It may
be an older island than the others or more protected usually from
the wind; but, anyhow, it had the richest soil. The Anaa people were
just like children, happy and singin’ all the time. That damned storm
knocked them galley-west. It tore a hole in the island, as you can
see, killed a hundred people, and ended their prosperity. There was
a Catholic church of coral, old and bloody fine, and when I got here
a week after the cyclone I couldn’t find the spot where the
foundations had been. I came with the vessels the Government sent
to help the people. You never seen such a sight. The most of the
dead were blown into the lagoon or lay under big hunks of coral.
People with crushed heads and broken legs and arms and ribs were
strewn all around. The bare reef is where the village was, and the
people who went into the church to be safe were swept out to sea
with it.”
As at Niau, the schooner lay off the shore, and the long-boat was
lowered. In it were placed the cargo, and with Moet, McHenry, and
me, men, women, and children passengers, four oarsmen and the
boat-steerer, it was completely filled, we sitting again on the boxes.
Once more the Flying Fish towed the boat very near to the beach,
and at the cry of “Let go!” flung away the rope’s end and left us to
the oars. The passage through the reef of Anaa was not like that of
Niau. There was no pit, but a mere depression in the rocks, and it
took the nicest manœuvering to send the boat in the exact spot. As
we approached, the huge boulders lowered upon us, threatening to
smash us to pieces, and we backed water and waited for the
psychological moment. The surf was strong, rolling seven or eight
feet high, and crashing on the stone with a menacing roar, but the
boat-steerer wore a smile as he shouted, “Tamau te paina!”
The oars lurched forward in the water, the boat rose on the wave,
and onward we surged; over the reef, scraping a little, avoiding the
great rocks by inches almost, and into milder water. The sailors
leaped out, and with the next wave pulled the boat against the
smoother strand; but it was all coral, all rough and all dangerous,
and I considered well the situation before leaving the boat. I got out
in two feet of water and raced the next breaker to the higher beach,
my camera tied on my head.
There was no beach, as we know the word—only a jumbled mass
of coral humps, millions of shells, some whole, most of them broken
into bits, and the rest mere coarse sand. On this were scattered
enormous masses of coral, these pieces of the primitive foundation
upheaved and divided by the breakers when the cyclone blew. The
hand of a Titan had crushed them into shapeless heaps and thrown
them hundreds of feet toward the interior, the waves washing away
the soil, destroying all vegetation, and laying bare the crude floor of
the island. From the water’s edge I walked over this waste, gleaming
white or milky, for a hundred yards before I reached the copra shed
of Lacour, a French trader, and sat down to rest. The sailors bore the
women and children on their shoulders to safety, and then
commenced the landing of the merchandise for Lacour. Flour and
soap, sugar, biscuit, canned goods, lamps, piece goods; gauds and
gewgaws, cheap jewelry, beads, straw for making hats, perfumes
and shawls.
Lacour, pale beneath his deep tan, black-haired and slender,
greeted us at the shed with the dead-and-alive manner of many of
these island exiles, born of torrid heat, long silences, and weariness
of the driven flesh. A cluster of women lounged under a tohonu tree,
the only shade near-by, and they smiled at me and said, “Ia ora na
oe!”
I strolled inland. It was an isle of desolation, ravaged years ago,
but prostrated still, swept as by a gigantic flail. Everywhere I beheld
the results of the cataclysm.
Picking up shells and bits of coral at haphazard, I came upon the
bone of a child, the forearm, bleached by wind and rain. Few of the
bodies of the drowned had been interred with prayer, but found a
