515949

research-article2014
JIVXXX10.1177/0886260513515949Journal of Interpersonal ViolenceGómez et al.

Article
Journal of Interpersonal Violence
2014, Vol. 29(11) 2002­–2020
Transforming Schools © The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/0886260513515949
Males’ Participation: jiv.sagepub.com

Overcoming Cultural
Stereotypes and
Preventing Violence

Aitor Gómez,1 Ariadna Munte,2

and Teresa Sorde3

Abstract
Violent and racist behaviors are transforming schools into highly controversial
sites. A key factor in this phenomenon, though not the only one, is the
continued dominance of hegemonic masculinity. While researchers have
considered a myriad of strategies to prevent violence, including community
involvement, few have focused on the value of having male community
members engage in the schools, especially males from minority backgrounds.
Drawing from two longitudinal case studies conducted in elementary schools,
this article explores the effects of such participation. The authors report on
two major benefits: a reduction in the prevalence of cultural stereotypes
related to males, and the development of spaces where bullying and other
violence can be prevented.

Keywords
bullying, community violence, cultural contexts

1University
Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona, Spain
2University
of Barcelona, Spain
3Authonomous University of Barcelona, Bellaterra, Spain

Corresponding Author:
Aitor Gómez, Faculty of Education, University Rovira i Virgili, Campus Sescelades, Tarragona
43007, Spain.
Email: [email protected]

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Gómez et al. 2003

Around the world, increasingly frequent and diverse conflicts within schools
are transforming them into sites of considerable controversy. Research indi-
cates that peer-to-peer violence affects thousands of children and youth every
year and can have devastating personal and social consequences (Skinner &
Kowalski, 2013). And, as larger numbers of people migrate around the world,
new forms of violence directed toward students from different ethnic and
cultural groups are emerging in schools (Peguero, 2011). Racist attitudes are
directed not only at other students but also at their family members, deeply
affecting the school climate. Multiple researchers have noted the various fac-
tors that lead to particular types of violence, including bullying; among these
factors, hegemonic masculinity plays a key but not exclusive role.
Extensive research has focused on a myriad of preventive strategies, com-
munity involvement being one (Iturbe, 2007; Valls & Kyriakides, 2013).
Community involvement, however, is often seen as something that women
do, leaving out the men and their potential to contribute. Very little research
has focused on men participating in their local schools. Traditionally, studies
have focused more generally on the effects of parental absence or the father’s
lack of involvement, without looking at the participation of fathers or other
males at the school. Thus, little is known about the potential of male partici-
pation in schools to prevent violent behaviors, especially when those men are
of minority backgrounds. Because the involvement of minority males remains
an underresearched topic, in this article we address the following overarching
question: How does the participation of minority males in elementary schools
help to reduce violent behaviors?
In particular, we aim to shed light on the underexamined effects of having
males of Arab-Muslim and Roma backgrounds participate in their local
schools. We have found that this participation helps to promote diverse mod-
els of masculinity, beyond the hegemonic one, and we report on two main
benefits: cultural stereotypes related to males are reduced and the creation of
spaces that help to prevent bullying and other violence. The results we pres-
ent here draw on data obtained through two longitudinal case studies con-
ducted in elementary schools under the EU-funded large-scale research
project INCLUD-ED (European Commission, 2006-2011). Both case studies
were conducted in schools where the children were predominantly from
Roma and Arab-Muslim backgrounds.

Violent Behavior in School

European primary schools are witnessing a growing range of violent behaviors.
According to Currie et al. (2012), an average 13% of the 11-year-old students
reported being bullied in the past couple of months. This figure was similar to

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2004 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

those in other national contexts; it rises when students are asked if they have
ever been bullied in school. In Spain, a survey showed that 75% of 12-year-olds
had witnessed school-based violence; also, 44% of the victims had been aggres-
sors and 83.6% of the aggressors had been victims at some point (Serrano &
Iborra, 2005). A more recent survey in Spain found that one out of four students
were currently experiencing some type of school-based harassment or vio-
lence; those at the elementary level suffered the most (Piñuel & Oñate, 2007).

