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Ancient Terracottas from South Italy and Sicily in the J
Paul Getty Museum 1st Edition Maria Lucia Ferruzza
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Maria Lucia Ferruzza
ISBN(s): 9781606061237, 1606061232
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 18.02 MB
Year: 2016
Language: english
ANCIENT TERRACOTTAS FROM SOUTH ITALY AND SICILY
in the j. paul getty museum
The free, online edition of this catalogue, available at http://www.getty.edu/publications/terracottas,
includes zoomable high-resolution photography and a select number of 360° rotations; the ability to
filter the catalogue by location, typology, and date; and an interactive map drawn from the Ancient
World Mapping Center and linked to the Getty’s Thesaurus of Geographic Names and Pleiades. Also
available are free PDF, EPUB, and MOBI downloads of the book; CSV and JSON downloads of the object
data from the catalogue and the accompanying Guide to the Collection; and JPG and PPT downloads of
the main catalogue images.

© 2016 J. Paul Getty Trust

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy
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Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042.

First edition, 2016

Last updated, December 19, 2017
https://www.github.com/gettypubs/terracottas

Published by the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles

Getty Publications
1200 Getty Center Drive, Suite 500
Los Angeles, California 90049-1682
www.getty.edu/publications

Ruth Evans Lane, Benedicte Gilman, and Marina Belozerskaya, Project Editors
Robin H. Ray and Mary Christian, Copy Editors
Antony Shugaar, Translator
Elizabeth Chapin Kahn, Production
Stephanie Grimes, Digital Researcher
Eric Gardner, Designer & Developer
Greg Albers, Project Manager

Distributed in the United States and Canada by the University of Chicago Press
Distributed outside the United States and Canada by Yale University Press, London

Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: J. Paul Getty Museum, author, issuing body. | Ferruzza, Maria Lucia, editor.
Title: Ancient terracottas from South Italy and Sicily in the J. Paul Getty Museum / Maria Lucia Ferruzza.
Description: Los Angeles : J. Paul Getty Museum, [2016] | ©2016 | Includes bibliographical references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015042795 (print) | LCCN 2015048344 (ebook) | ISBN 9781606064863 (pbk.) | ISBN
9781606064856 (epub) | ISBN 9781606061237 (online)
Subjects: LCSH: Terra-cotta sculpture, Ancient—Italy, Southern—Catalogs. | Terra-cotta sculpture,
Ancient—Italy—Sicily—Catalogs. | J. Paul Getty Museum—Catalogs. | Terra-cotta
sculpture—California—Los Angeles—Catalogs.
Classification: LCC NB145 .J27 2016 (print) | LCC NB145 (ebook) | DDC 733/.309377–dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015042795

Front cover: Thymiaterion Supported by a Statuette of Nike (detail, cat. 53)

Back cover: Group of a Seated Poet (Orpheus?) and Sirens (cats. 1–3)
pp. ii–iii: Fragment of a Head (detail, cat. 22)
p. vii: Statuette of a Mime (detail, cat. 29)
pp. 6–7: Head of a Woman (detail, cat. 51)
p. 214: Head and Torso of a Youth with Tarentine mold (detail, fig. 12)
 Contents

Director’s Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
TIMOTHY POTTS

Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Production Techniques. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

Map of South Italy and Sicily. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

Catalogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

Taranto Region (Cats. 1–37). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

Canosa (Cats. 38–46) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

Medma (Cats. 47–48) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148

Other South Italy (Cats. 49–50) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160

Sicily (Cats. 51–60) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168

Guide to the Collection of South Italian and Sicilian Terracottas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214

CL AIRE L. LYONS

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224

Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232

Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233
Director’s Foreword
Timothy Potts

The tradition of making sculpture in terracotta represents larger collection of over a thousand terracottas described by
one of the signal artistic accomplishments of ancient Italian Claire Lyons in an accompanying guide.
cultures before and during the rise of Rome as the Among our holdings perhaps the most remarkable of
dominant regional power. From Pliny the Elder we learn all is the life-size funerary group of a seated poet as
that in the seventh century bc, an exiled Corinthian Orpheus and two sirens captured in a moment of song
merchant, Demaratus, introduced the fashioning of figures (cats. 1, 2, and 3). This is surely one of the most spectacular
from baked earth, an art that was “brought to perfection by achievements of the ancient coroplast’s art from anywhere
Italy and especially by Etruria” (Naturalis Historia 35.45, in the Mediterranean. Much interest attaches also to the
157). The first recorded artist names on the peninsula in fact smaller figurines that represent miniature versions of
belong to sculptors who worked in clay, Vulca of Veii and celebrated sculptures, such as the Apollo playing a kithara
Gorgasus and Damophilus of Magna Graecia, who produced (cat. 44), which echoes the Apollo Kitharoidos carved by
decorations for temples in Rome around the turn of the Timarchides in the second century bc. A unique pair of
sixth to fifth centuries bc. As several examples in the Getty altars with expressively modeled reliefs of the Adonis myth
collection show, Tarentine masters were not far behind, (cats. 47 and 48) depict aspects of cult worship and faith in
signing their works by inscribing their names into the damp the afterlife that held particular sway among the residents
clay matrix. Identified in later Greek literature as of Magna Graecia.
coroplasts—literally, “modelers of girls”—these artisans Following an introduction to the collection, the
crafted figurines of great variety and expressiveness that are catalogue entries situate each object within its wider
among these cultures’ most distinctive art forms. typological and iconographical milieu, citing connections to
Mass produced and finished by hand, terracottas were centers of production in Puglia, Lucania, Calabria, Sicily,
ubiquitous in the ancient Mediterranean. Usually modest in and the Greek mainland. Technical analyses conducted by
scale, statuettes circulated widely over long periods and the Getty’s Antiquities Conservation Department have
through multiple generations of molds, providing critical revealed details of manufacturing techniques and the
evidence for regional styles, patterns of trade, and local application of a palette of polychrome pigments and gilding.
cults. Commonly found in dwellings, graves, and Ancient Terracottas from South Italy and Sicily is the
sanctuaries, terracottas gave tangible form both to private second in a series of web-based scholarly catalogues of the
spiritual beliefs and to public religious observances. collection of Greek, Roman, and Etruscan art at the Getty
This catalogue features a selection of the most Villa. By presenting this important material in an online
important works attributed to coroplastic workshops in format, our aim is to launch a new platform to share the
southern Italy and Sicily from the collection of the J. Paul latest research and to encourage readers to explore related
Getty Museum. The sixty terracottas investigated by Maria groups of terracottas in the museum. We are grateful to the
Lucia Ferruzza span the Archaic, Classical, and Hellenistic author, all the contributors, and the Publications staff for
periods from about 550 to 100 bc. Comprising large-scale realizing this innovative and accessible guide to the
sculptures and statuettes, as well as votive heads, altars, collection.
decorative appliqués, and masks, they number among a

vi
Acknowledgments

I extend my sincere and affectionate gratitude to the staff of Belozerskaya, Ruth Evans Lane, Elizabeth Kahn, Greg
the J. Paul Getty Museum, particularly to Claire Lyons, Albers, Eric Gardner, Stephanie Grimes, Rachel Barth, and
curator of Antiquities, and Karol Wight, former senior other staff at Getty Publications who made this catalogue a
curator of Antiquities, who supported and encouraged me reality.
through the many stages of this project, assuring an ongoing I am especially grateful to Clemente Marconi, first
dialogue that has enriched me and this project enormously. editor of the manuscript, and Caterina Greco for their
A grateful acknowledgment goes to Marion True, former continuing intellectual generosity and enlightening
curator of Antiquities, who initially entrusted this project to conversations.
me in the conviction that it would be a significant addition Heartfelt thanks are owed to all the colleagues who
to scholarly knowledge of the Getty collections. offered suggestions to improve and enrich the work, though
I would also like to thank current and former responsibility for any errors or omissions rests with me
colleagues in the Department of Antiquities—Mary Louise alone. In particular, it was a privilege to have the superb
Hart, Kenneth Lapatin, Janet Burnett Grossman, John guidance of Pietro Giovanni Guzzo, Paola Pelagatti, and
Papadopoulos, and Alexandra Sofroniew—whose Salvatore Settis, who found the time and patience to read
professionalism and collaboration made my task a privilege and review parts of this book. I had stimulating and
and a pleasure. Special thanks are due to Jerry Podany, invaluable conversations with Gianfranco Adornato, Nunzio
former senior conservator of Antiquities, Jeffrey Maish, Allegro, Nicola Bonacasa, Paolo Carafa, Rosa Maria Cucco,
Susan Lansing Maish, Erik Risser, Marie Svoboda in the Maria Antonietta Dell’Aglio, Daniel Graepler, Maria
Department of Antiquities Conservation, and to David Costanza Lentini, Enzo Lippolis, Paolo Moreno, Giampaolo
Scott, for their observations on and contributions to the Nadalini, Erik Østby, Nicoletta Poli, Valeria Tardo, Stefano
scientific analysis of several terracottas. Stimulating Vassallo, and Carla Aleo Nero.
discussions of technical problems made me more confident My gratitude goes also to my family for their patience
in my understanding of unusual aspects of some of the in enduring my preoccupations during the production of
terracottas. I am grateful to Benedicte Gilman, Marina the book.

vii
Introduction

This catalogue, which features a selection of terracottas to narrow down, as much as possible, the objects’ place of
from South Italy and Sicily now in the collection of the J. manufacture and possible cultural context. In this manner,
Paul Getty Museum, was born from a preliminary study of we have identified the Laconian colony of Taras (Taranto)
the coroplastic collection carried out during a graduate and the sites of ancient Canusion (Canosa), Medma
internship at the Getty Museum in 1988–89.1 The (Rosarno), Selinous (Selinunte), Kentoripa (Centuripe), and
assignment of the terracottas to these geographical areas is Morgantina as possible original centers of production for
based on stylistic analysis, on the appearance of the clay, most of the objects presented in this volume. I considered it
and on information related to the objects’ acquisition. The to be especially useful to indicate the hypothetical findspot
terracottas were for the most part purchased on the art of each object, even if doubtful (in some cases, noted at the
market from the 1970s onward; a few were private time of acquisition), rather than limiting my work to a
donations. Most have never been published, though some general typological or stylistic analysis, which would
have been presented in preliminary and general inevitably have relegated the items to the status of
publications. One group of nine examples comes from the decorative pieces.
collection of Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman, acquired by My approach could hardly overlook certain difficulties.
the Museum in 1996.2 First and foremost is the circulation of molds and statuettes
Only one of the sixty terracottas presented in this among the various centers of production in Sicily and
publication comes from a certain, datable context (cat. 60), Magna Graecia, a circumstance that leaves significant
and thus for the most part it is impossible to reconstruct margins of doubt as to the exact origins of an object.
with confidence their potential associations with other Moreover, in cases where no scientific analysis of the clay
materials. Furthermore, this selection intentionally was performed, visual examination can provide only a
presents significant variations in typology and chronology, hypothetical attribution of context. Nonetheless, I feel
spanning many centuries from the Archaic to the Late certain that this study, when made available to a wider
Hellenistic period. In addition, the intrinsic nature of the audience, can enrich further research in the field and
collection imposes certain limitations on this catalogue, as contribute substantially to our understanding of various
one cannot base interpretative theories on solid aspects of the artifacts from the ancient world. In fact, such
foundations that might deepen our understanding of a artifacts, having been handed down through the filter of
specific center, region, or cultural context. collectors, sometimes seem to fit poorly within established
Certain aspects of the methods, objectives, and results hermeneutic categories, which too often are excessively
presented in this catalogue merit attention. The catalogue codified and conventional. I hope that this catalogue and
presents a selection of the most significant typologies of the the accompanying Guide to the Collection of South Italian
terracottas in the collection, and it includes unique pieces and Sicilian Terracottas, which indexes more than 1,000
as well more ordinary ones that were acquired as donations. other statuettes and molds at the Getty, will encourage
Overall, the Getty’s antiquities collection is comprised of wider comparison and connections to materials of more
more than 1,000 terracotta statues, statuettes, and other certain archaeological contexts.3
object types, ranging in date from the Neolithic to the
Notes
Roman period, the great majority of which can be associated
with votive deposits in southern and central Italy, especially 1. The manuscript was mostly completed in 2008 in a new context of
the areas of Campania, Lucania (Metaponto), and Puglia cultural and scientific collaboration between the J. Paul Getty
Museum, the Italian Ministry of Culture, and the Assessorato
(Taranto). The decision to organize the catalogue by region Regionale dei Beni Culturali e dell’Identità Siciliana. Prior to final
and site, even if such identifications are hypothetical, editing, bibliographical references have been updated through 2010 or,
derives from the methodological approach of the study. in selected cases, to 2013; the bibliography for individual objects is
current through 2015.
The purpose of this work is to present a range of 2. Cats. 24, 27, 29, 30, 31, 44, 45, 46, and 58. The collection was published
objects of significant iconographic and stylistic interest, in in the catalogue passion for antiquities 1994.
3. See the essays by P. Pelagatti and N. Bonacasa in pelagatti and guzzo
some cases characterized by those qualities of uniqueness
1997, pp. 9–28, and the introduction to the British Museum catalogue
that generally reflect the tastes of private collectors. burn and higgins 2001, pp. 16–17.
Comparisons with material from excavations and critical
discussions helps not only to define those qualities but also

1
Classification

The catalogue includes sixty terracottas, presented or prior restorations, as well as the technique of
according to presumed origins from two major areas: South manufacture. In such cases, the results are shown in
Italy and Sicily. Within these two major groups, the objects appendices at the end of the catalogue entry.
have been further subdivided by the specific contexts they Under the heading “Provenance,” the object’s
suggest and are generally organized by their typological collection history prior to acquisition by the J. Paul Getty
classes. Museum is given.
Each catalogue entry begins with a brief description of The object “Bibliography” section lists both
the terracotta fabric and the decoration. The fabric has been publications devoted to the piece in question and those in
analyzed using a macroscopic examination aimed at which the piece is only mentioned. Citations that are
identifying the consistency and chromatic characteristics, mentioned several times in the catalogue and in notes are
defined with reference to the Munsell color charts. cited with an abbreviation; the full references are in the
However, this examination method has intrinsic limitations, general Bibliography.
since a single type of clay can take on different colorings or The body of each catalogue entry consists of an
nuances in different sections of an individual piece, iconographic description and a critical commentary with
depending on the temperature and duration of the firing the pertinent comparisons, dating hypotheses, and possible
process and the conditions of the kiln. More importantly, origins. The suggested dating is based, where possible, on
there is a high level of subjectivity involved in this form of comparisons with materials from excavation contexts or,
visual analysis.1 As regards decoration, the presence of more frequently, through references to stylistic and
white clay slip or diluted clay has been reported, and in iconographical analogies.2
cases where the piece has been subjected to a technical
Notes
examination, the presence and type of pigments have been
noted. 1. Munsell Soil Color Charts, rev. ed. (New York, 1992). For concerns that
Measurements are given in centimeters and in general have been raised about the use of color charts, see N. Cuomo di
Caprio, La ceramica in archeologia: Antiche tecniche di lavorazione e
are the maximum height (H), width (W), and depth (D); in moderni metodi d’indagine (Rome, 1985), p. 175, and barra bagnasco
some cases, other significant dimensions are also included. 1986, p. 106. Only an accurate archaeometric analysis can definitively
The “Condition” section provides information about identify differences in the structure and mineral composition of the
fabric.
the piece’s state of conservation and technique of 2. The chronology, based on stylistic considerations, always pertains to
manufacture. Further analyses have been carried out by the the creation of the prototype: because molds were used for the serial
Antiquities Conservation Department on several of the production of pieces, iconographical and typological models could
persist over a very long period.
terracottas with the intention of determining the presence
of polychrome pigments, the nature of potential anomalies