last resting-place under the coral débris or in the maws of the sharks
that rode upon the cyclone’s back in search of prey.
It was very hot. These low atolls were always excessively warm,
but not humid. It was a dry heat. The reflection of the sunlight on
the blocks of coral and the white sand made a glare that was painful
to whites, and made colored glasses necessary to shield their eyes.
Temporary blindness was common among new-comers, thus
unprotected.
I walked miles and never lost the evidence of violence and loss.
There was an old man by a coral pen, in which were three thin,
measly pigs, a grayish yellow in color. He showed me to a small,
wooden church.
“There are four Catholic churches in Anaa,” he said, “with one
priest, and there are three hundred souls all told in this island. The
priest goes about to the different churches, but money is scarce.
This New Year the contribution was so trifling, the priest, who knew
the bishop in Papeete would demand an accounting, sent word to
know why—and what do you think he got back? That Lacour, the
trader, with his accursed cinematograph, had taken all the money.
He charged twenty-five cocoanuts to see the views in his copra shed,
and they are wonderful; but the churches are empty. We are all
Katorika.”
“Katorika?” I queried. “That is Popay?”
The old man frowned.
“Popay! That is what the Porotetani [Protestants] call the Katorika.
I am the priest’s right hand. But we are poor, and Lacour, with his
store and now with his machine that sets the people wild over
cowaboyas, and shows them the Farani [French] and the Amariti
[Americans] in their own islands—there is no money for the church.”
I interrupted the jeremiad of the ancient acolyte.
“Was there nothing left of the old church?” I asked.
The hater of cinematographs took me into the humble wooden
structure, and there were a bronze crucifix and silver candlesticks
that had been in the coral edifice.
“I saved them,” he said proudly. “When I saw the wind was too
great, when the church began to rock, I took them and buried them
in a hole I dug. I did this before I climbed the tree which saved me
from the big wave. Ah, that was a real cathedral. The people of Anna
are changed. The best died in the storm. They want now to know
what is going on in Papeete, the great world.”
A hundred years ago the people of Anaa erected three temples to
the god of the Christians. For a century they have had the Jewish
and Christian scriptures.
Anaa had witnessed a bitter struggle between contending
churches to win adherents. When France took hold, France was
Catholic, and the priests had every opportunity and assistance to do
their pious work. The schools were taught by Catholic nuns. Their
governmental subsidy made it difficult for the English Protestants to
proselytize, and with grief they saw their flocks going to Rome. Only
the most zealous Protestant missionaries were unshaken by the
change. When the anti-clerical feeling in France triumphed, the
Concordat was broken, and the schools laicized, the priests and nuns
in these colonies were ousted from the schools; the Catholic church
was not only not favored, but, in many instances, was hindered by
officials who were of anti-clerical feelings. The Protestant sects took
heart again, and made great headway. The Mormons returned, the
Seventh Day Adventists became active, and many nominal Catholics
fell away. The fact was that it was not easy to keep Polynesians at
any heat of religion. They wanted entertainment and amusement,
and if a performance of a religious rite, a sermon, revival,
conference, or other solace or diversion was not offered, they
inclined to seek relaxation and even pleasure where it might be had.
Monotony was the substance of their days, and relief welcomed in
the most trifling incident or change.
Photo from Underwood and Underwood
Picking up the atoll of Anaa from the deck of the schooner Flying
Fish
Lacour’s wife, granddaughter of a Welshman but all native in