The Influence of Masculinity on Violent Behaviors

A wide range of factors have been identified that could explain the increase
in school-based violence. Among them, a significant body of theoretical
work points to the connections between violence and hegemonic masculinity,
a concept that Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) defined as a tendency for
males to dominate other males and subordinate females (Kersten, 1996;
Messerschmidt, 1993; Ullah & Ali, 2012). Similarly, Goodey (1997) empha-
sized a hierarchy of oppression: Those who are Western, White, middle-class,
heterosexual, and in their 30s are placed at the top, and those who do not fit
into the model are looked down upon and even despised. When Connell and
Messerschmidt (2005) reexamined the concept of hegemonic masculinity,
they identified a range of masculinities, occupying different places in a hier-
archy. More recently, Connell (2012) stated that hegemonic masculinity is
displayed through diverse types of masculinities, not all of them linked to
violence. Researchers have further explored this concept of a diversity of
masculinities, defining three specific types: dominant traditional masculini-
ties, oppressed traditional masculinities, and new alternative masculinities
(Flecha, Puigvert, & Ríos, 2013).
Masculine identity is created and negotiated in the schools where these
different types of masculinities coexist. Researchers have found that schools
become institutions where hegemonic masculinity and some of its violent
variations are promoted (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Mac an Ghaill, 2003;
Philipps, 2007). In particular, they have focused on the ways that schools
reproduce gender inequalities, homophobia, and gender-based violence; they
also look at the roles teachers can play in preventing or addressing these atti-
tudes (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Kimmel & Mahler, 2003; Lee, 2011; Mac
an Ghaill, 2003). In general, these researchers agree that children and adoles-
cents who do not follow the model of hegemonic masculinity are more often
the victims (Donaldson & Poyting, 2005; Gini & Pozzoli, 2006; Klein, 2006;
Renold, 2001). According to Renold (2001), children who are “studious” and
act differently are distanced from the others; then other children may ridicule,
insult, and even physically abuse them.

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Gómez et al. 2005

Race-Based Violent Behaviors

Researchers have also found that racist violence in schools is closely con-
nected to bullying and hard to differentiate from it. Race-based violence can
range from name-calling to serious physical attacks. Analyses aiming to link
adolescent masculinity, homophobia, and violence have found how race and
ethnicity matter for African American students (Kimmel & Mahler, 2003);
when they do well in school, they are accused of acting “White” or like
“girls.” In Spain, two groups that are persistently targeted are the Roma and
migrants, specifically those of Arab-Muslim descent. Romani and Arab-
Muslim immigrant children are often associated with violence, lack of aca-
demic achievement, poor hygiene, inability to socialize, and little motivation
to gain an education. Commentators on Roma culture often emphasize that
Romani children find it very difficult to yield to the authority of a female
teacher, because of the chauvinist pattern typical of their culture. Thus, ste-
reotypes affect not only the students but also their families and communities,
as Romani and Arab-Muslim fathers are labeled as being chauvinist and as
maintaining too much control over their wives who must remain at home, in
the private sphere, with no chance of a satisfying social life (Macías &
Redondo, 2012). These stereotypes are a determining factor in relationships
between teachers and families and among students from different back-
grounds; they can lead to violent confrontations and must be addressed
(Kane, 2008).

Preventing Violent and Racist Behavior

In recent years, the phenomenon of violence and bullying in schools has
emerged as a key concern among both social science researchers and policy
makers. Researchers have emphasized the importance of using a whole-
school approach to target the wider community in anti-bullying programs
across the world (Ttoti & Farrington, 2008), and Pollastri, Cardemil, and
O’Donnell (2010) argued for research-based inclusive environments that are
more effective in reducing bullying. The few analyses of existing programs
indicate the need to focus on what happens inside schools, and the circum-
stances under which adults take various actions to prevent bullying
(Meraviglia, Becker, Rosenbluth, Sanchez, & Robertson, 2003). Along these
lines, Spriggs, Iannotti, Nansel, and Haynie (2007) pointed out that most cur-
rent programs to prevent bullying neglect important contexts, especially the
family. Given these findings, it is particularly relevant to consider family
interactions in bullying prevention efforts; one study, by Oliver, de Botton,
Soler, and Merril (2011), described educational programs that are improving