2
Production Techniques

The production process for terracotta statuettes and and subsequent generations were smaller still as the
statues has been thoroughly described in many process continued.3
publications, so only a brief summary of the most recent Once the mold was fired, it was ready for serial
studies on the subject is provided here. The technique for production. Clay was pressed into the interior to the
the manufacture of the arulae (altars) and reliefs is desired consistency and thickness. The clay was allowed to
described in the individual entries. dry partially and therefore to shrink, facilitating the
Statuettes were generally made with single or bivalve extraction of the positive from the mold. In some cases, the
molds that were, in turn, made from a clay model, also head was not part of the figure mold but was added once
known as an archetype, patrix, or prototype. The prototype the latter was extracted from the mold. The head might be a
also made it possible to fashion individual sections of solid piece or, if large, hollow. It could be attached through
models, which, when combined with other cast parts, could straightforward assembly or by use of a neck-like tenon, as
form a new type.1 After the firing of the model, the mold in the head of a male banqueter (cat. 7).
was obtained by pressing clay into the model until it Details, such as earrings or wreaths, were generally
reached the proper thickness.2 A very important step during done freehand. Before firing, the coroplast had a last
the production of a mold was the retouching of the opportunity to retouch the figure with a spatula or other
individual details; in some cases, this work was very sharp tool. Usually the hair was defined during this phase.
substantive and could differentiate the new cast from the The holes of various sizes and shapes that we often find on
archetype. the back of the figures were not only for ventilation during
If the object to be reproduced was very large and it drying and kiln-firing but could also help in modeling the
presented a number of points that were undercut or parts figure; if they were for ventilation alone, they could have
that projected out sharply (for example, forearms or bent been much smaller than is often the case.
legs), it was preferable to create a number of partial molds, Next came the firing of the positive casts, during which
or half molds, added à la barbotine—that is, adhered with a great care had to be taken to ensure that the artifacts were
clay slip—after the positive cast had been molded but at the proper distance from the heat source and that the
before it was fired; this approach offered a number of temperature was properly regulated in order to prevent
obvious technical advantages but also permitted a variety of cracking or other forms of damage. A layer of clay slip or
compositional solutions. In much the same way, special white pigment (white lead kaolinite, or calcite) was usually
accessories could be added to the clothing, hair, or applied to the entire figure, rendering it waterproof and
ornaments. In some cases, the back section of the positive- improving its appearance by eliminating obvious porosity,
cast statuette might consist of just a simple sheet of clay, or as well as providing a good undercoat for the decoration.
it could be rounded off and worked roughly by hand to give Analysis carried out at the British Museum on the white
the impression of the curved back of the cranium; or there ground present on a group of statuettes from various
could be a fully modeled back, made with a bivalve mold. In locations demonstrated that this procedure must have been
the latter case, to facilitate the assembly of the two parts, a done after firing. This was certainly true when kaolinite was
guideline was marked on the mold, consisting of incised used, as it breaks down at temperatures above about
lines or a light relief on the edge. Signs, numbers, or letters 500°C.4
might be marked on the mold, or even on the positives, After firing, the figure would be decorated with colored
usually on the back, as is the case with the five statues of pigments: black (lampblack for the Seated Poet and Sirens
mourning women from Canosa (cats. 38, 39, 40, 41, and 42); group, cats. 1, 2, and 3) was generally used for the eyes and
these were for the artisan’s use during the production eyebrows; dark red (red ocher) for the hair or for coloring
process. male flesh; red (mercuric sulfide, or cinnabar) for hair, lips,
When the first-generation molds became worn, new and some parts of the clothing; pink (red ocher and chalk;
ones could be made. In cases where it was no longer or cinnabar, lead white, and chalk) for female complexions
possible to reuse the original model, new molds could be and for accessories or parts of the clothing and drapery;
made from an existing positive. These second-generation dark blue (Egyptian blue) for various accessories (or, for
molds were thus somewhat smaller than their predecessors, instance, on the beard of the head of Hades, cat. 60); and
dark brown (umber, iron oxide) for accessory parts.5

3
 Production techniques could differ for mid-sized and prototype. See R. V. Nicholls, “Type, Group and Series: A
Reconsideration of Some Coroplastic Fundamentals,” BSA 47 (1952),
larger statues. Recent studies of statues of mourning pp. 217–26. The work of Nicholls, along with the considerations of
women from Canosa now at the Musée du Louvre showed Jastrow (E. Jastrow, “Abformung und Typenwandel in der antiken
that the statues were made by laying clay pieces over a Tonplastik,” OpArch 2 [1941], pp. 1–28) laid the groundwork for the
classification of coroplastic art through the identification of
conical tubular clay structure; arms and head were then prototypes and variants, a system that has been thoroughly debated
inserted into special holes made in the structure (see cats. and explored in the publications of coroplastic material originally
from votive deposits in central and southern Italy. This method has
38, 39, 40, 41, and 42). In the case of the Seated Poet and progressively been imposed upon the systems of classification based
Sirens group (cats. 1, 2, and 3), the figures were the result of on stylistic and iconographic analysis. For a summary of the problem,
a careful process of manual modeling around an armature, see bonghi jovino 1990, pp. 19–59, and F. Blondé and A. Muller, eds.,
L’artisanat en Grèce ancienne: Les productions, les diffusions: Actes du
possibly of wood; a number of parts were then added, some colloque de Lyon, 10–11 décembre 1998 (Lille, 2000), pp. 437–63.
cast from molds and others hand worked. The figures were 2. On the technical production of the molds, see A. Muller, “Artisans,
then assembled and finished by rendering details with techniques de production, et diffusion: Le cas de la coroplathie,” in
Blondé and Muller, L’artisanat en Grèce ancienne, pp. 91–106.
careful tool work during the retouching phase.6 3. The clay shrinkage amounts to about 9 to 10 percent. For the most
part, it takes place during the drying phase and varies according to a
Notes number of factors, such as the quality of the clay and the duration and
temperature of the firing.
1. The use of these terms is not necessarily consistent in the literature 4. See in this connection: burn and higgins 2001, pp. 18–20 and
on the subject, inasmuch as they imply varying degrees of Appendix 2 for the analysis of the white grounds. See also V.
resemblance to the finished product. On the use of the terms series, Brinkmann, “The Polychromy of Ancient Greek Sculpture,” in color
group, and type, R. V. Nicholls defines a group as including works that of life 2008, pp. 18–39.
are linked together by shared features traceable back to the same 5. For the use of color on Hellenistic terracottas, see jeammet et al.
artisan or workshop. Arthur Muller, on the other hand, uses group to 2007 and Brinkmann, “Polychromy of Ancient Greek Sculpture.”
designate works that can be linked by features of a technical order but 6. For the technique of production of the statues from Canosa and of the
which may not necessarily originate from the same workshop. Type Seated Poet and Sirens group, see the pertinent entries: respectively
generally signifies a number of pieces that share the same image, while cats. 38, 39, 40, 41, and 42; cats. 1, 2, and 3.
a series is a set of products derived mechanically from a single

4
 1

Statue of a Seated Poet (Orpheus?)

330–300 BC

Inventory Number 76.AD.11.1 appearance overall. The interior of the statue was also
widely consolidated and reinforced with an added material,
Typology Statue except in several sections where the clay is still visible. As a
Location Taranto region result, there are only a few places where the original marks
of the modeling and the fingerprints of the coroplast can be
Dimensions observed. In 1983 exploratory cleaning on a limited portion
of the footstool and chair was performed by the Getty’s
Orpheus with chair, footstool, and slab (overall): H: 104 cm; W: 56.8
cm; D: 100.6 cm Antiquities Conservation Department, revealing some of
the original polychromy and the presence of footprints on
Footstool rest: H: 6.7 cm; W: 29.7 cm; D: 24 cm the upper surface of the footstool.
Footstool rest, flat slab: H: 3 cm; W: 44.9 cm; D: 34.1 cm
Provenance
– 1976 Bank Leu A. G. (Zurich, Switzerland), sold to the J.
Fabric Paul Getty Museum, 1976.
Light orange in color, slightly purified with more intense
shade (Munsell 7.5 yr 8/3–8/5); the surface is covered by a Bibliography
white slip of calcium carbonate. Preserved pigments. getty 1987, pp. 48–49; frel 1979 , pp. 25–26, nos. 99–101;
footstool (76.ad.11.4): Upper surface, sparse orange- getty 1980, p. 34; C. C. Vermeule, Greek and Roman
gold pigment. The sides of the footstool show a greater Sculpture in America: Masterpieces in Public Collections in the
preservation of the orange-gold pigment layer as well as United States and Canada (Malibu, 1982), pp. 150–51, no. 118;
some black pigment. The base (76.AD.11.5) has a reddish M. L. West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford and New York, 1983),
tone. p. 25, fig. 4; C. Mattusch, “Field Notes,” Archaeological News
chair: Little pigment preservation on the sides; the 13, 1/2 (1984), pp. 34–35, illus. p. 35; getty 1986, p. 33;
legs were brightly colored in a gold-yellow pigment; the hofstetter-dolega 1990, pp. 11, 260–61, no. W 24, pl. 36;
center panel of the chair back is also a gold color, similar to getty 1991, p. 41; P. G. Guzzo, “Altre note tarantine,” Taras
the legs, while the areas between the upper posts of the 12, no. 1 (1992), pp. 135–41; bottini and guzzo 1993; J. Neils,
chair and the panel were red, indicating Orpheus’s garment. “Les Femmes Fatales: Skylla and the Sirens in Greek Art,” in
orpheus: The head reveals traces of two colors in two The Distaff Side, ed. B. Cohen (New York and Oxford, 1995),
layers: a red color layer partially covered with a layer of pp. 175–84. fig. 51; getty 1997, p. 43; E. Towne Markus,
brown pigment. The drapery area is covered with a red Masterpieces of the J. Paul Getty Museum: Antiquities (Los
pigment. The skin is pink. Angeles, 1997), pp. 88–89; hofstetter 1997, p. 1101, no. 97,
pl. 742; leclercq-marx 1997, pp. 37, 38, 288, no. 23, fig. 27;
Condition
M. L. Ferruzza, “Il Getty Museum e la Sicilia,” Kalos, Arte in
The musical instrument and the middle finger of the left
Sicilia 9, 3 (May–June 1997), pp. 4–11, fig. 8; D. Tsiafakis, He
hand are missing. The figure was reassembled from a
Thrake sten Attike Eikonographia tou 5ou aiona p.X.
number of fragments prior to its acquisition by the J. Paul
(Komotini, 1998). p. 231, pl. 74; bottini 2000, pp. 135–37; D.
Getty Museum. The legs, the head, and several sections of
the himation were reattached. Missing sections were filled Tsiafakis, “Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren,” Studia
in, especially on the chair in the area of the backrest and the Varia from the J. Paul Getty Museum 2 (2001), pp. 7–24; fig. 2;
rear portion of the torso. During this interval, for which no Getty 2001, pp. 42–43; getty 2002, pp. 116–17; A. Bottini, “La
specific documentation exists, it is likely that invasive religiosità salvifica in Magna Grecia fra testo e immagini,” in
cleaning also damaged some of the ancient polychromy. settis and parra 2005, pp. 140–50, esp. pp. 141–42; F. Graf
Recent investigations have helped clarify that the obscuring and S. Iles Johnston, Ritual Texts for the Afterlife: Orpheus
encrustations were probably added at this time, especially and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (London, 2007) p. 65; ferrarini
on the body and the head, in order to conceal break lines and santoro 2010, pp. 47-87, esp. 70-71, fig. 16; getty 2010 ,
and areas of fill and to give the figure a more uniform p. 114; ferrarini and santoro 2011, pp. 559–69, esp. p. 565,

9
fig. 11; C. A. Faraone and D. Obbink, eds., The Getty made of a rectangular slab with moldings and two lateral
Hexameters: Poetry, Magic, and Mystery in Ancient Selinous elements with a rounded shape, terminating in four corbels.
(Oxford, 2013) p. 176, pl. 5; getty 2015, p. 26. The figure’s head is erect and turned toward the right.
The face is rounded; the mouth, with its fleshy, carefully
Description modeled lips, is partially open, revealing the upper dental
The male figure is shown sitting on a klismos (seat). The arch; a dimple marks the point where the lower lip meets
seat, with a broad, rounded backrest, is set on a low the prominent chin. The curling of the lower lip and the
rectangular platform composed of two distinct sections. half-open mouth are both signs that this character was
The first section has a concave outer edge and is an integral probably portrayed in the act of singing. The nose is
part of the chair, serving as its base; the second section is straight, the nostrils are rounded, and the almond-shaped
composed of a movable element with a convex edge that fits eyes have distinctly portrayed eyelids, with clearly depicted
flush and snug against the first section. The rectangular tear glands. The supraorbital arch, broad and close to the
openings on either side of the chair may have been used eye, runs directly into the upper part of the nose. The hair
either to lift the figure or to provide ventilation during must have been painted, as was determined by a careful
firing. analysis of the nape of the neck, but it is possible that the
The body is wrapped in a mantle that covers his left head was partially covered by a headdress, as the modeling
shoulder and part of his left arm, leaving his chest bare and of the upper part of the forehead seems to suggest. The ears
showing wrinkles around the navel and the armpit. The are well modeled.
mantle drops on either side with deep folds, covering the The right arm, its elbow resting against the torso, is
figure’s legs to the calves. The legs are slightly spread, so bent, reaching forward to hold a plectrum, while the left
that the clay of the garment forms thin, deep folds. The hand was probably plucking the strings of a kithara. A trace
right foot rests on the footstool, while only the tip of the of the instrument survives in the concavity where it must
left foot touches it. The figure is wearing flat sandals with have rested on the left leg.
thongs that cross on the top of the feet. The footstool is

10
11
 2

Statue of a Standing Siren A

330–300 BC

Inventory Number 76.AD.11.2 Thrake sten Attike Eikonographia tou 5ou aiona p.X.
(Komotini, 1998), p. 231, pl. 74; bottini 2000, pp. 135–37; D.
Typology Statue
Tsiafakis, “Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren,” Studia
Location Taranto region Varia from the J. Paul Getty Museum 2 (2001), pp. 7–24; fig. 2;
Getty 2001, pp. 42–43; getty 2002, pp. 116–17; A. Bottini, “La
Dimensions H: 140 cm; W: 35.8 cm; D: 55.2 cm; religiosità salvifica in Magna Grecia fra testo e immagini,” in
L (from center of belly to tail): 49.1
cm
settis and parra 2005, pp. 140–50, esp. pp. 141–42; F. Graf
and S. Iles Johnston, Ritual Texts for the Afterlife: Orpheus
Fabric and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (London, 2007) p. 65; ferrarini
Light orange in color, and in certain places a slightly more and santoro 2010, pp. 47-87, esp. 70-71, fig. 16; getty 2010 ,
intense shade (Munsell 7.5 yr 8/3); covered by a white slip p. 114; ferrarini and santoro 2011, pp. 559–69, esp. p. 565,
(latte di calce). Traces of red are preserved on the claws. fig. 11; C. A. Faraone and D. Obbink, eds., The Getty
Hexameters: Poetry, Magic, and Mystery in Ancient Selinous
Condition (Oxford, 2013) p. 176, pl. 5; getty 2015, p. 26.
This statue was reconstructed from several fragments; gaps
can be seen in the short chiton and in the right claw. In the Description
sections where the layer of white pigment has been The siren stands in a meditative pose. She is resting her
preserved, the surface appears very smooth, especially in long, slender legs, which terminate in four long talons, atop
the hands and face. a rounded, rocky base marked by a series of protuberances.
The upper part of her body is human in appearance: the
Provenance right arm is folded beneath the breasts and the left hand is
– 1976 Bank Leu A. G. (Zurich, Switzerland), sold to the J. propped under the chin. The head is slightly tilted to the
Paul Getty Museum, 1976. left, in keeping with an iconographic scheme generally
employed to express grief or sadness. The features of the
Bibliography
face resemble those of Orpheus. The face is full and round,
getty 1978, pp. 48–49; frel 1979 , pp. 25–26, nos. 99–101;
with a prominent chin. The neck is short, marked by the
getty 1980, p. 34; C. C. Vermeule, Greek and Roman
“rings of Venus.” The eyes are asymmetrical, with the upper
Sculpture in America: Masterpieces in Public Collections in the
eyelid more pronounced and the arched eyebrows situated
United States and Canada (Malibu, 1982), pp. 150–51, no. 118;
close to the eyelids. The nose is straight, with a rounded tip.
M. L. West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford and New York, 1983),
The lips are fleshy and well designed. The face is framed by
p. 25, fig. 4; C. Mattusch, “Field Notes,” Archaeological News
a hairstyle characterized by a series of roughly modeled,
13, 1/2 (1984), pp. 34–35, illus. p. 35; getty 1986, p. 33;
short, twisting curls applied to the top of the head and
hofstetter-dolega 1990, pp. 11, 260–61, no. W 24, pl. 36;
partially covering the ears. The figure is dressed in a short
getty 1991, p. 41; P. G. Guzzo, “Altre note tarantine,” Taras chiton with an apoptygma (cape-like fold) that clings to her
12, no. 1 (1992), pp. 135–41; bottini and guzzo 1993; J. Neils, body, forming pleats that are flattened on the front, while
“Les Femmes Fatales: Skylla and the Sirens in Greek Art,” in on the sides they open out as if tossed in the wind, with
The Distaff Side, ed. B. Cohen (New York and Oxford, 1995), beautifully hand-modeled ruffles. A sash is wrapped high
pp. 175–84. fig. 51; getty 1997, p. 43; E. Towne Markus, around the chest, with two shoulder straps crossing over
Masterpieces of the J. Paul Getty Museum: Antiquities (Los the bust. In the back, the drapery extends to form a broad,
Angeles, 1997), pp. 88–89; hofstetter 1997, p. 1101, no. 97, tubular tail, flared toward the end like a fan. This tail also
pl. 742; leclercq-marx 1997, pp. 37, 38, 288, no. 23, fig. 27; helped to balance the statue. In the back of the figure, the
M. L. Ferruzza, “Il Getty Museum e la Sicilia,” Kalos, Arte in crossing shoulder straps cannot be seen.
Sicilia 9, 3 (May–June 1997), pp. 4–11, fig. 8; D. Tsiafakis, He