appearance, sat with the other women under the tohonu tree when I
returned. I had seen thousands of fallen cocoanut-trees rotting in
the swamps, and had climbed over the coral fields for several miles.
There was no earth, only coral and shells and white shell-sand.
Chickens evidently picked up something to eat, for I saw a dozen of
them. In the lagoon, fish darted to and fro.
Photo from L. Gauthier
Canoes and cutters at atoll of Anaa, Paumotu Islands
Lacour’s wife had a yellowish baby in her lap, and she wore
earrings, a wedding-ring, and a necklace and bracelets.
The boat was plying from the schooner to the shore, and I
watched its progress. Piri a Tuahine held the steering oar, laughing,
calling to his fellows to pull or not to pull, as I could see through a
glass. A current affected the surf, increasing or decreasing its force
at intervals, and it was now at its height. The boat entered the
passage on a crest, but a following wave struck it hard, turned it
broadside, and all but over. A flood entered the boat, but the men
leaped out and, though up to their shoulders in the water, held it
firm, and finally drew it close to the beach. The flour and the boxes
and beds of native passengers were wetted, but they ran to the boat
and carried their belongings near to the copra shed, and spread
them to dry. Lacour cursed the boat and the sailors.
Near Lacour’s store was a house, in which lived Captain Nimau,
owner of a small schooner. Nimau invited me to sleep there and see
the moving pictures. We had brought Lacour a reel or so, and in
anticipation, the people of Anaa had been gathering cocoanuts for a
week. The films were old ones that Tahiti had wearied of, and Lacour
got them for a trifle. The theater was his copra house, and there
were no seats nor need of them.
He set the hour of seven for the show, and I alone stayed ashore
for it. By six o’clock the residents began flocking to the shed with
their entrance-fees. Each bore upon his back twenty-five cocoanuts,
some in bags and others with the nuts tied on a pole by their husk.
Fathers carried double or even triple quantities for their little ones,
and each, as he arrived at Lacour’s, counted the nuts before the
trader.
The women brought their own admission tickets. The acolyte, who
had inveighed against the cinematograph, was second in line, and
secured the best squatting space. His own cocoanuts were in
Lacour’s bin.
When the screen was erected and the first picture flashed upon it,
few of the people of Anaa were absent, and Lacour’s copra heap was
piled high. There were a hundred and sixty people present, and four
thousand nuts in the box-office.
The first film was concerned with the doings of Nick Winter, an
English detective in France, a burlesque of Sherlock Holmes, and
other criminal literatures. The spectators could not make a head nor
tail of it, but they enjoyed the scenes hugely and were intensely
mystified by many pictures. An automobile, which, by the trickery of
the camera, was made to appear to climb the face of a sky-scraper,
raised cries of astonishment and assertions of diablerie. The devil
was a very real power to South Sea Islanders, whether they were
Christians or not, and they had fashioned a composite devil of our
horned and cloven-hoofed chap and their own demons, who was
made responsible for most trouble and disaster that came to them,
and whose machinations explained sleight of hand, and even the
vagaries of moving pictures.
What pleased them most were cow-boy pictures, the melodramatic
life of the Wild West of America, with bucking bronchos, flying
lassos, painted Indians whom they thought tattooed, and dashes of
vaqueros, border sheriffs, and maidens who rode cayuses like
Comanches. Tahiti was daft over cow-boys, and had adopted that
word into the language, and these Anaans were vastly taken by the
same life. Lacour explained the pictures as they unrolled, shouting
any meanings he thought might pass; and I doubted if he himself
knew much about them, for later he asked me if all cow-boys were
not Spaniards.
This was the first moving picture machine in these islands. Lacour
had only had it a few weeks. He purposed taking it through the
Group on a cutter that would transport the cocoanut receipts.
Lacour, Nimau, and I sat up late. These Frenchmen save for a few
exceptions were as courteous as at home. Peasants or sailors in
France, they brought and improved with their position that striking
cosmopolitan spirit which distinguishes the Gaul, be he ever so