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2006 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

school climates and preventing violence by involving migrant students, par-

ents, and community members at the schools. More concretely, Iturbe (2007)
found that opening the school’s doors to the community, if done correctly,
promotes a wider diversity of interactions and helps to reduce both violent
behaviors and the prevalence of stereotypes about males.
Little research has focused on fathers’ participation in schools, especially
in elementary schools. However, some studies have explored how fathers’ par-
ticipation can prevent bullying behavior among youth (Flouri & Buchanan,
2003). For instance, Christie-Mizell, Keil, Laske, and Stewart (2011) pointed
out the robust correlation between adolescent violence and fathers who must
work long hours and thus cannot spend much time with their children. Most
research on fathers focuses on involvement in the home or family context, and
less has looked at educational activities at schools. Thus, research specifically
targeting minority parent participation has been mainly related to instrumental
learning and homework (Ceballo, 2004; Jeynes, 2003). Given that particular
types of violence are rooted in the prevalence of hegemonic masculinity at the
school, we believe it is valuable to explore how the participation of minority
males in schools might prevent violent behaviors. This article begins to fill
this gap in the research by analyzing how schools are successfully reducing
their level of violence by engaging these men in multiple ways.

Method
The research we report here, which consists of two longitudinal case studies,
was conducted using the Communicative Methodology (Puigvert, Christou,
& Holford, 2012), in two schools in Spain, called La Paz and Montserrat.
They were part of a larger project which identified successful actions that
promote social cohesion. In this article, we draw from the data collected in
these schools, to address the following research question:

Research Question 1: How does the participation of minority males in

elementary schools help to reduce violent behaviors?

Data Collection
In each case study, qualitative fieldwork was carried out in two rounds
between February 2010 and May 2011; it consisted of open-ended interviews,
communicative daily life stories, and communicative observations. First, five
open-ended interviews were conducted with White female teachers: Julia at
Montserrat School, and Rocío, María, and Carmen at La Paz School, along
with one head teacher, Lucía, at Montserrat. Six communicative daily life

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Gómez et al. 2007

stories and two communicative observations were conducted at each school.

These non-traditional and interactive techniques aim to develop reflection
and consensus, creating a common understanding between the researcher and
the participants (Valls & Padrós, 2011).
At Montserrat, communicative daily life stories were conducted with two
Moroccan fathers, Hassan and Abdel, and with Abdul, a 9-year-old Moroccan
boy. At La Paz, these stories were conducted with two Roma fathers,
Alejandro and Manuel, who are both actively engaged in the school, and with
one community activist: Luis, a Roma pastor very involved with the neigh-
borhood and the school. In addition, the research team conducted several
communicative observations, gathering meetings where minority males were
deeply engaged. Data were mainly collected at the schools, after agreements
were developed with the principals, teachers, and families.

Data Analysis
We coded and analyzed the data using two dimensions: exclusionary and
transformative. The exclusionary dimension refers to those obstacles and ele-
ments that contribute to violent behavior continuing in schools, and the trans-
formative one includes elements and approaches that help prevent it. In this
article, we present only data that we deemed to be transformative.
We followed several ethical guidelines. First, like all projects funded by
the European Commission, ours had to meet the commission’s ethical guide-
lines for research, in a series of reviews. Moreover, we were careful to protect
participants, by rigorously explaining the research to them, gaining their
informed consent, and guaranteeing their confidentiality. All individuals’
names used here are pseudonyms.

Research Setting
The schools were selected using three criteria. They had to be succeeding
educationally, with their students’ academic outcomes exceeding those at
other schools in similar socio-cultural and socioeconomic contexts. Their stu-
dents had to be mostly of low socioeconomic status and minority background,
and with strong community involvement. We now provide brief contextual
information on each school.