13
 3

Statue of a Standing Siren B

330-300 BC

Inventory Number 76.AD.11.3 Angeles, 1997), pp. 88–89; hofstetter 1997, p. 1101, no. 97,
pl. 742; leclercq-marx 1997, pp. 37, 38, 288, no. 23, fig. 27;
Typology Statue
M. L. Ferruzza, “Il Getty Museum e la Sicilia,” Kalos, Arte in
Location Taranto region Sicilia 9, 3 (May–June 1997), pp. 4–11, fig. 8; D. Tsiafakis, He
Thrake sten Attike Eikonographia tou 5ou aiona p.X.
Dimensions H: 140 cm; W: 48 cm; D: 68 cm; L (Komotini, 1998), p. 231, pl. 74; bottini 2000, pp. 135–37; D.
(from center of belly to tail): 56.2
cm Tsiafakis, “Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren,” Studia
Varia from the J. Paul Getty Museum 2 (2001), pp. 7–24; fig. 2;
Fabric Getty 2001, pp. 42–43; getty 2002, pp. 116–17; A. Bottini,
Light orange in color, and in certain places a slightly more “La religiosità salvifica in Magna Grecia fra testo e
intense shade (Munsell 7.5 yr 8/3); covered by a white slip. immagini,” in settis and parra 2005, pp. 140–50, esp. pp.
Preserved polychromy in red (claws). 141–42; F. Graf and S. Iles Johnston, Ritual Texts for the
Afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (London,
Condition 2007) p. 65; ferrarini and santoro 2010, pp. 47-87, esp.
Reconstructed from a number of fragments and covered 70-71, fig. 16; getty 2010, p. 114; 2 (1975); ferrarini and
with a thick layer of very compact whitish slip in areas. santoro 2011, pp. 559–69, esp. p. 565, fig. 11; C. A. Faraone
Most of the curls and the little finger of the right hand have and D. Obbink, eds., The Getty Hexameters: Poetry, Magic, and
been lost. Mystery in Ancient Selinous (Oxford, 2013) p. 176, pl. 5; getty
Provenance 2015, p. 26.
– 1976, Bank Leu A. G. (Zurich, Switzerland), sold to the J. Description
Paul Getty Museum, 1976. This siren is identical in the lower portion of her body to
Bibliography Siren A, but her stance and the position of her arms differ.
getty 1978, pp. 48–49; frel 1979, pp. 25–26, nos. 99–101; Her left hand rests on her chest, and her right arm stretches
getty 1980, p. 34; C. C. Vermeule, Greek and Roman out in front of her as if she were accompanying a song with
movement.
Sculpture in America: Masterpieces in Public Collections in the
Her shoulder straps overlap in the opposite direction
United States and Canada (Malibu, 1982), pp. 150–51, no. 118;
relative to those of the other siren. Her head, too, is turned
M. L. West, The Orphic Poems (Oxford and New York, 1983),
upward and rotated to the right. On the rocky base and
p. 25, fig. 4; C. Mattusch, “Field Notes,” Archaeological News
beneath her tail, there are three holes. Her left hand has a
13, 1/2 (1984), pp. 34–35, illus. p. 35; getty 1986, p. 33;
distinct mark of joining to the wrist, a detail found neither
hofstetter-dolega 1990, pp. 11, 260–61, no. W 24, pl. 36;
in her other hand nor in the other figure. On her left arm
getty 1991, p. 41; P. G. Guzzo, “Altre note tarantine,” Taras
are signs of apparent folds, though that does not seem
12, no. 1 (1992), pp. 135–41; bottini and guzzo 1993; J. Neils,
consistent with the type of short chiton she wears. About
“Les Femmes Fatales: Skylla and the Sirens in Greek Art,” in
halfway up the back section of her body is an incised line;
The Distaff Side, ed. B. Cohen (New York and Oxford, 1995),
another can be detected at the end of the tail.
pp. 175–84. fig. 51; getty 1997, p. 43; E. Towne Markus,
Masterpieces of the J. Paul Getty Museum: Antiquities (Los

15
Group Discussion
Seated Poet (Orpheus?) and Sirens
Cats. 1–3

An investigation conducted with endoscopic instruments between the figure and the drapery, which was shaped over
revealed a great deal about the execution of this sculptural the structure of the body. When examining the interior of
group.1 The figures must have been the product of a the Orpheus figure, one sees that in the area around the
complex process of modeling. One possible hypothesis is chair seat, where the mass of the body rested, the sculptor
that some parts of the group could have been made by hand created a series of small cavities, probably to accommodate
and then assembled around supports or an armature, most the structural supports. These served to reinforce a section
likely made of wood, which kept the fresh clay from that was evidently considered to be especially fragile.
collapsing.2 The system of internal supports was used to Likewise, on the interior of the rocky bases on which the
establish the overall structural integrity of the finished sirens are perched it is possible to see evidence of
statue and might also have extended toward the exterior for reinforcements arranged around the central cavity.
certain parts, such as the sirens’ tails, Orpheus’s arms, the A subsequent phase focused on working in the
arms of Siren B, and the seat of the klismos. It is likely that, iconographic details, such as the plectrum, the kithara, the
as was frequently done in antiquity, several parts—such as hair, and the ears, which are perforated, as is the mouth.
the head, arms, and legs—were molded separately, with The facial features were defined before the firing. Next
individual components then dovetailed together or affixed came retouching with pointed tools when the clay was in a
by either the barbotine method, before firing, or using leathery state, followed by firing.4 The surfaces of the
additional mortar. This procedure not only facilitated the statues were covered by a white engobe slip; this
working process but also reduced the risk of breakage strengthened and protected the surfaces and provided a
during firing.3 Working from the bottom up, artists likely uniform preparation surface for the polychromy. The white
constructed the rough figure around the framework, over slip is well preserved at a number of points, and it renders
which the various parts were modeled. The drapery and a the exterior surface very smooth and purified in
number of elements on the short chitons worn by the appearance.
sirens—such as the sash around the waist and the shoulder This group constitutes one of the most unusual
straps—were made with strips of clay applied to the figure compositions in the art of Magna Graecia. In the past,
and then carefully shaped and worked with special tools. because of its uniqueness, the anomaly of its iconography,
This is documented by marks left where the shoulder strap and its purchase on the antiquities market, many scholars
detached from the right shoulder of the pensive Siren A. A believed it to be a forgery. Tests performed on the clay and
molded head was then added to the body. X-radiographs of polychromy, however, have attested to its authenticity,
the figures show that the head was inserted deeply into a though before the Getty’s acquisition all the figures in the
cavity in the body and that the hands are hollow up to the group had been subjected to a substantial and in many
point where the fingers were attached. The breasts, too, are respects inappropriate process of restoration and cleaning
hollow and were modeled from within. Perhaps the sirens’ that altered the surface and original polychromy. Since the
framework might have consisted of a vertical structure that group had been acquired through the antiquities market,
held the figures upright while work was proceeding. The there is no information about its place of discovery. It was
framework for Orpheus, on the other hand, was probably a only through an exegetic and stylistic analysis that
support that roughly approximated the form of the chair, hypotheses could be formulated as to its intended
around which the various parts were shaped and assembled. placement, significance, function, and findspot.5
Then the mass of the body was modeled up to the neck and The seated figure has been identified as Orpheus, the
shoulders, possibly continuing to follow the guide of the poet son of Oeagrus (or Apollo) and the muse Kalliope. He
internal support. The legs, which were propped against the could charm humans and subdue animals with his song. The
front face of the klismos, must also have been modeled by shamanistic power of his art and its ties to mystery religions
hand and, despite the fact that they were to be covered by constitute a central theme in the ancient thought on and
drapery, were modeled as far up as the thighs. This manner the iconography of the poet.6
of working made it possible to achieve a more consistent In the Classical period, Orpheus was portrayed as a
treatment of movement and a more organic relationship beardless youth playing a kithara or lyre, as in the Nekyia in

17
the Lesche (council) of the Knidians at Delphi, where for the Palace of Hades. He is surrounded by inhabitants of
Polygnotos painted him dressed in Greek style beneath a the Underworld, such as Sisyphus, Cerberus, or the Furies,
willow tree and playing the lyre, surrounded by other or next to a deceased person holding a scroll; the scroll may
mythological characters.7 be an allusion to the religious text that accompanies him
In Attic red-figured vase-painting, in addition to images into the Underworld, as attested, for instance, on the
of the poet among the Thracians, there are also depictions amphora by the Ganymede Painter in Basel. With the sound
of his murder at the hands of the Thracian women and the of his kithara, an attribute that appears in all of these
episode in which his head continues to sing and prophesy scenes, it would seem that Orpheus saves the initiate from
even after being severed from his body. Orpheus among the the demons of Hades by showing him the path of
Thracians is depicted with a mantle wrapped around his salvation.13
hips or dressed in a rich Eastern costume, an identifying The Getty figure, seated and in all likelihood once
feature as well as a sign of ethnic affiliation that is found holding a stringed instrument (now lost), evokes other
especially in the subsequent repertory of Apulian vase- iconographies of the intellectual milieu but not specifically
painting.8 linked to Orpheus. In fact, this figure does not wear the
The Getty character’s seated position, the presence of elaborate Eastern costume with Phrygian cap that usually
the klismos, and the mantle that softly envelopes his figure, identifies the poet in Hades in Apulian vase-painting. All the
leaving his torso partly uncovered, are also distinctive same, there are some, albeit few, Apulian vases in which
features of the iconography of poets and philosophers. Such Orpheus or a figure very like him does appear wearing a
figures were sometimes accompanied by a volumen (papyrus simple mantle and holding a kithara, though the absence of
scroll), in keeping with an iconographic scheme that was any explicative inscriptions leaves a margin of doubt as to
formulated as early as the fifth century bc, but which was his identity.14
more widely adopted beginning in the second half of the In light of a preliminary analysis, it is possible to
fourth century bc.9 propose that this statue is not a depiction of Orpheus but
One slightly later comparison for this statue is a rather a portrayal of a deceased individual depicted with a
sculpture portraying Pindar, found in the so-called Exedra number of elements linked to the mythical milieu of
of the Philosophers in the Serapeion (Serapeum) of Orpheus. These elements include the stringed instrument,
Memphis at Saqqara, built in the third century bc and linked used to emphasize the lyrical and poetic context of the
to a Dionysian cult. In that statue, the poet is seated on a poet-intellectual; and the presence of the sirens, with their
klismos and partly covered by his mantle as he plays the clear funerary references.
kithara.10 The same iconographic scheme is adopted for the Orpheus’s connection with the world of the dead
type of the Apollo Kitharoidos, as documented in vase- would have been well known to any contemporary who
paintings and statuary. In this scheme, the seated deity viewed this group of figures. Through the shamanistic
almost always wears a mantle draped over his left shoulder power of his art, Orpheus had succeeded in not only
and has an elaborate hairstyle. In the case of the Getty subduing the forces of the afterlife but also restoring souls
Orpheus, the head shows traces of pigments, but that does to the world of the living. This achievement is narrated in
not rule out the possibility that there was once a headdress the renowned episode in which he nearly rescues his bride,
or hairdo that extended over the hairline.11 Eurydice, from the Underworld. In it he takes on the role of
The klismos, which is especially well represented in intermediary between the world of mortals and that of the
works of the Hellenistic period, is an element that would afterlife, serving also as a guarantor of the rites of
appear to identify the social status and intellectual gifts of purification required in the Underworld.
the character who was being depicted in the role of The chthonic connection of this group is emphasized
Orpheus, as was also typical in the Attic repertory.12 by the presence of the two sirens standing on bases, which,
In the context of Magna Graecia, it is difficult to with their rocky appearance, clearly allude to the sirens’
establish close comparisons. Apulian red-figured vases origin as demons linked to the marine world. The two
provide extensive documentation of Orpheus’s chthonic figures are imagined in an outdoor setting, as suggested by
role, with painters often choosing to depict the episode of the movement of the folds on the sides of their short
the katabasis, or descent to the Underworld, rather than chitons, evoking gusts of sea breeze. Of the two figures, one
other events in his mythology. This episode is featured in a is characterized by a melancholy, pensive expression, while
group of Apulian vases decorated with scenes from the the other, her arms flexing upward, is caught in a pose that
afterlife that has been extensively studied. In these vases seems to allude to song.15
Orpheus is the principal character, standing in the presence The archaeological and literary evidence provides for
of Hades and Persephone, often close to or inside a naiskos the siren a complex profile and a number of different
(small temple), which could be interpreted as a synecdoche aspects, both positive and negative, that while chiefly linked

18
to the enchantment of music and poetry, are also tied to expressions, their heads tilted to one side, and small
erotic seduction and nature’s life force. Yet the funerary kitharas in their arms.21
nature of these creatures, which are evoked in many literary Thus the sirens are, in general terms, figures that
sources in the context of mourning, seems to be their foreshadow death and accompany the dead into the
prevalent trait. In Euripides’s Helen (169–75), for example, Underworld. Their role as psychopomps was already
the sirens, companions of Persephone in Hades, are invoked suggested in the Archaic period by askoi (wine vessels) in
and urged to accompany funerary lamentations with their the form of sirens, used primarily for funerary purposes.22
lyres.16 In funerary contexts, the sirens assume expressive In order to reconstruct the function of the sirens within the
poses and gestures linked to lamentation, in some cases Getty group, however, a more precise interpretation of their
accompanying their laments with the sound of the kithara iconography and possible semantic values must be sought.
and the aulos. That is how they are presented, as early as One of the primary activities of sirens, attested by both
the late fifth century bc, on a number of Attic funerary the pose of Siren B and a copious literary tradition, is
stelae. This iconography was to persist throughout the singing in an insidiously seductive manner. Their singing
Hellenistic period in various parts of Greece, where sirens could prove fatal to those caught unawares, those who
appeared, in pairs, on funerary monuments of prominent tended to follow their instincts and the allure of the senses.
women or illustrious men endowed with intellectual As mentioned above, the sirens’ song in the Homeric
virtues. One such example is the famed tomb of Sophocles; tradition is linked to an ambiguous persuasive power; they
another is the tomb of the Sophist Isocrates. In both tombs are liminal creatures between the past and the future,
the sirens’ special relationship with poets and orators is between Earth and the gates of Hades, set in a flowering
emphasized.17 meadow scattered with human bones. They promise a broad
In many funerary stelae of the fourth and third body of knowledge but a deceptive one, as men are lured
centuries bc, sirens appear, invariably in pairs, posed toward another world that coincides with death. In this
symmetrically at either extremity of the slab, supporting the context, only a wise man or someone who can summon the
inscription with the name of the deceased. In some cases, forces of reason and thought might hope to pass their
they are shown with their hands on their heads or holding terrible test, as the Homeric story makes clear. The
stringed instruments.18 redeeming lesson is that only the initiate who attains
The sirens also served as decorative motifs on the wisdom through concerted intellectual and ethical striving
capitals of funerary monuments in the area of Taranto can aspire to overcome the human condition of suffering
between the end of the fourth century and the first half of and to achieve immortality.23
the third century bc; they were often depicted with one arm The siren represents this challenge—a crucial aspect of
tucked under the breasts and a hand supporting the inclined the relationship between Orpheus and the sirens, and a
head in a pose commonly used to indicate melancholy, like necessary step in the attainment of wisdom and
that of Siren A in the Getty group.19 knowledge—and also our natural fear of death and the
Sirens were portrayed in the Archaic period with birds’ unknown, the otherness that extends beyond the limits of
bodies and women’s heads; such was the case in Corinthian humanity.24
vase-painting, where they were a recurring motif in animal If the central character in the Getty group represents a
friezes. In Attic vase-painting, by contrast, they were deceased person who has been assimilated to the wise or
portrayed as protagonists of the Homeric narrative, or else skilled Orpheus, the two sirens would find a consistent
as musicians, as witnesses of heroic deeds, or in scenes of placement beside him and be assimilated with him sub specie
funerary mourning and lamentation. Beginning in the aeternitatis. With the harmonious sounds of his musical
Classical period, they underwent a progressive and radical instrument, he can not only triumph over wild creatures of
humanization, as did other mythological figures such as the an ambiguous nature but also, through the wisdom or skill
gorgon. Over the course of the fourth century bc, in fact, and harmony evoked by the sound of the kithara, he can
the sirens would gradually take on a female appearance in successfully face the final voyage and achieve eternal
the entire upper half of the body, as is documented with salvation. In this context, the depiction of the sirens in an
crude realism in the above-mentioned funerary stelae and, outdoor setting, perched on rocks, harks back to literary
in the context of Magna Graecia, in images painted on tradition and such works as the Argonautica of Apollonios of
South Italian vases and in the coroplastic art.20 In the Rhodes, where in the contest between Orpheus and the
previously mentioned Exedra of the Philosophers in the sirens there is an emphasis on an opposition between
Serapeion of Saqqara, alongside figures of poets and harmful and beneficial music.25
intellectuals, there was also a pair of standing sirens, each The Getty group would thus seem to evoke, in a
with bird claws and a humanized bust, wearing melancholy fantastic and ideological synthesis, the figure of an initiate
of Orphism who, through the contest and harmony of music