uneducated. The English and American trader was suspicious, sullen
or blatant, vulgar and often brutal in manner. The Frenchman had
bonhomie, politeness. England and America in the South Seas
considered this a weakness, and aimed at the contrary. Manners, of
course, originated in France.
“This island is on the French map as La Chaîne,” said Captain
Nimau, “but we who traverse these seas always use the native
names. Those old admirals who took word to their king that they
had discovered new islands always said, too, that they had named
them after the king or some saint. A Spaniard selected a nice name
like the Blessed Sacrament or the Holy Mother of God, or some
Spanish saint, while a Frenchman chose something to show the
shape or color of the land. The Englishman usually named his find
after some place at home, like New England, New Britain, and so on.
But we don’t give a sacré for those names. How could we? All those
fellows claimed to have been here first, and so all islands have two
or three European names. We who have to pick them up in the
night, or escape from them in a storm, want the native name as we
need the native knowledge of them. The landmarks, the clouds, the
smells, the currents, the passes, the depths—those are the items
that save or lose us our lives and vessels. Let those vieux capitaines
fight it out below for the honor of their nomenclature and
precedence of discovery!”
What recriminations in Hades between Columbus and Vespucci!
“Take this whole archipelago!” continued Nimau. “The Tahitians
named it the Poumotu or pillar islands, because to them the atolls
seemed to rise like white trees from the sea. But the name sounded
to the people here like Paumotu, which means conquered or
destroyed islands, and so, after a few petitions or requests by proud
chiefs, the French in 1852 officially named them Tuamotu, distant,
out of view, or below the horizon. That was more than a half century
ago, but we still call them the Paumotu. There’s nothing harder to
change than the old names of places. You can change a man’s or a
whole island’s religion much easier.”
Near the little hut in which we were, Nimau’s house, a bevy of
girls smoked cigarettes and talked about me. They had learned that
I was not a sailor, not one of the crew of the Marara, and not a
trader. What could I be, then, but a missionary, as I was not an
official, because not French? But I was not a Catholic missionary, for
they wore black gowns; and I could not be Mormoni nor Konito,
because there in public I was with the Frenchmen, drinking beer.
Two, who were handsome, brown, with teeth as brilliant as the heart
of the nacre, and eyes and hair like the husks of the ripe cocoanut,
came into the house and questioned Lacour.
“They want to know what you are doing here,” interpreted Lacour.
“I am not here to make money nor to preach the Gospel,” I
replied.
The younger came to me and put her arms about me, and said:
“Ei aha e reva a noho io nei!” And that meant, “Stay here always and
rest with me!”
After a while the acolyte joined us, and I put them all many
questions.
The Paumotuans were a quiet people, dour, or at least serious and
contemplative. They were not like the Tahitians, laugh-loving, light-
hearted, frenzied dancers, orators, music worshipers, feasters. The
Tahitians had the joy of living, though with the melancholy strain
that permeated all Polynesia. The folk of the Dangerous Archipelago
were silent, brooding, and religious. The perils they faced in their
general vocation of diving, and from cyclones, which annihilated
entire populations of atolls, had made them intensely susceptible to
fears of hell-fire and to hopes of heaven. The rather Moslem
paradise of Mormonism made strong appeal, but was offset by the
tortures of the damned, limned by other earnest clerics who
preached the old Wesley-Spurgeon everlasting suffering for all not of
their sect.
Had religion never affected the Paumotuans, their food would
have made them a distinct and a restrained people. We all are
creatures of our nourishment. The Tahitians had a plentitude of
varied and delicious food, a green and sympathetic landscape, a
hundred waterfalls and gentle rills. The inhabitants of these low isles
had cocoanut and fish as staples, and often their only sustenance for
years. No streams meander these stony beds, but rain-water must
be caught, or dependence placed on the brackish pools and shallow
wells in the porous rocks or compressed sand, which ebbed and
flowed with the tides.