Montserrat School
This school is located at the outskirts of Terrassa, in northeastern Spain.
People living in the neighborhood have low educational levels and few

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2008 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

qualifications for employment. Among the parents of children in the school,

32.4% have a basic level of education, and 10.8% said they had not com-
pleted any level of education (European Commission, 2006-2011).
Consequently, they take on jobs that require no qualifications, such as caring
for elderly people or cleaning houses. In particular, the majority of Arab-
Muslim fathers in this school had been working in the building sector, which
has been deeply impacted by the economic crisis. As a consequence, in
January 2013 they were facing an unemployment rate of 100%.
In academic year 2000-2001, 12% of the students there were immigrants;
in 2009-2010, the figure became 64%. That year the school’s ethnic composi-
tion was as follows: 61.2% of students were of Moroccan origin, 11.4% from
South America, 4.4% from Black African origin, and 14.4% of Roma descent.
Before the school opened its doors to the community, there were many con-
flicts, mainly between children of Roma and Moroccan backgrounds. These
frequent conflicts also kept the families from developing good relationships
with the school. School data show, however, that the numbers of conflicts
dropped once the community became more involved.

La Paz School
This school is located in the La Milagrosa neighborhood, at the outskirts of
Albacete, in southeastern Spain. Only 8% of adults in the neighborhood have
more than primary education; few have completed basic education and many
are illiterate (EAPN, 2010). The unemployment rate is over 40%, and 55% of
people were on welfare during the time of the study. Moreover, many adults
have problems associated with drug addiction and the justice system, making
them even more vulnerable. In 2007, 41% of the total crimes in the city took
place in this neighborhood. The situation within the school had become hope-
less: Students were failing, drop-out rates were around 40%, and conflicts
between students and between teachers and families were common and led to
physical attacks on teachers. In 2006, the media reported on the confronta-
tions between families and teachers, who were requesting police protection in
the classroom. At the time of writing this article, the situation has substan-
tially improved at all the mentioned levels.

Results
Overcoming Male-Related Stereotypes
In both schools, efforts were made to bring Roma and Arab-Muslim family
members into the school to work with the children in multiple ways; this

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Gómez et al. 2009

approach generated many new kinds of interactions between people of dif-

ferent cultures, genders, and generations. As they entered the classrooms
and collaborated in learning activities, adults from different cultural back-
grounds engaged in dialogue, encouraging positive patterns of behavior
based on mutual respect and mutual knowledge. Students’ and teachers’
perceptions changed. The more family members participated in various
ways, prejudices and stereotypes that others held about their cultures were
transformed.
During one assembly at Montserrat school, the school held a debate about
the possibility of offering family education, particularly addressed to women;
this assembly constituted one of the study’s communicative observations.
Fatima, an Arab mother involved in the school, described one of her dreams:
“to learn Spanish and Catalan in order to find a job.” Another member of the
community argued that it was not that important for Arab women to partici-
pate in any kind of training: “after all,” he said, “they are staying in the
home.” Younes, Fatima’s neighbor and a father involved in the school, replied
that it was very positive for women like Fatima to learn Spanish and Catalan.
The assembly agreed on the need to offer literacy courses for Arab women,
with many men like Younes helping drive the decision. At the school, the
teachers, staff, and various family members continued to discuss this conver-
sation; they recognized that Younes’ point forced them to change their per-
ceptions about gender relations within the Arab-Muslim community. This is
only one of many examples in which interactions between community mem-
bers led to reverse cultural stereotypes.
When the Catalan class began, many mothers saw it as their first chance to
do something outside the home and independent from their families. For
those who did not know the country’s language and also knew few other
people in the community, this class was an enlightening experience: They
saw that opportunities were available for them. The first class started during
school hours, so the women could attend the school while their children were
in the class.
Hassan’s wife Nora could not take the daytime class because they have
younger children, not yet in school, and no extended family to rely on. In the
daytime, Nora took care of the household while Hassan worked in construc-
tion. Therefore, Hassan said, Nora enrolled in the evening class, but they had
to find a way to care for the children. In telling his daily life story, Hassan
realized how important it was for Nora to attend the class and continue learn-
ing. Therefore, he decided to take care of the children in the school play-
ground while Nora was in the evening class.
Some people in the community could see clearly how this made it possible
for her to attend class and not worry about their children, but others