19
and philosophical thought, has controlled the emotional it was accompanied by recitation and bodily movement.29
forces of instinct and resisted the enticing song of Siren B. During the mid-fourth century bc, Taras, under the
Siren A, in her turn, seems to express the attainment of a command of Archytas, became the main center of
new condition, identifying an eschatological prospect for Pythagorean philosophy and Orphism. According to
the man.26 Substantial ambivalence characterizes both Aristoxenus, a musicologist and intellectual of the fourth
creatures. century bc, Archytas—philosopher, mathematician, and
It is worthwhile to consider the hypothesis that the statesman—was an ideal representative of the bios
sirens could be an expression of a positive tone, clearly pithagorikos, in which “good music” inspired a political
present in the complex of Orphic and Pythagorean beliefs. practice that strove for a wise economic equilibrium among
However, one should be wary of suggesting too narrow a the social classes and in which philosophical reflection and
correlation between figures and philosophical ideas in a political practice enjoyed an optimal synthesis. The idea of
sculptural group that lacks all context. Nevertheless, apatheia—which implies not the elimination of passions but
referencing Apulian culture of the second half of the fourth rather their moderation through the practice of virtue—is
century bc is essential in proposing a functional present in the Platonic model and was later also expressed
reconstruction of the group. in Peri nomo kai dikaiosinas (On Law and Justice), a treatise
Music (mousike) and the study of harmony were central by Pseudo-Archytas.30 It is intriguing to hypothesize that
to Pythagorean philosophy, which partly correlates with Siren A expresses the attainment of apatheia in the moment
Orphism, a doctrine that was followed in Taras (modern of detachment from earthly experience and the awareness
Taranto) by the circle of Archytas (fl. ca. 428–350 bc), but acquired through the good music produced by the deceased
which, as is extensively documented, was also widely Orpheus, and that Siren B expresses musical and singing
popular in Magna Graecia during the Hellenistic period. For virtue that is attained in harmony with the sound of the
instance, a series of metal lamellae found in graves in kithara. This interpretation can be traced more precisely to
Magna Graecia, Crete, and Thessaly are generally Pythagorean thought, which viewed sirens as creatures
interpreted as Orphic documents containing instructions linked to the transition from life to death but also as
on how to successfully complete the journey to the privileged guardians of wisdom and guarantors of cosmic
Underworld.27 Although the connections between Orphism harmony. This concept was borrowed by Plato as well; it is
and Pythagoreanism in the dynamic panorama of the expressed in the myth of Er in the tenth book of The
Hellenistic period are complex and problematic, one should Republic, in which he writes that the sirens coordinate the
keep in mind that philosophical and religious doctrines harmony of the celestial spheres. It is significant that the
could manifest within various cultural and geographic central theme of this myth is precisely the individual liberty
milieux, in a network of interactions and analogies that of man in the choice between good and evil, the freedom to
makes rigid classification difficult. place oneself in the realm of dispersal and oblivion or else
According to the philosophical beliefs of the to become first a dialectical unit and then a “political
Pythagoreans, the study of music was fundamental to being.”31
paideia (physical and mental training) and ethos (guiding While it has already been cautiously suggested that
standards or ideals), the source of inspiration for political Archytas or someone from his immediate circle was the
behavior in the quest for sophrosyne (temperance) and likely recipient of the Getty group, it should be considered
eurhythmia (harmonious bodily health). Likewise, the that the work must have been commissioned by someone of
perfect harmony and geometry of music, amplified in the great influence living in Apulia during the first half of the
vision of the cosmos, were models for the creation of civil fourth century bc: someone who was close to the Orphic
society. Harmony established the sense of proportion and milieu (though it would not be safe to associate it with a
restraint, in opposition to excess and abuse of power. Plato specific context).32 As for the original purpose of the group,
recognized in mousike an indispensable tool for the a funerary placement seems most likely, considering the
education of the citizenry and the harmonizing of the civic previous iconographic analysis and the possible
spirit, because harmony has “motions akin to the identification of the male character as a deceased person.
revolutions of our souls.”28 The political value of musical One hypothesis would place the group inside a naiskos set
education is a central concept in Plato’s Laws as well, due to atop a tomb. This would be in keeping with a Tarentine
the shaping power that music has on the soul. The kithara architectural typology after the middle of the fourth century
was considered an especially effective pedagogical bc, during a revival of more lavish funerary customs and a
instrument in this context. In striving for a pure sound, the return to the use of the chamber tomb. On large vases,
teacher was supposed to ensure that the instrument’s sound probably used as semata (tomb markers), there are
was in unison with that of the voice. Musical performance, depictions of naiskoi within which appear individual
moreover, demanded a complete involvement, inasmuch as characters and groups of figures, perhaps in imitation of

20
real statues. However, the funerary statues inside the naiskoi culturally and commercially with the cities of Magna
tended to be made of limestone or marble rather than the Graecia.39
less impressive or durable terracotta.33 The reconstruction A third hypothesis is that the Getty group was created
of naiskoi and their architectural decoration remains for a purely religious context. The most pertinent point of
somewhat problematic, for though a large volume of naiskos reference, the Exedra of the Poets and Philosophers in the
architectural fragments have been recovered, few have been Serapeion of Memphis, is however quite difficult to imagine
found in their original locations; no naiskos has yet been in Apulia or Taras, where the Orphic cults were conducted
discovered on the spot where it originally fell, much less in in keeping with more secluded rituals. One must keep in
situ. Like the figures in the naiskoi on vases, the Getty group mind that, according to the literary sources, particularly
is configured as a mise-en-scène, reflecting the status of the Pausanias, there were a number of sculptural groups
deceased and probably forming part of a larger group. The depicting Orpheus, now lost, in votive settings.40
use of naiskoi as semata, augmented with modeled clay Stylistically, the figures in the Getty group have some
decorations, is also attested in Greece as far back as the of the formal traits of late fifth-century bc Tarentine plastic
Archaic period, as Pausanias informs us. Nonetheless, arts. These are characterized by a fondness for fully
archaeological evidence does not allow a comparative rounded volumes; eyes with a well-shaped, symmetrical
analysis between the types of funerary monuments outline and distinctly modeled eyelids; fleshy mouths;
mentioned by Pausanias and the situation in Taras in the robust necks; heavy jaws; and solid cranial structures. Such
Late Classical and Hellenistic periods. In Sparta as well features can also be found in a number of Tarentine marble
there is documentation of many heroa (shrines dedicated to heads, mostly from funerary statues datable to the end of
heroes), also in connection with leschai; funerary the fifth century through most of the fourth century bc.
monuments comprising large numbers of votive statues They are evidence of the artists’ determination to preserve
have been found, attesting to the prestige of certain the most distinctive characteristics of the local production,
families.34 in which the iconographic types and the formal traits of the
The presence in Taranto, in the area of the Fondo Late Classical Attic school can be clearly identified.41
Giovinazzi, of a heroön dedicated to Orpheus was at one The Orpheus figure, with his distinct features and the
point proposed, but it has been repeatedly rebutted, in part solid plasticity of the face, seems to be reminiscent of such
because of the absence of literary sources.35 An alternative prototypes as the marble head of Athena in Brescia, which is
hypothesis would place this group in a chamber tomb, a a copy of a Classical original thought to have once formed
type present in Taranto in the fourth century bc but part of the bronze sculptural group by Phidias at Delphi. In
widespread mainly in the indigenous context, during the addition, the head of the so-called Orpheus recognizable in
period coinciding with the rise of an aristocratic class.36 the basanite example at the Munich Glyptothek, an
This is also supported by a comparison with the tombs of Augustan copy of a Greek original dating from 460 bc (but
Canosa, which in the fourth to third centuries bc featured assigned by Paul Zanker and Brunilde Ridgway to the Late
terracotta statue groups, probably arranged around the Hellenistic period), can be compared to our male head.42
funerary kline or dining couch, and with a chamber tomb in The general aspect and facial features of the Getty
Cariati, in Calabria (Brettian territory), dating from the last Orpheus also recall the acrolithic marble head of Apollo
quarter of the fourth century bc, in which the grave goods from the Temple of Apollo Alaios at Cirò, datable to the
also included a life-size statue, of which only fragments same period (440–430 bc).43
have been recovered.37 The Getty figure is closely comparable with a number
It was in the indigenous population centers that of terracotta pieces attributed to a coroplast or a circle of
Orphism and related eschatological belief systems were artists that has been called the circle of the Master of the
common, as Paolo Orsi had already suggested. This seems Singers of Taras, so named because most of the figures
to be indicated by the fact that most of the Apulian vases seemingly produced by this workshop feature a half-open
with depictions of Orpheus were found not in Taranto but mouth, as if they were in the act of singing. This workshop
in places such as Ruvo, Armento, Altamura, and Canosa, is thought to have been active in the second half of the
where they were intended for an elite clientele.38 In fourth century bc. The accuracy of the individual details of
connection with this hypothesis, Angelo Bottini has these sculptures suggests that they used first-generation
analyzed the attestations of salvation theology and has molds inspired by works from the Classical period, perhaps
pointed out that beginning at least in the fifth century bc, a in bronze; this is indicated by certain technical and
rage for re-elaborated and diversified Orphic and iconographic traits, such as the type of finish and the shape
Pythagorean cults swept through the indigenous centers, of the eyes, with their lamellar eyelids, and the curve from
especially among the localities that were directly involved the lip to the teeth. The workshop is believed to have

21
specialized in figures of banqueters or poets associated with 1. Orange: yellow ocher, red ocher
Orpheus. Many pieces can be linked to this group; 2. Black: lampblack
unfortunately most of them have been sold on the 3. Pink: red ocher, chalk
antiquities market and thus dispersed. They depict male
characters, often wearing bands and caps typical of
banqueters, or soft, pointed caps reminiscent of the Notes
Phrygian cap of Orpheus. Though they differ in dimensions 1. See the report by the Antiquities Conservation Department in the
and diverse iconographic details, these figures all feature appendix to this entry. Detached curls and other fragmentary
the same masculine type and physiognomic and technical elements of the group have the inventory numbers
76.AD.11.6–76.AD.11.304.
details. It is debatable whether they were the work of a 2. This modeling technique was also used in the Hellenistic period for
single workshop. In any case, they demonstrate not only the statues in terracotta. See, for example, the female bust from Falerii
(third century bc) in the Musée du Louvre: F. Gaultier, “L’Ariadne de
artistry of the coroplasts in Taranto, but also of their
Faléries: Une chef-d’oeuvre retrouvé,” in damarato 2000, pp. 288–97.
technical prowess, such as the creation of a patrix (pattern The technique was also used during the Renaissance and in modern
or die) or parallel patrices from which molds were produced times. On this, see M. G. Vaccari, ed., La scultura in terracotta
(Florence, 1996), in particular the study by G. Gentilini, “La scultura
and reused, resulting in works diversified in type and
fiorentina in terracotta del Rinascimento: Tecniche e tipologie,” pp.
iconography but associated by a certain resemblance.44 It 64–103.
remains to be seen whether the numerous Tarentine heads 3. The clearly visible line of the seam in Siren B’s left hand might show
where the hand was attached to the arm. On “the technique of added
with half-open mouths depicted poets and whether they can pieces,” see tomei 1992, pp. 176–77; this technique is well depicted in a
therefore be correlated with the figure of Orpheus or with kylix by the Foundry Painter in Berlin, q.v. Corpus Vasorum
Orphic doctrines. Antiquorum, Berlin Antiquarium 1, pl. 72–73. The circular cavities
found in terracotta fragments from the Palatine, thought to have been
Outside of Taranto, the most interesting parallels in made from molds, may have been made by a support used during the
terracotta votive busts come from Ariccia, which can assembly phase. The same procedure was identified at Olympia, for
probably also be traced back to Tarentine workshops and instance, in the group of Zeus and Ganymede: see A. Moustaka,
Grossplastik aus Ton in Olympia, Olympia Forschungen 22 (Berlin,
dated to the end of the fourth century. These works have 1993), pp. 64–97, pls. 33–39.
affinities in formal elements: clear evidence of the 4. For the process of firing in separate parts and subsequent assembly,
see also W. Deonna, Les statues de terre cuite dans l’antiquité (Paris,
circulation in an Italic context of models that were also 1908), pp. 20–25.
present in Magna Graecia and Taranto.45 5. Suspicion of their authenticity has been heightened by the singular
In the absence of a documented findspot, the group can nature of some parts of the figures, such as the claws of the sirens,
which elude criteria of standardized production, and by the absence of
only be generally dated to the last thirty years of the fourth comparisons for the figures as a group due to the rarity of
century bc based on style, iconography, and the nonarchitectural terracotta sculptural groups. The improper
restoration and reckless cleaning done before the Getty purchased
hypothetical connection with the cultural climate of Apulia
this group—exemplified by the application of artificial incrustations
in the second half of the fourth century bc. Interpretation on some sections—has contributed to the anomalous appearance of
based on style alone may well be misleading, given the the figures.
6. For the genealogy and the iconography of Orpheus in general, see
persistence of Late Classical traits even into the middle of garezou 1994.
the fourth century bc. 7. Pausanias’s apparent astonishment as he describes Orpheus’s Greek
appearance can lead us to believe that he was more commonly
Appendix depicted in Eastern dress. For a reconstruction of the painting by
Polygnotos (Pausanias 10.30.6), see M. D. Stansbury O’Donnell,
“Polygnotos’ Nekyia: A Reconstruction and Analysis,” AJA 94 (1990),
Thermoluminescence of the clay body, X-ray fluorescence pp. 213–35.
(XRF), polarized light microscopy, and ultraviolet–visible 8. For the iconography of Orpheus in Attic vase-painting, see garezou
spectroscopy analysis of the polychromy were performed. 1994, in particular nos. 7–14, 23–26 for Orpheus dressed in Greek style
among the Thracians; no. 16 for Apulian vases, especially those
They all attest to the group’s authenticity. produced between 340 and 310 bc, in which Orpheus appears dressed
in Greek style; and nos. 20–21, 72–84 for Orpheus in Hades, a theme
Results of the pigment analysis: treated almost exclusively in Apulian vase-painting.
9. On this aspect, see R. Von den Hoff, Philosophenporträts des Früh- und
Hochhellenismus (Munich, 1994), pp. 23–33; P. Zanker, The Mask of
Orpheus figure Socrates: The Image of the Intellectual in Antiquity (Berkeley, 1995), pp.
1. Yellow/gold: yellow ocher, lead white, chalk 52–57, 113–22; and J. J. Pollitt, Art in the Hellenistic Age (Cambridge,
1986), pp. 63–69. For examples of philosophers or poets in Greek
2. Red: yellow ocher, burnt sienna portraiture, including the portrait of Euripides in the Louvre, probably
3. White ground: chalk (or lead white) derived from the statue erected in Athens by Lykourgos between 340
and 336 bc, see G. M. A. Richter, The Portraits of the Greeks, vol. 1
4. Pink: cinnabar, lead white, chalk (London, 1965), pp. 137–39, figs. 760–61.
5. Red/brown: iron earth red, chalk 10. lauer and picard 1955, pp. 48–68. For a comparison with the statue of
Pindar, see also bottini and guzzo 1993, pp. 43–52, nn. 22 and 23.
11. For Apollo Kitharoidos, see W. Lambrinoudakis and O. Palagia, s.v.
Orpheus footstool “Apollon” LIMC 2.1 (1984), pp. 199–213; flashar 1992, pp. 114–23; and