To a Tahitian his brooks were his club, where often he sat or lay in
the laughing water, his head crowned with flowers, dreaming of a life
of serene idleness. Once or twice a day he must bathe thoroughly.
He was clean; his skin was aglow with the effect of air and water. No
European could teach him hygiene. He was a perfect animal,
untainted and unsoiled, accustomed to laving and massage, to
steam, fresh, and salt baths, when Europeans, kings, courts, and
commoners went unwashed from autumn to summer; when in the
“Lois de la Galanterie,” written for beaux and dandies in 1640, it was
enjoined that “every day one should take pains to wash one’s hands,
and one should wash one’s face almost as often.”
Environment, purling rivulets under embowering trees, the most
enchanting climate between pole and pole, a simple diet but little
clothing, made the Tahitian and Marquesan the handsomest and
cleanest races in the world. Clothes and cold are an iron barrier to
cleanliness, except where wealth affords comfort and privacy.
Michelangelo wore a pair of socks many years without removing
them. Our grandfathers counted a habit of frequent bathing a sign of
weakness. In old New England many baths were thought conducive
to immorality, by some line of logic akin to that of my austere aunt,
who warned me that oysters led to dancing.
The Paumotuan, before the white man made him a mere machine
for gathering copra and pearl-shell and pearls, had a very distinct
culture, savage though it was. He was the fabric of his food and the
actions induced in him by necessity. Ellis, the interesting missionary
diarist of Tahiti and Hawaii, recorded that in 1817, when at Afareaitu,
on Moorea, he was printing for the first time the Bible in Tahitian
“among the various parties in Afareaitu ... were a number of natives
of the Paumotu, or Pearl Islands, which lie to the northwest of Tahiti
and constitute what is called the Dangerous Archipelago. These
numerous islands, like those of Tetuaroa to the north, are of coralline
formation, and the most elevated parts of them are seldom more
than two or three feet above high-water mark. The principal, and
almost only, edible vegetable they produce is the fruit of the
cocoanut. On these, with the numerous kinds of fishes resorting to
their shores or among the coral reefs, the inhabitants entirely
subsist. They appear a hardy and industrious race, capable of
enduring great privations. The Tahitians believe them to be
cannibals.... They are in general firm and muscular, but of a more
spare habit of body than the Tahitians. Their limbs are well formed,
their stature generally tall. The expression of their countenance, and
the outline of their features, greatly resemble those of the Society
Islanders; their manners are, however, more rude and uncourteous.
The greater part of the body is tattooed, sometimes in broad stripes,
at others in large masses of black, and always without any of the
taste and elegance frequently exhibited in the figures marked on the
persons of the Tahitians.”
One who traveled much in the isolated parts of the world was
often struck by the unfitness of certain populated places to support
in any comfort and safety the people who generation after
generation persisted in living in them. For thousands of years the
slopes of Vesuvius have been cultivated despite the imminent horror
of the volcano above. The burning Paumotu atolls are as undesirable
for residences as the desert of Sahara. Yet the hot sands are
peopled, and have been for ages, and in the recesses of the frozen
North the processes of birth and death, of love and greed, are as
absorbing as in the Edens of the earth. Hateful as a lengthy enforced
stay in the Paumotus might be to any of us, I have seen two
Paumotuan youths dwelling abroad for the first time in their lives,
eating delicious food and hardly working at all, weep hours upon
hours from homesickness, a continuous longing for their atoll of
Puka-ruhu, where they had half starved since birth, and where the
equatorial typhoon had raped time and again. Nature, in her
insistence that mankind shall continue, implanted that instinct of
home in us as one of the most powerful agents of survival of the
species. Enduring terrible privation, even, we learned to love the
scenes of our sufferings. Never was that better exemplified than in
these melancholy and maddening-atolls of the half-browned
Archipelago.
CHAPTER IV
The copra market—Dangerous passage to shore at Kaukura—Our boat overturns