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2010 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

commented that Hassan was there just to control her. In time, the others in the
class, and the volunteer teacher, came to understand the real reason why
Hassan was waiting outside (caring for the children), and were able to move
forward from their original chauvinist interpretation.
In the Montserrat school, Arab-Muslim fathers became involved at the
school not only to support their wives’ participation in educational activities
but also to further their own education. Julia, a teacher, explained how this
process began. Some fathers enrolled in training courses that fit their time-
tables, especially computer courses. Having participated at the school as
much as their work schedules allowed, they decided to create dialogic literary
gatherings in which they read classical works, including Kafka’s
Metamorphosis. Julia described how these fathers then started to be involved
in other areas of the school. For instance, when Abdel lost his job as a builder,
despite the devastating consequences for his family, he saw it as an opportu-
nity to get more involved in the school, which he could not do earlier. Julia
reflected on the impact of Abdel’s participation:

Abdel was not an isolated case, . . . many fathers found themselves in a similar
situation because of the crisis. They started to get more involved in the school
with the aim of supporting their children’s learning. For instance, these fathers
started to attend school meetings and to participate in the decision-making
processes, as well as to get involved in learning activities. Many of us on the
teaching staff were positively surprised; this helped us crack open the images
we used to have of them: that they were just ignoring their children’s education
or were reluctant to support their daughters’ education, and so on.

As Julia argues, the fathers’ engagement participation in the school led

others at the school to see them differently, creating an atmosphere that has
less tolerance, and time, for racist or sexist comments.
The case study at La Paz provided similar evidence about the Roma pop-
ulation there. As Romani males became involved in the school, teachers and
other parents let go of some of their stereotypical images of them, and even
the students changed their views. One key stereotype about Roma fathers is
that they do not take care of their children, that the women do all the child
care. When Roma fathers and other community members started to partici-
pate in the classroom and in school activities, the whole community was
able to see firsthand the ways that these males relate to their children. Rocío,
a White teacher in Albacete, reflected on how this exposure helped her to
reframe her beliefs about Roma families. In particular, she recognized to be
initially shocked to see fathers taking care of their children, just as the moth-
ers do:

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Gómez et al. 2011

. . . you find Romani men giving their babies the bottle . . . They’re doing it at
the school in order to make it to the meetings and people see them and discuss
it and it changes, it breaks stereotypes.

The involvement of Roma males at this school also upended another gen-
eralized belief that fathers do not want their daughters to go to high school.
Drop-out rates during the transition from elementary to secondary school are
higher for Roma students than for non-Roma, and these rates are even higher
for Romani girls. Once Roma fathers began to participate in their children’s
education, this situation changed. During a school assembly, the entire com-
munity decided to implement secondary education in the same building that
houses the elementary school. Roma fathers insisted that their 12-year-old
daughters should not have to go into town—several miles from their neigh-
borhood—to complete their compulsory education. The Roma men were
clearly the ones pushing the educational administration to find a way to
prevent the girls from dropping out. In the weeks that followed, several pub-
lic representatives and teachers described their great surprise at this turn of
events.
Luis, a Romani pastor who is very involved in the school, played a key
role in implementing this decision. He described how he went door to door to
speak to each Romani family in the neighborhood to make sure that no girl
stayed at home, so that all of them would benefit from this opportunity. Four
years later, eight girls have graduated—the first in the school’s history to get
a high school diploma—and the entire community is celebrating because, as
Luis says, “this might not seem that important for non-Roma, but for us this
is unbelievably important.”

Developing an Atmosphere That Will Not Tolerate Bullying

The diverse groups of volunteers involved in both of these schools enrich the
interactions taking place in and out of the classrooms. By involving minority
fathers in other learning spaces, the schools can capitalize on their knowledge
and values. At the same time, opening up the decision-making processes about
school norms and rules to the community has facilitated a more diverse and
inclusive approach, which in turn is creating a safer environment. At
Montserrat, the Arab-Muslim fathers are encouraged to participate in agreeing
on the norms for the school, an approach that leads to everyone watching out
for the others. Maria, a tenth grade teacher there, explained how this works:

They are taking part in everyday practices. From the very beginning, we saw
that if we [teachers] and parents and students did not establish common norms

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2012 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

and agreements, it could be a jungle. We sat and discussed, and decided

coexistence norms in each class and for the school in general.