22
 D. Castaldo, Il pantheon musicale: Iconografia nella ceramica attica tra VI Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Art, 1971–1988, in the Museum of Fine Arts,
e IV secolo a.C. (Ravenna, 2000), pp. 15–22; for statuary, see M. Boston (Boston, 1988), p. 26, no. 15; and the siren in a capital from
Mertens-Horn, “La statua di Apollo citaredo della galleria delle statue Taranto (inv. 96.AA.245) at the J. Paul Getty Museum, possibly
nel Vaticano,” in castoldi 1999, pp. 323–42. For vase-painting, also originally from a naiskos and datable to about 330 bc: grossman 2001,
consider the image of Apollo seated on the klismos, partly wrapped in a no. 55, pp. 146–47.
mantle, crowned with a laurel wreath, and playing the seven-string 20. On the humanized image of the siren, see, for Southern Italy, the
kithara, depicted on a vase by the Shuvalov Painter, from 435–425 bc: Apulian volute-krater from 330–320 bc in hofstetter 1997, no. 45; a
L. Massei, “Le ceramiche del pittore di Shuvalov rinvenute a Spina,” Campanian hydria with siren with long bird claws in A. D. Trendall,
MÉFRA 85, no. 2 (1973), pp. 437–81, fig. 10. For Apulian vases, see also The Red-Figured Vases of Lucania, Campania, and Sicily (Oxford, 1967),
the Apulian pelike (wide-mouthed jars) by the Chamay Painter, in p. 376, no. 121; and the Apulian loutrophoros at the J. Paul Getty
which Apollo, seated and partly wrapped in a mantle, plucks a kithara, Museum by the Painter of Louvre MNB 1148 (inv. 86.AE.680), in D.
in D. Paquette, L’instrument de musique dans la céramique de la Grèce Tsiafakis, “Life and Death at the Hands of a Siren,” Studia Varia from
antique (Paris, 1984), C48 and C49. For numismatics, see the seated the J. Paul Getty Museum 2 (2001), pp. 7–24, fig. 4. For examples in
figure of Apollo playing the kithara on a coin from Metaponto terracotta, see the statuette of a siren dated around ca. 460 bc said to
(440–430 bc), in S. P. Noe, The Coinage of Metapontum, part 2 (New have found in the region of Taranto: K. Deppert, “Jahres-berichte
York, 1931), p. 96, no. 431. See also the head of the Apollo of Cirò in Kestner Museum 1973–1976,” Hannoversche Geschichtsblätter 30 (1976),
which hair, probably of metal leaf, was inserted, in settis and parra pp. 287–89, no. 18; see also from Myrina the statuette of a siren with a
2005, pp. 259–62; and M. Mertens-Horn, “Resti di due grandi statue di bust of a woman in breitenstein 1941, pl. 58, nos. 463–64; and
Apollo ritrovati nel santuario di Apollo Aleo di Cirò,” in santuari examples in besques 1963, pl. 92, dated from the end of the third
della magna grecia in calabria 1996, pp. 261–65. century bc.
12. beschi 1991, pp. 39–55; for the klismos and the type of footstool, see G. 21. In this connection, see lauer and picard 1955, pp. 216–27.
M. A. Richter, The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans 22. For the function of the psychopomp, see L. Breglia Pulci Doria,
(London, 1966), pp. 37–38 and 49–52. A terracotta chair with a “Immagini di Sirene nella Crotoniatide,” in santuari della magna
backrest topped by two winged creatures was discovered at Taranto in grecia in calabria 1996, pp. 239–40.
a tomb in the Via Argentina: see de juliis and loiacono 1985, p. 387, 23. breglia pulci doria 1987, p. 43; L. Breglia Pulci Doria, “Le Sirene, il
no. 475. confine, l’aldilà,” in Mélanges Pierre Lévêque 4 (Paris, 1990), pp. 63–78.
13. For the iconography of Orpheus in Apulian vases, see M. Schmidt, 24. On this interpretation consider the review by F. Gilotta of
“Orfeo e orfismo nella pittura vascolare italiota,” orfismo in magna hofstetter-dolega 1990 in Prospettiva 67 (1992), pp. 83–85; also
grecia 1975, pp. 105–38, pl. VIII; see also pensa 1977, pp. 23–31, pl. V, giangiulio 1986, pp. 101–54; and B. D’Agostino, “Le Sirene, il tuffatore
fig. 1, and pl. X. e le porte dell’Ade,” AION 4 (1982), pp. 43–56.
14. This imagery might derive from a pictorial prototype such as the 25. G. Iacobacci, “Orfeo argonauta: Apollonio Rodio I,” in masaracchia
renowned Nekyia by Nikias: see G. Becatti, s.v. “Nikias,” eaa 5 (1963), 1993, pp. 77–92. Compare the analysis in M. L. West, The Orphic Poems
pp. 476–82. See the conclusions of bottini 2000 and also pensa 1977, (Oxford, 1983), pp. 25–26, 29–33.
pp. 46–47, no. 146, pls. VII and IX for two volute kraters, one from 26. For this interpretation, see bottini 2000, pp. 136–37.
Armento, now in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale in Naples, the 27. For Orphism in general, see the bibliography in tra orfeo e pitagora
other of an unknown findspot, now at the Hermitage Museum in St. 2000; for the complex issue of relations between Orphism and
Petersburg, in which the poet is depicted as a youth wearing a mantle Pythagoreanism and for Plato’s view on Orphic thought, see M.
and holding a kithara. Tortorelli Ghidini, “Da Orfeo agli orfici,” in tra orfeo e pitagora
15. For a general treatment of the iconography of the sirens in chthonic 2000, pp. 11–41; also P. Bourgeaud, ed., Orphisme et Orphée, en
contexts, see hofstetter 1997. For the expression of Siren A, see S. l’honneur de Jean Rudhardt (Geneva, 1991); and W. K. C. Guthrie,
Settis, “Immagini della meditazione, del pentimento e dell’incertezza Orpheus and Greek Religion (Princeton, NJ, 1993). For the Orphic
nell’arte antica,” Prospettiva 2 (1975), pp. 4–17. laminae, see G. Pugliese Carratelli, Le lamine d’oro orfiche (Milan,
16. In Andromache by Euripides (936), the expression “Sirens’ words” is 2001); and Pugliese Carratelli, “L’orfismo in Magna Grecia,” in
used pejoratively, while in Alexandra by Pseudo-Lycophron (714–27), pugliese carratelli 1988, pp. 159–70, with previous bibliography.
phonosymbolic effects are also used to reproduce the allure and 28. Plato, Timaeus 47d; see also Republic 2.376e.
seductive power of their song. As early as the seventh century bc, the 29. Plato, Laws 7.812 and Republic 3.398–400. On the value of music in the
poet Alcman placed the Muses and the sirens on an equal plane in context of Orphic and Pythagorean theories, see L. Beschi, “La
terms of their musical abilities: Greek Lyric, vol. 2, trans. D. A. prospettiva mitica della musica greca,” in Religion, Mythologie,
Campbell (Cambridge and London, 1988), pp. 418–19, no. 30. Iconographie, ed. L. Kahil, MÉFRA 103, no. 1 (1991), pp. 39–43; and L. E.
17. On the presence of sirens on funerary monuments in general, see Rossi, “Musica e psicologia nel mondo antico e nel mondo moderno,”
hofstetter-dolega 1990, pp. 151–83; on the funerary monuments of in Synaulia: Cultura musicale in Grecia e contatti mediterranei, ed. D.
Sophocles and Isocrates in particular, see hofstetter-dolega 1990, Musti, A. C. Cassio, and L. E. Rossi, AION 5 (2000), pp. 105–10. See
pp. 26–28. For the Sirens in the Serapeion of Memphis at Saqqara, see also F. Cordano, “La città di Camarina e le corde della lira,” PdP 49
hofstetter 1997, no. 88. For funerary statues of sirens from the (1994), pp. 418–26; L. Todisco, “Nuovi dati e osservazioni sulla tomba
fourth century bc, from the Kerameikos cemetery in Athens, see S. delle danzatrici di Ruvo,” AttiMGrecia 3, n.s. (1994–95), p. 135, n. 96; G.
Karouzou, National Archaeological Museum: Collection of Sculpture Pugliese Carratelli, “L’orfismo in Magna Grecia,” in pugliese
(Athens, 1968), p. 106, no. 2583 and p. 122, nos. 193 and 775. Sirens also carratelli 1988, pp. 159–70.
appear in Attic funerary stelae; see examples in M. Comstock and C. 30. Although the text itself is problematic, it contains a number of
C. Vermeule, Sculpture in Stone: The Greek, Roman and Etruscan elements that can be linked to the activity of Archytas. See A. Visconti,
Collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Boston, 1976), nos. 66, 67, “Musica e attività politica in Aristosseno di Taranto,” in tra orfeo e
72. On the presence of sirens performing music in funerary contexts, pitagora 2000, pp. 463–85; for the pseudo-Archytan Pythagorean
see beschi 1991, p. 40. Also leclercq-marx 1997, pp. 36–40; woysch- treatises, see also B. Centrone, “Il perì nomo kai dikaiosinas di Pseudo
méautis 1982, pp. 91–99. Archita,” tra orfeo e pitagora 2000, pp. 487–505; also A. Mele, “I
18. P. M. Fraser and T. Rönne, Boeotian and West Greek Tombstones (Lund, pitagorici e Archita,” in Storia della Società Italiana 1 (Milan, 1981), pp.
1957), pp. 191–94, pl. 31, nos. 2–3 from Apollonia, pls. 7–10 from 269–98; A. Barker, “Archita di Taranto e l’armonia pitagorica,” in Tra
Thebes. See also pl. 25, no. 5; pls. 26–27. For the pose, see the funerary Sicilia e Magna Grecia: Aspetti di interazione culturale nel IV secolo a.C.,
statue depicting a female figure from Taranto, datable to the third Atti del Convegno, Napoli 1987, ed. A. Cassio and D. Musti (Naples,
century bc, see de juliis and loiacono 1985, p. 104, no. 85. 1991), pp. 157–78; and F. Cordano, “Sui frammenti poetici attribuiti ad
19. See the examples of capitals in wuilleumier 1939, pls. 1–3; the Archita in Stobeo,” PdP 26 (1971), pp. 299–300.
weeping siren in a limestone capital datable to 300–250 bc in C. C. 31. Plato, Republic 10.614–621; breglia pulci doria 1987, p. 43; for the
Vermeule, Sculpture in Stone and in Bronze: Additions to the Collections of sirens and the cosmic music linked to them, see W. Burkert, Lore and

23
 Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism (Cambridge, MA, 1972), pp. 350–68; tra orfeo e pitagora 2000, pp. 91–126; bottini 2000; and A. Mele, “Il
also giangiulio 1986, pp. 101–54. Pitagorismo e le popolazioni anelleniche,” AION 3 (1981), pp. 61–96.
32. For the group and the figure of Archytas, see P. G. Guzzo, “Altre note 40. See F. G. Cavarretta, “Diffusione diacronica dell’iconografia di Orfeo
tarantine,” Taras 12, no. 1 (1992), pp. 135–41. For the political career in ambiente occidentale,” in masaracchia 1993, pp. 399–407.
and the death of Archytas, see G. Urso, “La morte di Archita e Pausanias mentions a statue of Orpheus on Mount Helikon,
l’alleanza fra Taranto e Archidamo di Sparta (345 bc),” Aevum 71 surrounded by statues of animals (9.30.4); at Therae in Laconia in the
(1997), pp. 63–70. Temple of Eleusinian Demeter, there was a xoanon (cultic image) of
33. For naiskoi in the context of necropoleis of Taranto, see A. Orpheus (3.20.5), and at Olympia, in the donarium of Mikythos, there
Pontrandolfo, “Semata e naiskoi nella ceramica italiota,” AION 10 was a votive statue of Orpheus from 460 bc (5.26.3).
(1988), pp. 181–202; for the relationship between iconography in vase- 41. For Tarentine marble sculpture, see belli pasqua 1995, pp. 3–8; for the
painting and archaeological reality, see lippolis 1994, pp. 109–28, and connections with Attic production, see pp. 45–46; see, in particular,
E. Lippolis, “Taranto: Forma e sviluppo della topografia urbana,” pp. the head of Athena from the first half of the fourth century bc, derived
119–69 in AttiTaranto 41 (2002). For an overall analysis of Tarentine from a prototype of the last third of the fifth century bc, pp. 47–48. On
necropoleis, see E. Lippolis, “Organizzazione delle necropoli e the cultural ties between Taras and Athens in the fifth century bc, see
struttura sociale nell’Apulia ellenistica: Due esempi: Taranto e E. Lippolis, “Taranto e la politica di Atene in Occidente,” Ostraka 6,
Canosa,” in Romische Graberstrassen: Kolloquium in München vom 28. bis no. 2 (1997), pp. 359–78.
30 Oktober 1985, ed. H. von Hesberg and P. Zanker (Munich, 1987), pp. 42. For the head of Athena in Brescia, see A. Giuliano, “I grandi bronzi di
139–54. On Macedonian influence on Tarentine funerary sculpture Riace, Fidia e la sua officina,” in Due Bronzi di Riace: Rinvenimento,
from the end of the fourth through the third century bc, see E. restauro, analisi ed ipotesi di interpretazione, BdA, ser. speciale 3 (Rome,
Lippolis, “Ricostruzione e architettura a Taranto dopo Annibale,” in 1984), pp. 297–306, figs. 4–5. The head of Orpheus in Munich has been
Sicilia ellenistica, consuetudo italica: Atti del Convegno, Spoleto, Complesso identified on the basis of its very close resemblance to a small bronze
monumentale di S. Nicolò, 5–7 novembre 2004, ed. M. Osanna and M. statue of Orpheus with a kithara at the Hermitage Museum, St.
Torelli (Rome, 2006), pp. 211–26. Petersburg: see file no. 15, by R. Wunsche, in I marmi colorati della
34. Pausanias 3.12.8–9 and 3.25–27; for funerary monuments in Sparta Roma imperiale, exh. cat., ed. M. De Nuccio and L. Ungaro (Rome,
from the Archaic period, see S. Raftopoulou, “Contributo alla Mercati di Traiano, 2002), pp. 315–16.
topografia di Sparta durante l’età geometrica ed arcaica,” in 43. See settis and parra 2005, pp. 259–62.
AttiTaranto 41 (2002), pp. 25–42; also nafissi 1991, pp. 321–22, 331–34. 44. The term “Master of the Singers of Taras” was proposed by Bonnie M.
35. On the supposed heroön of Orpheus, see lippolis 1982, esp. 126–28. Kingsley in an unpublished study, which I was able to read. Some
36. In this connection, see lippolis 1994, pp. 41–66. The context of a examples with similar features could be attributed to this workshop’s
chamber tomb might have ensured better preservation of the group production: (1) a male bust wearing a pointed cap in the Sackler
than a naiskos; archaeological studies have revealed that naiskoi were Museum at Harvard University (inv. 1943 1085); (2) two heads with a
already being dismantled in Roman times, with resulting dispersal and band and a wreath at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, published in
fragmentation of the material. L. D. Caskey, “Greek Terracottas from Taranto,” Bulletin of the Museum
37. P. G. Guzzo and S. Luppino, “Due tombe fra Thurii e Crotone,” of Fine Arts 29, no. 17 (1931), nos. 2 and 10; (3) a bust of a banqueter
MÉFRA 92, no. 1 (1980), pp. 821–914, figs. 18–19. from the antiquities market in Basel, cited in Münzen und Medaillen
38. See bottini 2000; also L. Todisco, “Nuovi dati e osservazioni sulla AG (Basel), sale cat., August 1962, pp. 23–24, no. 55; (4) a bust of a
tomba delle danzatrici di Ruvo,” AttiMGrecia 3 (1994–95), p. 138, n. 112, bearded figure from the collection of Thomas Virzì, which became
and pensa 1977, pp. 83–88. part of the collection of the Antikenmuseum Basel, in herdejürgen
39. Evidence would include materials placed in the tomb, not just signs of 1982, no. 105 (it should be noted that the distinctive curls on the
prestige but also objects that affirm religious or social behaviors. See, heads of the sirens were also sometimes used by the Tarentine
for instance, the small golden lamina found at Caudium (modern coroplasts for beards); (5) a bust in the Museo Nazionale
Montesarchio) in a tomb from the fourth century bc and the discovery Archeologico di Taranto (inv. 20.003); and (6) a head in a Phrygian
of tombs such as the one in Ruvo del Monte that yielded a red-figured cap, in fischer-hansen 1992, no. 53, dated to 430–410 BC. See also the
calyx krater showing the abduction of a young man by Eos, which can mold of the front section of a male head in the Musée d’Art et
be interpreted as a metaphor for the hope of winning a new life after d’Histoire in Geneva, in deonna 1930, pp. 67–74, fig. 4, and the head of
death. Similarly, the reference to Orphism, more allusive in the a banqueter with cap and partly finished head in D. von Bothmer,
indigenous centers, can be viewed in the context of a theme of Ancient Art from New York Private Collections, exh. cat (New York,
redemption and salvation, with reference to the myths of Boreas and Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1959–60), no. 179, pl. 62.
Helen as well. Historical and philological studies have revealed the 45. For the terracottas of Ariccia, see carafa 1996, in particular the bust
participation of indigenous personalities in Pythagorean life; in this in fig. 2 and M. Papini, Antichi volti della Repubblica: La ritrattistica in
connection, see A. Bottini, Archeologia della salvezza (Milan, 1992), pp. Italia centrale tra IV e II secolo a.C. (Rome, 2004), pp. 222–24.
104–15; P. Poccetti, “La diffusione di dottrine misteriche e sapienziali
nelle culture indigene dell’Italia antica: Appunti per un dossier,” in