in the pass—I narrowly escape death—Josephite Missionaries—The deadly
nohu—The himene at night.
W ORD we got at Anaa of a few tons of copra at Kaukura sent us

hurrying there. The wind was against us, and we drew long
sides of a triangle before we reached that atoll, which was, as our
starting-point, at the base of the isosceles. Kaukura was a
divergence from our intended course, but these schooners were like
birds of the air, which must take their sustenance as fortune wills.
Copra was scarce, and competition in buying, fierce. The natives
received about four cents a pound, but as payment was usually in
goods, the Tahiti traders, who shipped copra to America and Europe,
profited heavily. There were grades in copra, owing to the
carelessness of the natives in drying it. Green or poorly-dried nuts
shrank, and the nuts parched in kilns developed more undesirable
creosote than sun-dried. All copra was sold by weight and quality,
and it continually lessened in weight by evaporation of oil. Time was
the essence of a good bargain. The sooner to the presses of the
mainland, the greater the return. Crude mills in the Paumotus or
Tahiti crushed out the oil formerly, and it was sealed in bamboo
lengths, and these exported. These tubes, air-tight, were common
mediums of exchange, as wampum among Indians, or gold-dust in
Alaska. Modern processes extracted double the oil of the old
presses, and the eight-foot sections of the long grass were almost
obsolete for cocoanut-oil, and used mostly for sauces sold in the
Papeete market-place.
“Trade ain’t what it was,” said McHenry. “There’s more traders
than natives, almost. I remember when they were so crazy to
exchange our stuff for their produce, we’d have the trade-room
crowded all day, an’ had to keep guns handy to chase the mob away,
to add up the bloody figures. Now every atoll has its store, and the
trader has to pat his copra-makers an’ divers on the back, instead o’
kickin’ them the way we used to. The damn Frogs treat these
Kanakas like they were white people, an’ have spoiled our game. We
can’t trade in the Paumotus unless the schooner has a French
registry and a French captain,—Lyin’ Bill is a Frog citizen for not
stealin’ a vessel he had a chance to,—an’ when you leave the
Papeete you’ve got to register every last drop o’ booze you’ve got
aboard. It’s supposed to be only for us on the schooner, and for the
whites in the Paumotus, or a few chieves who have permits, for bein’
Froggy. But it’s the rotten missionaries who hurt us, really. We could
smuggle it in, but they tell on us.”
We had not caught a fish from the schooner, despite having a
tackle rigged most of the days. I had fixed a bamboo rod, about
eighteen feet long and very strong, on the rail of the waist of the
vessel, and from it let trail a hundred feet or so of tough line. The
hook was the most perfect for the purpose ever made by man. It
was cut out of the mother-of-pearl lining of the Paumotuan pearl-
oyster shell. It was about six inches long, and three quarters wide,
shaped rudely like a flying-fish, and attached to it on the concave
side was a barb of bone about an inch and a half in length, fastened
with purau fiber, and a few hog’s bristles inserted. The line was
roved through the hole where the barb was fastened, and, being
braided along the inner side of the pearl shank, was tied again at the
top, forming a chord to the arch. Unbaited, the hook, by the pull of
the schooner, skipped along the surface of the sea like a flying-fish. I
had made a telltale of a piece of stick, and while McHenry and I
talked and Jean Moet slept it snapped before my eyes. To seize the
rod and hold on was the act of a second. I let out the entire five
hundred feet of line, before the fish tired, and then it took four of us
to drag him to the deck. He was a roroa, a kind of barracuda, about
ten feet long, and weighing a couple of hundred pounds.
The fish made a welcome change in our diet and was enough for
all, including a number of Paumotuans who were returning to
Takaroa for the opening of the diving season. Chocolat nibbled a
head, but preferred the remnants of a can of beef. He improved
daily in his tricks and in his agility in avoiding being hurtled into the
water by the roll or pitch of the schooner. He had an almost
incredible instinct or acquired knowledge of the motion of the
Marara, and when I felt sure we had lost him—that he would fall
overboard in another instant—he would leap to the deck and frolic
about the wheel. The spokes of it were another constant threat to
his health, for one blow when they spun fast might kill him; but he
was reserved for a more horrid fate.
Kaukura rose from the sea at dawn, after a night of wearing and
tacking. It was an atoll, irregularly annular in shape, twenty-six miles
long and ten wide, wooded in patches, and with vast stretches
where only the dazzling coral shone. It, too, had been spoiled in
prosperity by an inimical wind and tide, and the cocoa-palms had
been annihilated that had once grown upon all its many component
islets. The cocoanut-tree lives more than eighty years, and does not
fruit until seven years old, so that the loss of thousands of these life-
giving palms was a fearful blow. Each tree bore a hundred nuts