Following the same community-based approach, in which the families

became involved in decision making, everyone at La Paz saw a clear improve-
ment in the level of peaceful coexistence. Up to then, students were involved
in verbal and physical aggression nearly every day. This naturally reduced
their opportunities to learn in the classroom, and created a violent and unsafe
atmosphere in the school. Carmen, one of the teachers, describes how they
have improved coexistence:

In the beginning there were very serious behavioral problems . . . [and] the
coexistence committee, which is in charge of working on all these issues, . . .
we called family members so that they could come and also collaborate, so they
were aware of what has happened and could collaborate . . . [and] so that they
can contribute . . .

A crucial element in this change was Roma fathers participating in the

coexistence committee, helping to decide on the rules; their involvement
helped to reduce conflicts and also made students feel more responsible about
respecting and upholding the rules. The fathers’ participation in the commit-
tee extended to the classroom context, where they participate in students’
learning activities. Valls and Kyriakides (2013) described what happens
when a diverse group of volunteers act as facilitators in interactive groups:
small groups of students who are diverse in terms of gender, culture, and abil-
ity level. The diversity of the dialogic interactions helps all students learn
more quickly and raises the level of cooperation. The diversity of the volun-
teers keeps the students from engaging in racist and bullying behaviors. Our
research shows that when the volunteers are minority males, the effects of
this form of classroom organization are even more pronounced. We asked
Lucía, the head teacher at Montserrat, the reasons why the level of conflict
inside the classroom had dropped. Her response confirms the value of work-
ing in such groups:

Well it [the conflict level] falls the most when we are doing Interactive Groups.
When more people are helping the children to learn, they are more attentive to
learning and not so involved in other silly things like wasting time and annoying
their classmates . . . In fact it is the opposite: the children are involved in the
work and . . . they can talk to the volunteers to get them and teach them other
things, about other lives, which they are probably not aware of, or they can
share things . . .

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Gómez et al. 2013

This idea is reinforced by Alejandro, a Roma father who volunteers in the

classroom at La Paz. Alejandro has noticed that when fathers are in the class-
rooms and when the norms are agreed upon and continually discussed, chil-
dren—even the most rebellious—focus on studying and stop engaging in
their earlier disruptive behavior:

Since their fathers are in [the classroom], they study more, they get more into
their work, so the children who are around them, they see it as well, and they
don’t . . . they are more reluctant to misbehave and then they lean more towards
their studies rather than anything else.

Manuel’s narrative adds another layer to this discussion. The everyday

life story he shared with us is an example of the personal and social trans-
formation that is possible for adults who engage in the school. He moved
from being in prison to participating as a volunteer in countless activities in
school, transforming both himself and his relationship with his children.
That was the beginning of a process of change which has led him to work
in a local workers owned cooperative. Our case studies show that when
relatives like Manuel and Alejandro participate in these spaces in the
school, their interactions with the children generate new ways of relating to
each other and help to create a violence-free environment. People around
Manuel say that it is not despite his story but because of it that he has
become a role model for the children, introducing a way of being male that
is both non-violent and egalitarian.
As we conducted daily life stories with the students, they also pointed out
the positive effects of having male volunteers in school. Abdul, a 9-year-old
Moroccan student, explained how several of his classmates had made a game
of touching the girls’ backs. When the girls reported this, the teacher decided
that everyone in the class could touch the boys’ backs. Abdul felt bad: He
believed that touching behavior was not right. He said that if a Moroccan
father had been in the playground or in the class, this situation would never
have developed. He said that boys do not misbehave in front of their parents,
and would never have played such a game. He suggested that having fathers
as volunteers during the break times would be an effective way to prevent any
type of violence at the school. Thus, having the Romani and Arab-Muslim
participating at the school, along with other male volunteers, introduced
meaningful relationships and opportunities to think about behavior and wid-
ened the range of interactions to which the students are exposed. This con-
tributed to both boys and girls being socialized in spaces that are free of
violence.