24
 4

Head of a Man
LATE FIFTH CENTURY BC

Inventory Number 82.AD.93.12 The same distinctive linear style appears in many other
Severe-style works from Sicily and Magna Graecia dating
Typology Head from the fifth century to the first half of the fourth century
Location Taranto region bc.1 In sculpture, this type of hairstyle is reminiscent of the
figure of Actaeon in the metope of the Temple E at
Dimensions H: 13.5 cm; W: 13.8 cm; H (face): Selinunte, the marble ephebe from Agrigento, and the
10.4 cm
bronze ephebe of Selinunte from 470 bc, and it is also
comparable in the Attic context to the ephebe attributable
Fabric
to Kritios from Athens.2 In small statuary, the tightly rolled
Orange in color (Munsell 7.5 yr 8/4; 5 yr 7/6), porous, with a
puff at the nape of the neck, present also on female heads
friable consistency and small reflective and calcareous
(see cats. 9 and 10), can be found in numerous small
particles.
bronzes and, with an especially calligraphic rendering, is
Condition very common in various coroplastic types of the Severe
Head and upper part of the neck are preserved; the surface style.3 The evolution of hairstyles can also be traced in coins
is covered with a layer of incrustations; large chips appear of southern Italy and Sicily from the fifth century bc.4
on the neck, in the locks of hair, and on the ears.
Notes
Provenance 1. For the rendering of the facial features, in particular for the chin and
– 1982, Antike Kunst Palladion (Basel, Switzerland), sold to pronounced jaw, see the head of a banqueter dating to the end of the
fifth century bc in herdejürgen 1982, p. 41, no. 101, and the head of a
the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1982.
female figure dating to the beginning of the fourth century bc in
iacobone 1988, p. 79, pl. 72a. For the structure of the face, see the
Bibliography marble head of a youth in A. Giuliano, ed., Museo Nazionale Romano: Le
Unpublished. sculture (Rome, 1995), vol. 1, pp. 7–9, which can be traced back to a
Peloponnesian bronze archetype of the Severe style.
Description 2. For the head of Actaeon, which presents similar locks divided into
sections, see C. Marconi, Selinunte: Le metope dell’Heraion (Modena,
The solidly structured head is tilted slightly to one side; the 1994), fig. 69. For the bronze ephebe from Castelvetrano, near
face is squared off and full, characterized by a determined Selinunte, whose hairstyle is also articulated into a series of distinct
jaw. The low forehead is framed by a hairstyle made up of locks of hair, see lo stile severo 1990, pp. 239–41, no. 82, and C.
Greco, “Isole nell’Isola: Testimonianze e documenti archeologici della
large locks of densely striated hair, parted in the middle and provincia di Trapani,” in ampolo 2009, pp. 531–49. For the ephebe
arranged around the two sides of the forehead, covering the from Agrigento and the ephebe of Kritios, see G. Adornato, “L’Efebo di
upper parts of the ears. The asymmetrical eyes are globular, Agrigento: Cultura figurativa e linguaggi artistici ad Akragas in età
tardoarcaica e protoclassica,” Prospettiva 128 (2008), pp. 2–26, fig. 5.
with marked irises. The slightly lowered eyelids are thick, 3. For an analysis of the rolled hairstyle in the small bronze sculpture
with a well-defined silhouette. The nose is short, and the from the fifth century bc, see tomei 1992, pp. 178–84; for other
mouth, tightly closed, has fleshy lips with clear outlines. examples in the coroplastic art, see pp. 181–82. For a meaningful
comparison with a mirror handle in the form of a draped man from
The chin has a dimple that also defines the connection Locri in the Museo Nazionale di Reggio Calabria, see F. Cameron,
between the lower lip and the chin. Greek Bronze Hand-Mirrors in South Italy (Oxford, 1979), pp. 5–6, no. 7,
figs. 22–23.
The head, probably dating to the end of the fifth 4. See for example the head of Arethusa in the tetradrachm of Syracuse,
century bc, presents the usual formal features of Severe- lo stile severo 1990, no. 173, p. 359 (474–450 BC); for the didrachm
style sculpture, such as the heavy jaw and the hairstyle with from Terina, see B. P. R. Franke and M. Hirmer, Die griechische Münze
(Munich, 1964), figs. 95–96 (420–400 BC); and for the tetradrachm
broad distinct locks of hair arranged over the forehead and from Lentini, see bulle 1939, fig. 8 (450 BC).
combed in a roll just suggested behind the nape of the neck.

27
 5

Head of a Man
LATE FOURTH-EARLY THIRD CENTURY BC

Inventory Number 82.AD.93.13 heads of banqueters in the collection of the Musei Civici di
Trieste; to a statuette that forms part of a group of
Typology Head banqueters in a Swiss collection; and to an antefix similar to
Location Taranto region the Getty head in the broad structure of the face.2 The
leonine hairstyle with erect wisps recalls portraits of
Dimensions H: 17.1 cm; W: 14.3 cm; H (face): 11.3 Alexander, which were popular in Magna Graecia, not only
cm
in Taranto but also in such southern Italian centers as
Fratte di Salerno, Capua, Teano, and Calvi, and in central
Fabric Italy.3 In particular, the short curls are reminiscent of those
Beige in color (Munsell 2.5 yy 8/3), with a friable on a male head that formed part of the decoration of the
consistency, a layer of white slip, and traces of red color on temple at the sanctuary of Lo Scasato at Falerii, dating to
the hair and face visible at certain points even beneath the the beginning of the third century bc, in which Italiote and
incrustations. possibly Tarentine components have been identified.4 The
Condition treatment of the locks also seems to reflect a Skopasian
The base of the neck is broken; the surface is covered with influence in the context of the stylistic eclecticism that was
incrustations. characteristic of the Tarentine coroplastic production.5 The
fine locks of curly hair and the type of tubular ribbon that
Provenance gathers the hair can also be found in heads of athletes.6 On
– 1982, Antike Kunst Palladion (Basel, Switzerland), sold to the basis of established comparisons, the Getty head can be
the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1982. dated to the end of the fourth or the beginning of the third
century bc.
Bibliography
Unpublished. Notes

Description 1. The portrait value of a number of terracotta heads from the second
half of the fourth century bc has been analyzed, as regards the central
The male head is set on a thick, strong neck and is slightly Italic area, by Steingräber, who sees in them well characterized types
tilted toward the left. The face is full, the forehead is high, instead of genuine physiognomic likenesses: S. Steingräber, “Zum
the eyes are small, set close together, and sunken, with the Phänomen der etruskisch–italischen Votivköpfe,” RM 87 (1980), pp.
215–53.
outer corner downturned; the eyelids are thick and the 2. See, for instance, H. Herdejürgen, “Tarantinischer Terrakotten der
superciliary arches are marked. The nose is short and Sammlung Schwitter,” AntK 16 (1973), pp. 53–108, no. 97, and the
compressed, the mouth is small and tight, with fleshy lips Tarentine heads in poli 2010a, cat. 443–44. For the antefix, which can
be dated to the second half of the fourth century bc, see carafa 1996,
and an undulating line; the rounded chin has a hint of a pp. 273–94, fig. 9; a resemblance in how the features are portrayed can
double chin. The head is framed by a dense thatch of hair also be detected in a head from the Contrada Corti Vecchie, datable to
with short, vibrant curls held by a tubular band. The back of the middle of the fourth century bc, in iacobone 1988, p. 112, pl. 104d;
further comparison can be made with a bust from a cult area of
the head protrudes, and the hair is finished in an ancient Forentum, dating to the beginning of the third century bc: see
increasingly irregular and summary manner toward the A. Bottini and P. G. Guzzo, “Busti divini da Lavello,” BdA 77 (1992),
center of the head. There is a circular hole on the nape of pp. 1–10. See also a fictile statue of a youthful masculine type “in the
Hellenistic tradition” originally from Eboli, which can be bracketed
the neck. between the fourth and the third century centuries bc: M. Cipriani,
The hairstyle of this head, with its curly, short locks, “Eboli preromana: I dati archeologici: Analisi e proposte di lettura,” in
Italici in Magna Grecia: Lingua, insediamenti e strutture, ed. M. Tagliente,
can be seen on various types of statues from the Early
Leukania 3 (Venosa, 1991), pp. 119–45, pl. XLVIII, no. 3.
Hellenistic period. Combined with the distinctive rendering 3. On the portraiture of Alexander and its influence in the Tarentine
of facial features, it appears to be, if not a full-fledged area, see cat. 18. For the Campanian area, see greco and
pontrandolfo 1990, pp. 104–5, fig. 159, particularly a male head
portrait, at least a strongly characterized depiction of a
datable to the third century bc with a type of curly hairstyle similar to
man.1 that of the Getty piece. See also the terracotta head of Herakles from
The type is attested in Tarentine coroplastic art of the Teano dating to the end of the fourth century bc in W. Johannowsky,
“Relazione preliminare sugli scavi di Teano,” BdA 48 (1963), pp. 131–65,
Early Hellenistic period and is comparable to a number of fig. 13g–h.

29
 4. For the male head from Falerii dating to the end of the fourth or the 6. See, for instance, the Ephesus-type athlete: todisco 1993, pp. 54–55,
beginning of the third century bc and believed to be the work of fig. 58; for the bronze statue of the victorious athlete attributed to
craftsmen probably originally from Magna Graecia, see A. M. Comella, Lysippos or his school and dating from between 340 and 320 bc, see
Le terrecotte architettoniche del santuario dello Scasato a Falerii (Naples, moreno 1995, pp. 68–73. A type of tubular or rolled headband is also
1993), pp. 107–9, pl. 34a. present in the portraits of Hellenistic monarchs: see R. R. R. Smith,
5. The curly hair recalls the statuary type of Meleager: see todisco 1993, Hellenistic Royal Portraits (Oxford, 1988), pp. 34–35.
p. 87, figs. 151–53; this hairstyle also seems reminiscent of a marble
head of a heroicized deceased individual produced in Taras at the end
of the fourth century bc, in belli pasqua 1995, pp. 80–81.

30
31
 6

Head of a Man
FOURTH CENTURY BC

Inventory Number 82.AD.93.18 characteristic of those who practiced this sport. Sports
enjoyed a long tradition in Taras and, together with
Typology Head Metapontion (Metaponto) and Lokris, the Laconian colony
Location Taranto region had won numerous victories at Olympia. As a result of the
ties established between athleticism and the philosophical
Dimensions H: 13.1 cm; W: 9.1 cm; H (face): 8.2 culture of Magna Graecia, images of athletes and athletic
cm
contests had become preferred iconographic motifs in vase-
painting as far back as the sixth century bc.1
Fabric The image of an athlete within a cult precinct that may
Light beige in color (Munsell 10 yr 8/3–8/4), with a friable have belonged to the necropolis—as, for example, at
consistency, fairly well purified with very infrequent Satyrion—might be a reference to the social and political
reflective inclusions, a layer of slip consisting of diluted function attributed to the offerer or the deceased.
clay. The childish appearance of this face and a number of
Condition formal elements hark back to the heads of young athletes in
The ears, nose, and the base of the neck are chipped; a the Severe style, such as a marble head from the Baths of
number of curls have broken away from the forehead; there Diocletian in Rome, a Roman copy after a Severe-style
are diffuse incrustations on the surface. prototype with close-cut hair, large eyes with thick eyelids,
and the heavy overall structure.2 A marble male head from
Provenance Taranto, datable to the end of the fourth century bc and
– 1982, Antike Kunst Palladion (Basel, Switzerland), sold to probably of the local school, though influenced by Attic
the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1982. production, presents similar characteristics in the fleshy
face and the hair rendered in globular clumps on the sides;
Bibliography
the shape of the thick eyelids and the full face, reminiscent
Unpublished.
of the Getty head, are characteristics found in other
Description Tarentine heads from the Early Hellenistic period.3
The young man’s head is set on a bull neck. The face is Notes
squarish, the facial features are marked, the cheeks are full,
the eyes are large and asymmetrical, the nose is broad, and 1. For sports in Magna Graecia and boxing in particular, see L. Masiello,
“Le specialità agonistiche: Il pugilato,” in Atleti e guerrieri: Tradizioni
the mouth, with its sharply drawn and fleshy lips, is half- aristocratiche a Taranto tra VI e V secolo a.C., exh. cat. (Taranto, Museo
open. The curly hair is rendered rather carelessly in small Nazionale, 1994), pp. 105–11; F. G. Lo Porto, “Tombe di atleti
clumps arranged in an arc across the forehead, leaving the tarantini,” AttiMGrecia n.s. 8 (1967), pp. 31–96; and F. G. Lo Porto,
“Considerazioni su una tomba di atleta a Metaponto,” in aparchai
large ears uncovered; the ears are characterized by swollen 1982, vol. 1, pp. 339–45. On athleticism in Magna Graecia, see N. C.
auricles. On the nape of the neck and on the occiput, the Stampolidis and Y. Tassoulas, eds., Magna Graecia: Athletics and the
hair is left unfinished. Olympic Spirit on the Periphery of the Hellenic World (Athens, 2004).
2. For the head of a young athlete, see M. Cadario, cat. 41 in la regina
Given the tight, snug head of hair and the mouth with 2003, p. 226.
fleshy lips, this type might well depict an African, but the 3. belli pasqua 1995, pp. 80–82. See also F. Rausa, L’immagine del
large ears are reminiscent of an athlete and, more vincitore: L’atleta nella statuaria greca dall’età arcaica all’ellenismo,
Ludica 2 (Treviso and Rome, 1994), pp. 136–38.
specifically, a boxer, since such ears were considered

33
 7

Head of a Male Banqueter

400-300 BC

Inventory Number 82.AD.93.11 must once have had a headdress with bands that fell on
either side of the face and a wreath: a distinctive element in
Typology Head the typology of banqueters to which this head is linked. A
Location Taranto region number of heads of statuettes of banqueters from Taranto
wear wreaths with rosettes topped by a complicated floral
Dimensions H: 20.3 cm; W: 13.9 cm; H (face): fastigium (crown).1 The most distinctive element is the
12.2 cm
hairstyle, in which it is possible to recognize a Polykleitan
influence that extended in Taras even beyond the fifth
Fabric century bc.2 The head, larger than other comparable heads
Beige in color with light green nuances (Munsell 2.5 yr 8/ (which generally belong to medium-sized statuettes),
3–8/4), highly purified, porous, and friable in consistency. presents a nesting system by means of which it was inserted
Surface covered with a layer of slip of diluted clay. into the body of the statue, a technique not unusual in
Polychromy: traces of red color on the hair and ocher on the coroplastic workshops.3
forehead.
Notes
Condition
Preserved are the head, neck, and part of the tenon for 1. There are numerous comparisons with statuettes of varying sizes
from the Tarentine context, for example: iacobone 1988, pp. 95–96, pl.
insertion into the torso; a small portion of a wreath remains 90a–b, head and bust of banqueters from the votive deposits of the
behind the nape of the neck. The nose is chipped. The Via Di Palma and of Contrada Corti Vecchie, datable to the first half of
surface is covered with incrustations that conceal the the fourth century bc; the statuette from the votive deposit of the Via
Di Palma, inv. 200354 in the Museo Nazionale Archeologico di
surviving traces of paint. Taranto; and the piece in caporusso 1975, no. 14, pl. IX, from the end
of the fifth to the beginning of the fourth century bc. Dating to the
Provenance same period is a head with traces of red color on the hair; see
– 1982, Antike Kunst Palladion (Basel, Switzerland), sold to leyenaar-plaisier 1979, vol. 1, no. 155, pl. 27; breitenstein 1941, p. 17,
no. 10; herdejürgen 1971, no. 25, fig. 9; levi 1926, fig. 38, no. 141;
the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1982. bartoccini 1936, p. 158, fig. 56 (head of a banqueter with the same
arrangement of locks of hair from a votive deposit in Contrada Corti
Bibliography Vecchie); the head from the Fondo Giovinazzi in Taranto, from the
Unpublished. late fourth century bc in higgins 1954, pl. 176, nos. 1284–85; and the
unpublished piece now in the Musei Civici di Trieste, poli 2010a, p.
Description 241, cat. 376, from the end of the fifth to the beginning of the fourth
century bc. See also the Metapontine head in letta 1971, pp. 84–86, pl.
The head formed part of a statue, as is shown by the tenon, XII, no. 3. A metal wreath imitating a braiding of branches, garlands,
still preserved at the base of the broad, flared neck, which and festoons was also found among grave goods. It is generally
was used to attach the head to the figure’s bust. The back considered to be related to eschatological beliefs. For the headgear,
see also head at cat. 21.
portion of the head shows hasty, summary modeling; the 2. In this connection, consider the Herakles by Polykleitos: P. C. Bol,
wreath and hair were applied separately before the firing. A Polyklet: Der Bildhauer der griechischen Klassik, exh. cat. (Frankfurt,
Museum Alter Plastik, 1993), pp. 199–205, characterized by hair in
circular opening can be seen in the back of the neck.
short locks, flattened and adhering to the skull. This creation can be
The face is round and full, the eyes have thickened assigned to the artist’s maturity.
eyelids that are asymmetrical and irregular in shape; the 3. From Lucera, compare the head dating to the end of the fourth
century bc, possibly originally part of a full-size figure, in d’ercole
mouth, barely half open, has fleshy lips. The hair is parted in 1990, p. 69, pl. 13a.
a “pincer” style over the forehead and arranged around the
face with lively locks defined by fine striations. The head