annually, and that crop was worth to the owner for copra nearly a
dollar, besides being much of his food.
Landmarks we gradually discerned; a village, two churches, and a
row of houses, and then the French tricolor on a pole. The surf
broke with a fierce roaring on the reef, and when McHenry and I left
the schooner, Moet stayed aboard, as the wind was ominous. There
was no pass into the lagoon at this village, and even the pit in the
barrier-reef had been made by French engineers. They had blown up
the madrepore rock, and made a gateway for small boats.
The schooner did not take our painter, for the breeze was too stiff
for the venture, and so we had a half-mile to row. When we neared
the reef and entered the pit, I felt that it was touch-and-go, for we
rose and tottered on the huge swells, and dived into their hollows,
with a prophetic certainty of capsizing. I could hardly keep on the
box under me, and swayed forebodingly. Then suddenly the steering
oar caught under a bank of coral. I barely heard the cry of Piri a
Tuahine, “E era! There she goes!” when the boat rose on its stern
with a twisting motion, as if a whale had struck it with its fluke, and
turned turtle. I was slighted into the water at its topmost teeter,
falling yards away from it, and in the air I seemed to see the
Tahitians leaping for safety from its crushing thwarts and the cargo.
McHenry’s “What the bloody——!” as we both somersaulted, was
in my ears as I was plunged beneath the surface.
With the fear of encountering the boat, the dark bulk of which I
saw dimly above me, I swam hard under the water a dozen strokes,
and rose to find myself beneath the reef, which grew in broken
ledges. When my head in stunning contact with the rock knelled a
warning to my brain, I opened my eyes. There was only blackness. I
dived again, a strange terror chilling me, but when I came up, I was
still penned from air in abysmal darkness.
Now fear struck me weak. I realized my extraordinary peril, a peril
glimpsed in nightmares. I had penetrated fifteen or twenty feet
under the ledge, and I had no sense of direction of the edge of the
coral. My distance from it was considerable; I knew by the invisible
gloom. With a fleeting recollection of camera films in my shirt
pocket, came the choking dread of suffocation, and death in this
labyrinth.
I supposed I invoked God and his Son to save me. Probably in my
agony I promised big things to them and humanity if I survived. I
kept my eyes open and struck out. After swimming a few yards I felt
the coral shelving inwardly. I realized that I had gone farther from
my only goal of life. I felt the end was close, but still in desperation
moved my limbs vigorously.
Then I felt the water lashing about me. Something seized my arm.
Shark stories leaped from my memory’s cold storage to my very
soul. My blood was an icy stream from head to toes. Singular to
relate, I was aware of a profound regret for my murders of many
sharks—who, after all, I reasoned with an atavistic impulse of
propitiation, were but working out the wise plan of the Creator. But
the animal that grasped my arm did not bite. It held me firmly, and
dragged me out from that murky hell, until in a few seconds the
light, God’s eldest and loveliest daughter, appeared faintly, and then,
bright as lightning, and all of a sudden, I was in the center of the
sun, my mouth open at last, my chest heaving, my heart pumping
madly, and my head bursting with pain. I was in the arms of Piri a
Tuahine, who, as all the other Tahitians, had swum under the reef in
search of me.
In the two or three minutes—or that half-hour—during which I
had been breathless, the sailors had recaptured the boat and were
righting it, the oars still fastened to the gunwales. I was glad to be
hauled into the empty boat, along with McHenry, who was sputtering
and cursing.
“Gorbli-me!” he said, as he spat out salt water, “you made a
bloody fool o’ yerself doin’ that! Why didn’t ye look how I handled
meself? But I lost a half-pound of tobacco by that christenin’.”
I was laid down on the cargoless seats, and the men rowed
through the moat, smiling at me with a worthy sense of superiority,
while McHenry dug the soaked tobacco out of his trousers pocket.
“Ye can always trust the Kanaka to get ye out o’ the water if ye
capsize,” said he, artfully. “We’ve taught him to think o’ the white
man first. He damn well knows where he’d get off, otherwise.”
A hundred feet farther, we came to a spit of rocks, which stopped
progress. A swarm of naked children were playing about it. Assisted
by the Tahitians I was lifted to my feet, and, with McHenry,
continued to the sand.
There I took stock of my physical self. I was battered and bruised,
but no bones were broken. My shins were scraped and my entire
body bleeding as if a sharp steel comb had raked me. My head was
bloody, but my skull without a hole in it, or even marked depression,
except my usual one where phrenologists locate the bump of
reverence. I was sick at my stomach, and my legs bent under me. I
knew that I would be as well as ever soon, unless poisoned, but
would bear the marks of the coral. All these white men who
journeyed about the Paumotus bore indelible scars of coral wound.
The road from the beach