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2014 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

Conclusion
Racist and violent behaviors, far from being eradicated, are currently
increasing in schools worldwide. Among the many factors that influence
peer-to-peer violence, the literature points out the prevalence of hegemonic
masculinity, along with racist attitudes in schools (Kersten, 1996;
Messerschmidt, 1993). More recently, Connell and Messerschmidt (2005)
reviewed the concept of hegemonic masculinity, identifying the existing
diversity of models that fall into the same category. Thus, Connell’s (2012)
account of the existence of masculinity models not linked to violence has
served as a framework to the present article. The promotion and visibilization
of them at schools open up new venues to dismantle the hegemony of violent
masculinity models. In the particular case of schools, it has already been
shown that schools have turned into spaces where hegemonic masculinity
linked to violence has been very often promoted (Donaldson & Poyting,
2005; Philipps, 2007). However, researchers have also identified strategies to
prevent such violence, for instance, through particular types of community
involvement, which makes possible for parents to participate in the class-
room and other learning spaces (Iturbe, 2007; Oliver et al., 2011). Among
them, few have studied the potential impact of male family members, espe-
cially of minority background, participating in elementary schools to prevent
violent behavior. The potential of promoting the participation of minority
males at schools as a preventing measure is found to be an unexplored area in
the specialized literature. This article is aimed at filling this gap by analyzing
how the participation of minority males, particularly those of Roma and
Arab-Muslim backgrounds, is helping to reduce such violent behaviors.
Our research explores a new dimension that is added to the existing
knowledge in the field. When schools open their doors to minority male par-
ticipation, on one hand, our study shows that prevailing cultural stereotypes
toward Roma and Muslim families tend to be dismantled. On the other, we
also showed that when these men become involved in classrooms, and in
other learning spaces such as the playground, they help to create a safer atmo-
sphere where violent behaviors are neither accepted nor tolerated. As these
fathers bring their cultural knowledge into the school, and are part of the
decision-making processes, school norms are established as a result of dia-
logue among teachers, children, and parents. Because of this process, norms
are more likely to be respected and promote better relationships between chil-
dren and within the community.
In the Spanish school context where none of the interviewed teachers are
from minority backgrounds, the participation of minority males is found to be
crucial. Particularly, the participation of Roma and Arab-Muslim males, who

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Gómez et al. 2015

position themselves strongly against violence and racism, becomes decisive.

Two major implications stem from this fact. First, these males become posi-
tive role models, acting to prevent violence from a diversity of cultural back-
grounds. In taking this clearly anti-violence stance, not only in their discourse
but also in their behavior, they are breaking the cultural stereotypes that affect
the Roma and Arab-Muslim communities. Moreover, they are bringing into
the schools a diversity of masculinities, while countering racist attitudes and
violence. Thus, they have the potential to introduce a model of new alterna-
tive masculinities (Flecha et al., 2013). Second, their participation creates
various bullying-free spaces in the schools, both inside and outside the class-
room. Their participation complements the already existing disciplinary rules
at the schools, bringing a new light to the schools’ struggle against racism and
violence. If teachers and other school staff feel alone, our study indicates that
there is still many unexplored possibilities in developing shared endeavors
between schools and families to transform schools into spaces free of bully-
ing and any other types of violence.
At the case studies, minority male participation is framed under the
implementation of successful educational actions (SEAs). The INCLUD-ED
project identified, on the one hand the types of family participation that are
associated with an improvement of the academic results and on the other
hand the coexisting in schools, referring to the reduction of any type of con-
flict and/or violent behavior. The European consortium defined that the
decisive and educational participation were the ones which brought more
benefits in the two mentioned areas (Díez, Gatt, & Racionero, 2011). The
lessons learned from these schools would help to extend the benefits of these
men’s involvement to other educational centers. First, the fathers involved in
our study had the opportunity to participate in a meaningful and relevant
way at the school, not as a mere testimonial one. This refers to the fact that
family members should be able to be active participants in the decision-
making processes that affect key aspects of their children’s lives, including
learning, curriculum, and evaluation or volunteering within the classroom in
interactive groups.
A second lesson learned is that the process of involving these fathers has
not happened overnight, but after a profound process of transformation of the
school organization and culture. In our study, it is observed in which ways
fathers who were not only not participating but also relatively distant to the
school, they start doing so, especially when they experienced firsthand that
their presence was highly valued and useful for the school. These fathers who
were considered to be on the margins of the school have become important
pieces for the whole community, playing an important role inside and outside
the classroom. The best marketing strategy to promote community