35
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
hind-side-foremost caricature of what is itself a caricature—an
organ-grinder’s monkey.
When Benny carried the gayly dressed Nanny out to the enclosed
yard, it was hard to tell which exhibition of feeling was the keenest—
poor, unconscious, and absurd Nanny’s delight in her freedom and
her eager desire to take her place with her old companions, or the
consternation and terror of the entire flock at the strange wild beast
which was thus turned loose among them.
They ran from side to side, and crowded each other against the
paling so unceasingly and so wildly, that Benny carried the unwilling
ewe back to the kitchen.
At nightfall, however, Benny again placed Nanny in the open field
with the sheep, thinking that they would gradually, throughout the
darkness, become used to the presence of her little harlequin jacket,
and allow her to graze by their side in peace.
That night two cronies of Benny’s came from a neighboring farm to
talk over that ever-interesting topic, the great snowstorm, and to buy
some of his lambs. The three old men sat by the great fireplace in
the old raftered kitchen in the pleasant glow from the blazing logs,
each sipping with unction a mug of Benny’s famous flip, while Debby
rubbed with tallow the sadly stiffened long-boots that had been worn
in the Christmas snow. Suddenly a loud wail of distress rang in their
ears, the door was thrust violently open, and in stumbled the
breathless form of the tall, gaunt old negress Tuggie Bannocks. She
was a relic of old slavery times, who lived on a small farm near the
old Gilbert Stuart Mill, on Petaquamscut River. They all knew her
well. She had bought many a pound of wool from Benny to wash and
card and spin into yarn, and she always helped Debby in that yearly
trial of patience and skill—her soap-making. The old negro woman
had double qualifications to make her of use in this latter work: her
long, strong arms could stir the soap untiringly for hours, and then
she knew also how to work powerful charms—traditional relics of
Voodooism—to make the soap always turn out a success.
Tuggie Bannocks sank upon the table by the fire, murmuring:
“Tanks be to Praise! Tanks be to Praise!” and closed her eyes in
speechless exhaustion. Debby took a half-crushed basket of eggs
from the old woman’s arm, drew off her red woollen mittens, and
rubbed briskly her long cold claws of hands. Benny had a vague
remembrance of the old-time “emergency” saying, “feathers for
fainters,” and seized a turkey’s wing that was in daily use as a
hearth-brush, thrust it into the flames, and then held the scorching
feathers under the old negress’s nose until all in the room were
coughing and choking with the stifling smoke.
Spluttering and choking at the dense feather-smoke, Tuggie
gasped out: “I ain’t dead yit—I specks I shall be soon, dough—kase I
seen de ole witch a-ridin’—I’se most skeered to death” (then in a
fainter voice)—“gib me a mug of dat flip.” Startled, Benny quickly
drew a great mug of home-brewed beer and gave it a liberal dash of
Jamaica rum and sugar, then seized from the fire the red-hot
“loggerhead” and thrust it seething into the liquid until the flip boiled
and bubbled and acquired that burnt, bitter flavor that he knew
Tuggie dearly loved. The old woman moaned and groaned as she
lay on the table-top, but watched the brewing of the flip with eager
eye, and sat up with alacrity to drink it.
With many a shuddering sigh and many a glance behind her at the
kitchen door, and crossing her fingers to ward off evil spirits she
began: “Ye know, Miss Nickkels, I telled ye I was witch-rid by ole
Mum Amey, an’ dis how I know I was. Ye see I was a-goin’ to wuk a
charm on her first off—not to hurt her none, jess to bodder her a
leetle—an’ I jess put my project on de fire one night, an’ it jess a-
goin’ to boil, an’ in come her ugly, ole grinnin’ black face at de door,
an’ say she a-goin’ to set wid me a spell.” Mum Amey was a wrinkled
half-breed Indian of fabulous age and crabbed temper, a “squaw-
nurse,” who was, of course, not half as black as negro Tuggie. “She
walk ober to de chimbly to light her pipe an’ ask me what I a-cookin’,
an’ I say Ise a-makin’ glue, cause Ise afeard she see de rabbit’s foot
in de pot, an’ I say it all done, an’ yank de pot offen de crane so she
can’t see into it. An’ ob course when I take de project offen de fire
afore it’s wukked, it break de charm; an’ wuss still, I can’t nebber try
no project on her no more. Ole Mum Amey larf, an’ say, a-leerin’ at
me, dat pot ob glue won’t nebber stick nothin’ no more. An’ ebber
sence dat night I ben witch-rid. Mornin’s when I wakes up I sees
marks ob de bit in de corners ob my mouf, where Mum Amey ben a-
ridin’ me all ober Boston Neck an’ up de Ridge Hill till I so tired and
stiff I can’t hardly move. Ise ben pinched in de night an’ hab my ha’r
pulled. An’ my butter won’t come till I drops a red-hot horseshoe in
de cream to dribe her out. One day I jess try her to see ef she a
witch (dough I know she one, ’cause I see her talkin’ to a black cat); I
drop a silber sixpence in her path, an’ jess afore she get to it she
turn an’ go back, jess I know she would. No witch can’t step ober
silber. An’ now, Benny Nickkels, I know for shore she’s a witch, I see
her jess now in de moonlight a-chasin’ an’ ridin’ your sheep; an’,
shore’s yer bawn, yer’ll find some on ’em stone dead in de mornin’—
all on ’em, mebbe!”
Benny looked wretched enough at this statement. Dearly as he
loved his sheep and ready as he was to face physical discomfort and
danger in their behalf, he was too superstitious to dare to go out in
the night to rescue them and brave the witch.
“How did she look, Tuggie? And what did she do?” whispered
awe-struck Debby.
“Oh, she was mons’ous fearsome to see! Witches don’t nebber go
in deir own form when dey goes to deir Sabbaths. She was long an’
low like a snake. She run along de groun’ jess like a derminted yeller
painter, a-boundin’, an’ leapin’, an’ springin’, a-chasin’ dem pore
sheeps—oh, how dey run! Wid her old red an’ blue blanket tied tight
aroun’ her—dat’s how I knowed her. An’ she had big sparklin’ gold
dollars on her back—wages ob de debbil, I ’specks. Sometimes she
jump in de air an’ spread her wings an’ fly awhile. Smoke an’ sparks
come outen her mouf an’ nostrums! Big black horns stick outen her
head! Lash her long black tail jess like de debbil hisself!”
At this dramatic and breathless point in Tuggie’s flip-nourished and
quickly growing tale, credulous Debby, whose slow-working brain
had failed to grasp all the vivid details in the black woman’s fervid
and imaginative description, interjected this gasping comment: “It
must ha’ been the devil or the creeper.”
 Benny jumped from his chair and stamped his foot, and at once
burst into a loud laugh of intense relief, and with cheerful bravado
began to explain animatedly to his open-mouthed cronies that of
course anyone could see that Tuggie’s sheep-chasing witch was
only the creeper sheep in her new fleece, and he offered
swaggeringly to go out alone to the field to bring the ewe in to prove
it.
The old negress sprang to her feet, insulted and enraged at the
jeering laughter and rallying jokes, and advanced threateningly
toward him. Then, as if with a second thought, she stopped with a
most malicious look, and in spite of Debby’s conciliatory
explanations and her soothing expressions “that it might have been
Mum Amey after all,” she thrust aside Benny’s proffered mollification
of a fresh mug of flip, seized her crushed basket, stalked to the door,
and left the house muttering, vindictively: “High time to stop such
unrageous goin’s-on—dressin’ up sheeps like debbils—scarin’ an ole
woman to death an’ breakin’ all her aigs! Ole Tuggie Bannocks ain’t
forgot how to burn a project! Guess dey won’t larf at witches den!”
And surely enough—as days passed it could plainly be seen that
the old negress had carried out her threat—for the chimney was
“conjured”—was “salted.” On windy nights the shepherd and his wife
were sure they could hear Tuggie dancing and stamping on the roof,
and she blew down smoke and threw down soot, and she called
down the chimney in a fine, high, shrieking voice: “I’ll project ye,
Benny; I’ll project ye.” And she burnt the cakes before the fire, and
the roast upon the spit, and thrice she snapped out a blazing coal
and singed a hole in Debby’s best petticoat, though it was worn
wrong side out as a saving-charm. And Benny could see, too, that
the old ram was bewitched. The remainder of the flock soon became
accustomed to the sight of Nanny’s funny false fleece, but he always
fled in terror at her approach. He grew thin and pale (or at any rate
faded), and he would scarcely eat when Nanny was near. Debby
despairingly tried a few feeble counter-charms, or “warders,” but
without avail. When sheep-shearing time came, however, and
Nanny, shorn of her uncanny fleece and clothed in her own half-inch
snowy wool, took her place with the other short-clipped members of
the flock, he ceased to be “witch-rid”—the “project,” the “conjure”
was worked out. He grew fat and fiercely brave, and became once
more the knight of the field, the lord of the domain, the patriarch, the
potestate of his flock.
The story of Tuggie Bannocks’s fright and her revengeful “project”
spread far and wide on every farm from Point Judith to Pottawomat,
and was told in later years by one generation of farmers to another.
And as time rolled on and Nanny reared her lambs and they her
grand-lambs, the creeper sheep were known and sold throughout
Narragansett by the name of witch-sheep.
 THE CRUSOES OF THE NOON-
HOUSE
In a grass-grown graveyard by the side of an old Presbyterian
church in Narragansett, the warm, midday sun shone brightly down
one spring Sabbath in the year 1760 upon two boys twelve years of
age, two cousins, named Elam Noyes and Cotton Fayerweather.
They stood by the side of their grandfather’s grave, which bore a
new blue slate headstone, inscribed with his name and age, and the
verses:

“You children of ye name of Noyes

Make Jesus Christ yo’r oleny choyse.”

The boys had gone into the church-yard with the apparent design
of examining this fine, though misspelled, token of the stone-cutter’s
art, but were really speaking and thinking of a very different subject.
They would never have been allowed to wander in the church-yard
to indulge in idle talk, and even now could spend but a few minutes
in conversation together. It was their only meeting-time during the
week, for they lived at extreme ends of the town, and Elam recited
his lessons to the Baptist minister, who lived near him, while Cotton
attended the village school. They were two well-built, healthy boys,
both dressed in clumsy, homespun suits of clothes, with full knee-
breeches, long-flapped coats and waistcoats, coarse yarn stockings
and buckled shoes, and great gray beaver hats several sizes too
large for them. Elam was as solemn and serious in his appearance
as was his father, but in his brain was a current of keen romance
rarely found in the head of any elderly colonist. As he left the church-
yard with his cousin he said, with much impressiveness, “Remember,
Cotton, if you are not here by candle-light I shall tarry no longer, but
shall go home.”
For several Sundays, as the boys had walked among the graves,
and while they had been busy with the care of their fathers’ horses,
Elam had occupied every moment in telling to Cotton all that he
could remember of a wonderful story he had read in New Haven.
Two months previously he had ridden with his father to that town,
and in the tap-room of the “ordinary” at which they had “put up”
during their stay there had lain a pile of about forty books, which a
sea-captain had left to be sold to any chance traveller, or to
townspeople who might be inclined to purchase them. There were
several copies of Tate and Brady’s new Psalms, which some of the
New England Puritans wished to use instead of the loved old Bay
Psalm-book, two or three Bibles, half a dozen volumes of sermons, a
Dutch Psalm-book, which was not Dutch at all, but a collection of
English songs and ballads, Milton’s “Paradise Lost,” a few prayer-
books, and then there was a wonderful book which Elam did not
have time to finish, though he had not wasted a moment. It thrilled
and filled him with adventurous longings, and was called “Robinson
Crusoe.” This was the first and only story-book he had ever seen,
and as he retold the wonderful tale to Cotton, the desire to run away
out into the great world, to cross the ocean and see some strange
sights and lead a different life from that on a Narragansett farm, grew
strong in both boys’ breasts.
At last Elam, having a fertile though unexercised imagination,
developed a plan of action. They would leave home and meet at the
old meeting-house, where they would spend several weeks of
idleness, roaming the woods by day and sleeping in the noon-house
by night, and when everyone in town was tired of searching for them,
then they would make their way to the sea-shore without fear of
capture, and get on board a ship and sail off somewhere. They could
hide in the wood on the Sabbath days, and as the meeting-house
stood on a lonely road in a great wood on the top of a high hill, there
would be but few passers-by on week-days, and hence few chances
of discovery. And now I must explain about the noon-house, which
was to be their sleeping-place, for none of those queer old buildings
now exist in New England.
By the side of the barn-like church were three long, low, mean,
stable-like log buildings, which could hardly be stables, since at one
end of each hut was a rough stone chimney. These were noon-
houses, or “Sabba-day houses.” One had been built by Elam and
Cotton’s grandfather, and was used by the families of his children.
Until the early years of this century, only two or three meeting-
houses throughout New England contained stoves. All through the
long, bleak, winter weeks, through fierce “nor’-westers” and piercing
frosts, the lonely churches stood, growing colder and colder, until
when they were opened upon the Sabbath the chill and damp
seemed almost unbearable. The women brought to church little iron
foot-stoves filled with hot coals. Upon these stoves they placed their
feet, and around them the shivering children sat at their mothers’ feet
and warmed their chilled hands. But by the time the long service was
over—for often the minister preached two hours and prayed an hour,
and some of the Psalms took half an hour to sing—you can easily
see that the warmth would all have died out of the little foot-stove,
and the mothers and children would be as cold as the fathers, which
is saying a great deal.
Now these half-frozen Baptists and Puritans and Episcopalians
could hardly have remained to attend an afternoon service and lived
through it, so they built houses with chimneys and fireplaces near
the church where they could go and make a fire and get warm and
eat their lunch, and when they asked permission to put up such a
building they said it was to “keep their duds and horses in.”
And, surely enough, at one end of the noon-house were usually
several stalls for the horses, who doubtless also enjoyed the warmth
that came from the fireplace at the end of the room. The “duds” were
the saddles and pillions on which the church attendants had been
seated on their ride to church, and the saddle-bags which were full of
good things to eat. Sometimes a few cooking-utensils to warm the
noonday food were kept in the noon-house, and often hay for the
horses and a great load of logs to burn in the fireplace, and
sometimes a barrel of “cyder,” to drink at the nooning.
 Frequently a large noon-house was built by several farmers in
company, and I am afraid the children did not then enjoy their
Sunday noontimes, for some old deacon or elder usually read a
sermon to them between the morning and afternoon services, and
they had to sit still and listen.
So you see that Elam and Cotton had very comfortable quarters to
sleep in when they ran away to the noon-house on the Monday
following the opening of my story. Each arrived about an hour before
sunset, laden with all the food that he had been able to capture
before leaving home. Cotton had a great piece of salt-pork and a
dozen eggs, some of which had had a rather disastrous journey in
his coat-pockets. Elam had a great crushed mass of dough-nuts and
brown bread. This was not all of their provisions for their sojourn, for
on each successive Sunday for five weeks previously both boys had
crowded their great pockets with russet apples and their saddle-bags
with cold corn-bread and brown bread, and they had starved
themselves at each nooning in order to save their food and thus
provide for the coming day of need; and they had concealed their
treasures in an empty corn-bin at the horses’ end of the house.
Cotton felt sure that they had food enough to last them for three
weeks—rather dry and conglomerated, to be sure, but still good
enough for boys of healthy appetites and simple Puritan tastes. Elam
also had brought a flint and tinder-box with him, and with their aid
and that of some light “candle-wood” he soon had a blazing fire upon
the hearth, the coals of which he carefully covered up to save till
morning, and then the two Robinson Crusoes climbed upon the hay
and fell asleep.
The story of the first day spent by the runaways in their retreat
would be the story of all the days, which were not as pleasure-filled
as they had hoped. They had no hut to build, no goats to tame, no
savages to fight and dread. They rose early in the morning, for the
habits of their daily life were strong, and they did not dare have a fire
much after daybreak, lest the smoke from the chimney should be
discovered by some rare passer-by. They ate their breakfast of
brown bread and cheese and apples and drank a little of the hard
cider. As the weather was fortunately warm, they lolled on the stones
behind the noon-house while Elam told over and over again the story
of Robinson Crusoe and tales of the Indians that he had heard from
his grandfather. They fished, with some success, in a little brook
which ran through the woods, and one day they caught a rabbit in a
trap which Cotton had set, and which he had learned how to make
from old Showacum, a “praying Indian” who lived in the village.
These trophies of their skill they of course skinned and cleaned and
cooked, and though they were hungry—for they were hungry all the
time—the unsalted fish and game did not seem very appetizing to
them. They found a treasure one day in the woods—a store of nuts
which had been forgotten or neglected or reserved until spring by
some kindly squirrels—and with a few cakes of toothsome maple-
sugar they had some variety of diet.
But alas, they also had healthy young appetites, and on Saturday
night Cotton awakened to a fact whose approach had been plainly
looming up before Elam for some time—that their three weeks’
supply of food was all gone. A half-decayed apple was their sole
supper. A drink of the sour cider seemed only to make their hunger
harder to bear, but at last they fell asleep. Perhaps the pangs of his
gnawing stomach made Elam sleep more lightly than on previous
nights, perhaps the equally keen pangs of his awakened conscience
may have made him restless, but at midnight he suddenly sprang to
his feet with an exclamation of horror at a sound which he
recognized at once as the howl of a wolf. He jumped to the fire,
wakening Cotton, who tumbled out of his nest of hay with a
bewildered and wretched expression and an impatient cry of, “Oh,
why did you wake me up when I am so hungry; pray let me sleep if
you do or not,” when nearer and louder still rose the mournful howl of
the wolf. With trembling hand Cotton heaped the light wood on the
blaze which Elam had started with the old leather bellows, and then
threw log after log on the hearth until the blaze roared up the
chimney. Of course, the wolves—for they could hear more than one
—could not get into the noon-house, as window and shutter were
fast, but the boys were so wretched with hunger, so homesick, so
lonesome, that they hardly stopped to reason, and, trembling with
fear, Cotton seized an iron “loggerhead” which his father kept in the
noon-house, and thrust it into the coals to heat to a red-hot pitch,
when it could be used as a weapon. A “loggerhead” was a bar of iron
which was used as a stirring-stick in making “flip.” Deacon
Fayerweather always brought to church each winter Sunday in his
saddle-bags three or four bottles of home-brewed beer and a bottle
of Jamaica rum, from which, with the aid of the loggerhead, he made
a famous jug of flip for the minister and deacons at the nooning.
And now the peaceful loggerhead was the only weapon the two
wretched boys possessed, and, indeed, all they needed, for in a
short time the howls of the wolves grew fainter and fainter and at last
were no longer heard. All thought or power of sleep had, however,
vanished from the brains of the terrified young Crusoes at this
experience of the pleasures of adventure. All wish for final escape to
the sea-shore had also disappeared, and now their only longing was
to return home. All the remaining hours of the night they sat by the
fire, while Elam, romantic in spite of hunger, fright, and
disappointment, made known his plans for the following day. Toward
morning they let the fire die down and expire, and when the sun was
fully risen they left their sheltering noon-house and hid in the woods
not far from the meeting-house, trembling, however, at every sound
as they thought of their dread night-visitors.
As nine o’clock drew near there approached the church on every
side, on foot and on horseback, the members of the congregation. All
knew of the mysterious disappearance of Cotton and Elam, for the
country had been widely and quickly scoured for them. Among the
worshippers came Deacon and Mistress Fayerweather and
Goodman Noyes and his wife, for all felt it a godly duty, even in time
of deep affliction, not to neglect the public worship of God on the
Sabbath. Despairingly did the sad parents hope to hear some news
of their lost boys, who had apparently vanished from the face of the
earth, for neither in farm-house nor in field, neither on the road nor at
the toll-gate, neither by traveller nor by hunter, had they been seen.
The very simplicity of their plan had been its safety. Forty years
previously the whisper of kidnapping by the Indians would have
added terror to the parents’ grief, but those days were happily over.
After sad greetings had been exchanged and the minister had
entered the pulpit, the congregation seated itself for its usual
Sunday-morning service. The opening half-hour prayer was ended,
the church attendants had let down their slamming pew-seats (for
the seats in those old New England meeting-houses always turned
up on hinges to allow the pew occupants to lean against the walls of
the pew during the long prayer), the minister had read with trembling
voice a note which had been sent to him, “desiring the prayers of the
congregation for two families in great inconveniency and distress,”
when a door on the leeward side of the church slowly opened and
two pale, dishevelled, and most wretched-looking youngsters crept
slowly and shamefacedly in. The habit of constant self-repression
and self-control, characteristic of the times, was all-powerful, even in
this intense moment of crisis for the families of Fayerweather and
Noyes. The deacon flushed scarlet, but did not move from his raised
seat in front of the congregation. A faint murmur swept over the
entire assembly at the appearance of Cotton and Elam, but was at
once repressed. The boys walked calmly on to their accustomed
seats on the gallery stairs, under the supervision of the tithingman.
That zealous officer rapped sharply on the head with his long staff
two or three of the occupants of one of the “boys’ pews,” who had
turned around and stared, and whispered noisily at the appearance
of the runaways. The old minister, being slightly deaf, had heard no
ripple of commotion, and, not having glanced at the late comers,
proceeded to offer a pathetic prayer for the lost ones, “whom God
held in the hollow of his hand,” a prayer that brought to Elam and
Cotton a realizing sense of their selfishness and wickedness, and
which worked a lesson that influenced them through life. The parson
then gave out his text: “He will have charge over thee concerning
thee,” and worked his way on in his accustomed and somewhat
monotonous fashion, though with many allusions to the two
wanderers, until at fourteenthly came the long-deferred end. Nor was
there any murmur of feeling heard (though the mothers’ eyes were
filled with tears), when Deacon Fayerweather, in a slightly trembling
voice, lined out the Psalm:

O give yee thanks unto the Lord

because that good is hee,
 Because his loving-kindness lasts
in perpetuitee.

I’th’ desart in a desart way

they wandered: no towne finde
to dwell in. Hungry and thirsty
their Soul within them pinde.

Then did they to Jehovah cry

when they were in distresse
Who did them set at liberty
out of their anguishes.

In such a way as was most right

he led them forth also
That to a citty which they might
inhabit they might go.

I wish I could say that the boys’ parents, being so glad to get the
wanderers home, permitted them to go unpunished, but alas! early
New Englanders believed firmly that “foolishness is bound up in the
heart of a child,” and never spared the rod; and, as “sloathefulnes”
and disobedience to parents were specially abominated, such high-
handed rebellion as this of Elam and Cotton could hardly be allowed
to pass by without being made a public example. Then, too,
unfortunately for the boys, the warmth of joy at recovering the lost
ones had time through the two hours of sermon to cool down and
change into indignation. So at the close of the service Deacon
Fayerweather, after rather coldly greeting his son and nephew,
asked the advice of the minister upon so important a subject, who
gave as his opinion that the gravity of the offence, the necessity of
the lesson to other youths in the congregation, and the conveniency
of circumstances seemed to point out plainly, and was furthermore
upheld by Scripture, that public chastisement should be given upon
the spot, and that Elder Rogers was best fitted, both by age, dignity,
and strength, to administer both rebuke and punishment. And with
promptness and despatch and thoroughness the decree was carried
out; both boys were “whipped with birchen rods” while standing upon
the horse-block before the church.
But though the colonial fathers were stern and righteously
disciplinarian, the colonial mothers were loving and tender, as are
mothers everywhere and in all times, and Mistress Fayerweather
and Mistress Noyes each bore off her weeping boy to the noon-
house and filled his empty stomach well with dough-nuts and pork
and peas and pumpkin-bread, until, with comfort and plenty within,
external woes and past terrors were forgotten.
 THE DOCTOR’S PIE-PLATES
Many of my cherished china treasures, having no historical
association and being of comparatively coarse ware, would be of
little value on the shelves of a collector, and also of little interest to
the general observer; but they are endeared to me by the
remembrance of the circumstances under which they were found, or
by some story connected with their past owner or their past history.
I have a set of dark-blue Staffordshire plates, known as the
“Doctor’s Pie-plates,” which are resplendent with an interest that
does not come from their glorious color, rich as it is, nor from the wit
of the humorous scenes they represent. The plates, named,
respectively, “Dr. Syntax’s Noble Hunting-party,” “Dr. Syntax Upsets
the Beehives,” “Dr. Syntax Painting the Portrait of His Landlady,” “Dr.
Syntax Taking Possession of His Rectory,” and “Dr. Syntax Star-
gazing,” are printed from a set of pictures drawn by Thomas
Rowlandson, one of the most celebrated designers of humorous and
amusing subjects of his day. They were drawn and engraved to
illustrate a book published by William Combe, in 1812, called “Dr.
Syntax’s Tour in Search of the Picturesque.” A second tour, “In
Search of Consolation,” appeared in 1820. This was also illustrated
by Rowlandson. A third tour, “In Search of a Wife,” was printed the
following year. These books had an immense and deserving
popularity. Not only did these blue Staffordshire plates appear,
copying the amusing designs from the Dr. Syntax illustrations, but a
whole set of Derby figures were modelled—Dr. Syntax Walking, In a
Green-room, At York, At the Bookseller’s, Going to Bed, Tied to a
Tree, Scolding the Landlady, Playing the Violin, Attacked by a Bull,
Mounted on Horseback, Crossing the Lake, Landing at Calais, etc.,
and also were sold in large numbers.
The “Doctor’s Pie-plates” did not, however, receive their name on
account of the presence of the laughable figure of Dr. Syntax in their
design, but from a far different and more serious and deeply felt
reason. They were once used as pie-plates; or, rather, I should say
more exactly and truthfully, were used once as pie-plates, and the
story of that solitary pie-episode in their history, with the succeeding
results of their one period of use in that capacity, will explain their
fresh, unused condition, and show why I prize them so highly, and
reveal also the reason why I call them the “Doctor’s Pie-plates.” The
name has a deep significance; the pie-plates are captured trophies
of past war, sad emblems of hopeless rebellion, never-fading
ceramic proofs and emblems of the selfishness, the tyranny of man.
In the latter part of the eighteenth century, an American gentleman
married in England an English lady of some wealth. They brought to
America with them in a sailing-vessel, as part of the bride’s wedding-
outfit, a gayly painted, richly mounted travelling-coach. In this great
coach they rode in grand style with four post-horses from Boston to
Albany, New York, and Philadelphia, and back to the little town in
Narragansett, which was ever after their home. In due time they
died, and left to their only son, a physician, all their worldly goods,
including the old coach, and the far less desirable inheritance of a
high and stubborn temper, and a firm and deep-seated veneration for
English customs, manners, traditions, and productions, which would
be worthy an Anglomaniac of the present day. He, however, made
one unfortunate and incomprehensible deviation from his Anglo-
worship when he married an American wife. As years went on, the
Doctor grew more and more overbearing and dictatorial, especially in
his household (as some English husbands are also said to be), and
in the matter of food and of cooking—those unfortunate hobbies of
an ill-tempered man—he took, perhaps, the most violent stand.
Never did any other wife have to hear so often the words, “as my
mother used to cook it,” and “they don’t do it so in England,” or have
to listen so frequently to acrimonious expressions of dislike of
American cooks and cooking. Pork and beans, “cracker johnny-
cake,” Indian-pudding, even the purely Dutch dough-nuts were
banished from his board; for not only did he refuse to eat these New
England dishes himself, but would not let his wife and daughters,
either. He also became unjust enough bumptiously to denounce as
“American” and “taboo” any food (no matter of what nationality)
which did not suit his fancy or which chanced to disagree with him.
 On an unlucky day, having eaten too greedily of mince-pie (for he
had a fine English appetite), he passed his universal banishing
dictum on that darling of New England hearts and stomachs—the
pie. From thenceforth on feast-days only English plum-pudding was
served for dessert. To the New England wife, accustomed to see at
least four kinds of pie offered to “company,” if one made pretence
even of being truly hospitable and housewifely, the lonely pudding
was a great and almost unbearable source of grief and mortification,
and many a struggle did she make (trying to imitate her forefathers
of old) against the English yoke, but in vain; pieless and barren for
years was her table. But reinforcing troops at last came to her
rescue; for three daughters were grown, and, brave and strong with
youth, they dared to rebel more openly and recklessly than their
browbeaten mother.
In 1830 all the Doctor’s relatives, far and near, were invited to eat
“Thanksgiving dinner” with him and his family; for he was hospitable
enough, in his own fashion; in all, thirty were to sit down at his board.
On the day before Thanksgiving, mother, daughters, and “help” were
all busy at work from early morning in the great pantry and kitchen,
making careful preparation for the coming dinner, and brisk sounds
of chopping and pounding and mixing were heard, and savory smells
and spicy vapors filled the house. Toward the close of the day, when
their work was nearly done, they suddenly heard, to their terror, the
sound of the Doctor’s cane (for he was badly crippled with that
typical English disease, the gout) thump, thumping through the halls
and rooms to the kitchen, an apartment he seldom visited. With
palpitating hearts but firm countenances they stood in a hollow
square for strength, as does any determined band, while he walked
past them to the “buttery,” where were placed in military rows twenty-
six of those hated abominations, pies—mince-pies, pumpkin and
apple and cranberry, and, the crowning dainty of all, “Marlboro’” pies.
Their only hope of salvation was that in the dull, fading November
light the tyrant might not discover the forbidden pastry; and, indeed,
he did not appear to do so, for he merely glanced scowlingly around,
and, without speaking, hobbled back to his office. Once more they
breathed freely, and the eldest daughter said, cheerfully: “Now, girls,
nothing can happen; if he had seen them we should have had to give
them away; but he won’t know anything about it now until they are
brought on the table with the pudding, and he will be most through
his bottle of port then—but oh, what shall we do when the company
goes?”
Poor souls! they slept for one night the happy, unconscious sleep
of the victorious, the hospitable, and awoke on Thanksgiving morn to
find every pie vanished from the pantry-shelf. Every pie? Yes, and
every pie-plate, too!—twenty-six of the new English blue-and-white
stone-ware plates. At first they really believed, in their simplicity, that
a thief must have entered from outside and stolen them; but why
should the marauder take pies, and no other food? Then, too, there
was not a foot-print on the light snow which had fallen early in the
evening. No; the Doctor must have stolen his wife’s pies! But where
could he have hidden the pie-plates? For weeks, yes, for years, they
searched in every nook and corner; through the hay in the barns,
behind the logs of wood in the sheds, in old barrels and boxes in the
cellar, in closets, in trunks, under the eaves in the attic; and they
even peered out on the roof behind the peaks of the gable-windows,
but no pie-plates could they find. The grim old Doctor kept his
silence, until his daughters grew at last to think that some thief must
have entered in spite of apparent impossibility.
Thirty-six years later, in 1866, the aged Doctor died, and went,
doubtless, to an English paradise. His browbeaten wife had given up
the struggle many years before. The daughters, now elderly women,
with a long-concealed but unsubdued hatred born of years of
tyrannical browbeating and oppression, at once made a triumphal
holocaust of many of the cherished treasures of the British tyrant;
and the first victim doomed to destruction was the old English coach
in which their English grandmother had ridden in state through the
country. This broken-down, moth-eaten, rat-nibbled, cobweb and
dirt-filled relic had stood unused for fifty years—an abominable
nuisance, an inconvenient obstruction, a hated eyesore, in the
carriage-house connected with their dwelling. The Doctor had
cherished it on account of its English birthplace; but now its fate was
sealed. As the first heavy blow of the destroying iconoclastic axe
struck the hated coach, a loud rattle as of falling crockery was heard,
and the executioner paused. A careful investigation discovered an
unknown compartment under the driver’s seat which had been
constructed for the purpose of hiding despatch-boxes and, perhaps,
the bride’s jewel-cases—and in this hiding-place were twenty-six dirt-
covered, dark-blue Staffordshire plates. A sudden light of
comprehension and recognition came into the faces of the sisters—
here were the long-lost pie-plates! The cantankerous old Doctor had
craftily arisen in the night, hobbled out silently, in spite of his gout,
thrown the carefully and daintily made Thanksgiving pies to the pigs,
stealthily packed the plates in the old coach, watched maliciously the
unsuccessful plate-search, kept silence throughout the despoiled
Thanksgiving dinner and through nearly forty pieless years, and died
triumphant.
Half of this treasure-trove, which the Doctor could hide, but,
happily, could not take with him, were the Dr. Syntax plates; and
from that half came my share. The other plates were of well-known
English views—Payn’s Hill, the City of Liverpool, Blenheim Castle,
Fulham Church-yard, Windsor Castle—no American views were on
any of his crockery; no landing of Lafayette, no State plates, were
ever allowed to grace that rank old Tory’s pantry.
Thus, one good, one noble result came from this “ugly trick”—the
hidden pie-plates were all saved unscratched, unbroken, for the
Doctor’s kinsfolk to-day, who, in gratitude for his unintentional
posthumous favor, suitably reward him by telling the story of his
spiteful midnight theft whenever we show the plates. And, moreover,
we wantonly and openly insulted and jeered at his memory and his
gastronomic laws by formally and derisively naming the dark-blue
salvage from the coach the Doctor’s Pie-plates.
 MY DELFT APOTHECARY JARS
The circumstances under which I first saw my old Delft apothecary
jars were so painful, so mortifying, that for a long time I could not
bear even to think of them; but now, as years have passed and
softened the sharp lines, I will write account of that unique
adventure.
We were one day, as was our wont, hunting in old Narragansett for
ancient china and colonial furniture, but even on that historic and
early-settled ground had met with scant success. At last, on an out-
of-the-way road, was found a clew.
We were driving slowly along, when the door of a long, low wood-
shed opened, and an elderly man walked out on the single broad
stone step and stood, in the lazy country fashion, staring openly and
sociably at us as we passed by. He had in one hand a piece of dark
wood which he was slowly rubbing with sand-paper. We had driven
past his door when my companion suddenly exclaimed: “That man
had a claw-foot.”
“A claw-foot!” I answered in astonishment; “what do you mean?—a
cloven foot or a club-foot, perhaps?”
“No, you goose; that man had in his hand a claw-foot—the leg of a
chair, I am sure, and I am going back to see to what it belongs.”
So we whisked the pony around and drove to the door where the
claw-footed man still stood, and we then saw in the one dingy
window a small sign bearing the words

ELAM CHADSEY
GENERAL REPAIRER