An American Josephite missionary and his wife, and their church
My friend, the poet, Rupert Brooke, had been made very ill by
coral poisoning. He wrote from the Tiare Hotel in Papeete: “I’ve got
some beastly coral-poisoning into my legs, and a local microbe on
top of that, and made the places worse by neglecting them, and
sea-bathing all day, which turns out to be the worst possible thing. I
was in the country, at Mataiea, when it came on bad, and tried
native remedies, which took all the skin off, and produced such a
ghastly appearance that I hurried into town. I’ve got over it now and
feel spry.” His nickname, Pupure, meant leprous, as well as fair, and
was a joking double entendre by the natives.
I was later, in the Marquesas, to see a man die of such poison
received in the Paumotus. But, in Kaukura, I had to make the best of
it, and after a short rest began to see the sights. There was a crowd
of people about, men and women, and still more children, all lighter
than the Paumotuans in complexion and stouter in body. They were
dressed up. The men were in denim trousers and shirts, and some
with the stiff white atrocities suffered by urbanites in America and
Europe. The women wore the conventional night-gowns that
Christian propriety of the early nineteenth century had pulled over
their heads. They were not the spacious holokus of Hawaii. These
single garments fitted the portly women on the beach as the skin of
a banana its pulpy body—and between me and the sun hid nothing
of their roly-poly forms. I recognized the ahu vahine of Tahiti.
“Ia ora na i te Atua!” the people greeted me, with winning smiles.
“God be with you!” was its meaning, and their accent confirmed their
clothing. They were Tahitians. I spoke to them, and they
commiserated my sad appearance, and pointed out a tall young
white man who came striding down the beach, his mouth pursed in
an anxious question as he saw me.
“Got any medicine on that hay wagon?” he asked. “We’ve got a
bunch of dysentery here.”
I knew at once by his voice issuing through his nostrils instead of
his mouth, and by the sharp cut of his jib, that he was my
countryman, and from the Middle West. He had the self-satisfied air
of a Kansan.
“The trade-room of the Marara is full of medical discoveries,
perunas, Jamaica ginger, celery compounds, and other hot stuff,” I
replied, “but what they’ll cure I don’t know. We have divers patent
poisons known to prohibition.”
“That’s all rotten booze. My people don’t use the devilish stuff,” he
commented, caustically. He continued on, wading to the boat, and,
after a parley, proceeding with it to the schooner.
McHenry had half determined to plant himself, at least temporarily,
in Kaukura, and left me to spy on the store of a Chinese, who had
brought a stock of goods from Papeete. I walked toward an
enormous thatched roof, under which, on the coral strand, were
nearly a thousand persons. The pungent smoke from a hundred
small fires of cocoanut husks gave an agreeable tang to the air; the
lumps of coral between which they were kindled were red with the
heat, the odors rose from bubbling pots. All the small equipment of
Tahitian travelers was strewn about. Upon mattresses and mats in
the shed, the sides of which were built up several feet to prevent the
intrusion of pigs and dogs, lay old people and children, who had not
finished their slumbers. Stands for the sale of fruits, ice, confections,
soda-water, sauces, and other ministrants to hunger and habit
bespoke the acquired tastes of the Tahitians; but most of the people
were of Kaukura and other atolls.
Kaukura alone had nearly a thousand inhabitants. Its lagoons
were the richest in pearl of all the group. Being one of the nearest of
the Paumotus to Tahiti, it had been much affected by the
proselytizing and commercializing spirits of that island—spirits often
at variance but now and again joined, as on a greater scale trust
magnates capitalize and direct missions and religious institutions
with the left hand, while their right takes toll of life-killing mill and
mine.
The village was as attractive as a settlement could be in these
benighted islands, the houses stretching along one or two roads,
some in gala color. A small, sprightly white man was donning shirt
and trousers on the veranda of the best residence at the end of the
street. He was about forty years old, with a curiously keen face, a
quick movement, and an eye like an electric light through a keyhole.
“Hello,” he said, briskly, “by golly, you’re not an American, are
you? I’m getting my pants on a little late. We were up all hours last
night, but I flatter myself God was glad of it. Kidd’s my name;
Johnny Kidd, they call me in Lamoni. I’m glad to meet you, Mr.
——?”
“O’Brien, Frederick O’Brien, of almost anywhere, except Lamoni,” I
replied, laughingly, his good-natured enthusiasm being infectious.
He looked at me, inquiringly.
“Not in my line, are you?” he asked, with an appraising survey of
me.
My head bleeding and aching, my body quivering with the biting
pain of its abraded surface, I still surrendered to the irony of the
question. I guessed that he was a clergyman from his possessive
attitude toward God, but he was so simple and natural in manner,
with so little of a clerical tone or gesture, that I would have thought
him a street-faker or professional gambler had I had no clue to his
identity. I remembered, too, the oft-quoted: “In my Father’s house
are many mansions.”
“I’m merely a beachcomber,” I assured him. “I take a few notes
now and then.”
“Oh, you’re not a sky-pilot,” he went on, in comic relief. “You never
can tell. Those four-flushing Mormons have been bringing a whole
gang of young elders from Utah to Tahiti to beat us out. I’m an elder
myself of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day
Saints. They usually call us the Josephites. In these islands we are
Konito or Tonito. We’ve been having a grand annual meeting here.
Over sixty from Tahiti, and altogether a thousand and seventy
members. They’ve been gathering from most of the Paumotus for
weeks, coming with the wind, but we’re about over now.”
“But I thought the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints was
the Mormons,” said I, puzzled.
“Mormon!” There was such vigor in his explosive catching up of
my query that I may well be pardoned if I thought he placed the
common name for Sheol after that of the sect. But it stands to
reason that he did not. His whole training would stop such a word
ere it escaped him.
“Mormon! I should say not! Those grafters and polygamists are
not our kind. They stole our name. We were the same until Brigham
Young split off and led his crowd to Utah. Our headquarters is at
Lamoni, Iowa, but I. N. Imbel, who’s gone to the schooner, my
partner, and I are the missionaries in these islands. We’re properly
authorized ministers who make this our regular and whole business.
My pal and I live in Papeete, but run through the Paumotus when
there’s anything doing.”
The reverend fellow had no airs about him.

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True / False Questions

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14. Job designs describe the objective characteristics of jobs.

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19. If an individual perceives a job as boring, job performance will suffer.

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22. Job enlargement is a necessary precondition for job enrichment.

23. Job enrichment and job enlargement are competing strategies.

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Multiple Choice Questions

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A. Streamlines and standardizes the job

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A. identify the most important needs of employers and organization

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29. Perceived job content is influenced by:

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A. perceived job content

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34. People differ in the extent that _______________.

A. they view work is a central life interest

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A. Few tasks to accomplish

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49. Job design describes the _________ characteristics of jobs.

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A. a variety of comparable methods to do a task