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2016 Journal of Interpersonal Violence 29(11)

involvement is a bottom-up participation, a real democratic and radical

democracy at the school.
A third lesson learned was the need to consider the fathers’ interests and
motivations. This is particularly important in the case of family education, if
the educational provision is designed top-down without stemming from the
families’ needs and interests, family education program is damned to fail.
The fact that schools are serving the families is perceived as a shift in the
school–families relationship, generating new venues for minority fathers to
get involved, while promoting relevant and meaningful participation.
A fourth lesson learned refers to the fact that teachers and everybody at the
school should recognize the capacity and abilities of all family members,
including minority fathers to contribute to the students’ learning. In the case
of Roma and Muslim immigrant fathers, this lesson involved to overcome
historically rooted stereotypes that hinder these fathers’ potential to be fully
enjoyed by the community. The key aspect here relies on the possibility to
dream of a new school with counting with all these human resources, free of
any type of violence or prejudice, and independent of the educational level of
these fathers. They might not have an educational degree, but they bring into
the classroom multiple benefits that cannot be ignored and that cannot be
replaced by school professionals (even with all the educational credentials
from the world).
Finally, our study on minority male participation is aligned with the con-
temporary literature in Learning Sciences that have already shown the ben-
efits of multiplying and diversifying the interactions the students are
exposed to (García, 2012). In this sense, the participation of an increased
number and diverse minority males is contributing to these manifold ben-
efits, but adding a new light: their contribution to prevent racism and vio-
lent behaviors at the schools by means of exposing students to a diversity
of masculine models.
These lessons are not only drawn from our two case studies but also drawn
from more than 120 schools in Spain and Brazil that have already been imple-
menting the SEAs (Flecha & Soler, 2013). At these schools, the implementa-
tion of these actions has already enabled to increase the number of fathers
from very diverse backgrounds who contribute to prevent bullying and rac-
ism, while progressively improving students’ outcomes. One of the main
characteristics of the SEAs is their transferability to other contexts, which
means a great future possibility to transform schools into real spaces to pre-
vent bullying and racism. As in many cases, civil society is ahead of the poli-
cies that should be enhanced to promote family involvement in schools, but
some advancement should be acknowledged here. The European Commission,
following the work on SEAs developed through INCLUD-ED, approved a

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Gómez et al. 2017

resolution in 2011 recommending the implementation of SEAs as a strategy

to reduce school failure (Macías & Redondo, 2012).

Limitations and Future Directions

In this study, we have begun to consider a crucial issue, but many questions
remain. In particular, further deep analysis is needed on male minority par-
ticipation in schools: What are the benefits for the men themselves and their
families, and also for the schools and communities? That is, how can the
involvement of non-violent men in schools help to promote non-hegemonic
and non-violent masculinities among the students and in the school climate in
general? Another relevant question is to deepen in the understanding of the
diversity of models that are included in the non-hegemonic and non-violent
categories, as well as those that are promoting best schools free of any type
of violence. Finally, it is still urgent to study how boys in primary schools can
construct their masculinity without relying on violence and racism, in which
ways schools can do a better job in promoting a diversity of masculinity mod-
els. The answers to these crucial questions will help to reduce the devastating
effects of these problems on far too many of our children and youth.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article: The research leading to these results has
received funding from European Community’s Sixth Framework Program (FP6/2006-
2011) under grant agreement: 028603.

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Author Biographies
Aitor Gómez, Professor of Research Methods at the University Rovira i Virgili. He
is member of the research project PERARES. The Public Engagement with Research
and Research Engagement with Society, funded by the European Framework Program
of Research. He coordinated a special issue for Qualitative Inquiry on communicative
methodology.
Ariadna Munte, Professor of Social Work at the University of Barcelona. She has
worked for more than ten years with Roma people and other vulnerable groups, com-
bining her work with research in social sciences. She was member of the research
project Roma immigration in Spain: Challenges for social inclusion and living
together. She has published several articles in JCR journals.
Teresa Sorde, Doctor by Harvard University, Professor of Sociology and Researcher
for GEDIME (Study Group on Immigration and Ethnic Minorities) at the Autonomous
University of Barcelona. Most of her work has dealt specifically with strategies to
overcome discrimination against migrants and cultural minorities. She was main
researcher of the project Roma Migrants in Spain, funded by the Organization of
Security and Cooperation in Europe.

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