10.4324_9781003353379-5_chapterpdf
10.4324_9781003353379-5_chapterpdf
10.4324_9781003353379-5_chapterpdf
Introduction
Discourse consists of textual, verbal, or graphic communications used for
understanding, observing, and appreciating the world (Berkovich & Benoliel,
2019; Sengul, 2019). Policies, narratives, written texts like letters or textbooks,
discussions, speeches, meetings, school teachings, nonverbal communication,
visual imagery, multimedia, and cinema are just a few of the various forms or
genres that discourse may take (Wodak & Meyer, 2009). There are several
approaches to discourse analysis. This chapter focuses on a particular form
known as critical discourse analysis (CDA).
CDA centres on the dialectic relationship between discursive activity and
social practice, which results in discourse both constituting social practice and
being constituted by it (Fairclough, 2015). The approach focuses particu-
larly on how social power is expressed through language (Wodak & Meyer,
2009). CDA aims to identify and expose implicit or concealed power relations
in speech (van Dijk, 1993). According to CDA scholars, discourse not only
reflects power relations but is also constitutive of them – that is, it upholds
and perpetuates the existing status quo (Fairclough, 2015; Wodak & Meyer,
2009). Discourse can generate and sustain power imbalances, with ideologi-
cal consequences (Wodak & Meyer, 2009). Moreover, scholars suggest that
dominance is exercised directly through language in certain settings and indi-
rectly by influencing others’ opinions (van Dijk, 1993).
In contrast to discourse analysis, which is an umbrella term that includes
various approaches to investigating language in different settings without nec-
essarily highlighting the dynamics of power and ideologies, CDA emphasizes
the critical study of language to uncover social, political, and ideological aspects
DOI: 10.4324/9781003353379-5
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Critical discourse analysis 29
(Blommaert & Bulcaen, 2000; Wetherell et al., 2001). CDA has become a
common analytical approach in educational research, as evident from various
reviews (Lester et al., 2016; Liasidou, 2008; Luke, 1995; Mullet, 2018; Rog-
ers et al., 2005, 2016). In the last 50 years, a signifcant body of CDA works
in education has been documented by researchers specializing in educational
policy and education literacy, who explored middle schools, high schools,
and various higher-education settings (Rogers et al., 2005, 2016; Rogers &
Schaenen, 2014). CDA analysts in education focus on materials such as policy
statements, textbooks, websites, and YouTube videos produced by individu-
als, educational institutions, and international educational agencies (e.g. Arce-
Trigatti & Anderson, 2020; Berkovich & Benoliel, 2020a, 2020b; Sharma &
Buxton, 2015; Wilson & Carlsen, 2016).
In recent decades, educational policy scholars have increasingly turned to
CDA to investigate underlying issues of power, social injustice, the (re)pro-
duction of dominance, and the formation of identities within policy “talk,”
legislative texts, or both (e.g. Barrett & Bound, 2015; Berkovich & Benoliel,
2020a, 2020b; Liasidou, 2008; Taylor, 2004; see also the introduction to a
special issue on “Critical Discourse Analysis and Education Policy” by Lester
et al., 2016). CDA in educational policy research can be used to explore both
the macro level of policy (e.g. how policy actors promote and reproduce spe-
cifc ideologies) and its micro level (e.g. what is the orientation of policy imple-
menters and how they make sense of the policy within a given organizational
context) (Lester et al., 2016).
Some scholars have suggested that CDA can provide a starting point for
challenging widely held beliefs about how educational policy has come to exist
and be understood by policy players, implementers, and society stakeholders
(Lester et al., 2016). In doing so, it presents alternate viewpoints on these
problems that can guide educational decision-making and advance the objec-
tives of frequently marginalized groups (Lester et al., 2016). CDA can also
detect underlying epistemic disparities that pertain to particular educational
policies or refect locally developed understandings of how policy should work
(Lester et al., 2016).
Fairclough (2013a) argued that the main contribution of CDA is its ability
to critique the “problem–solution” dynamics at the heart of policymaking.
CDA can help us understand how policy problems are constructed, particu-
larly how diferent social imaginaries are associated with diferent interpreta-
tions and narratives of crisis. Fairclough also suggested that CDA can promote
a better understanding of the many levels and places at which issues are prob-
lematized, as well as the diferent social actor categories involved in the process
(e.g. problematization by social actors in academia, politics, management, and
governance who seek to study, regulate, govern, and change aspects of existing
social life). CDA can also show how diferent problematizations favour certain
30 Izhak Berkovich and Pascale Benoliel
solutions and exclude others, and the sets of values and concerns behind the
proposed solutions. He noted further that CDA can explain how policies are
constructed by the image of the target population (deviant, powerful, etc.).
In this chapter, we seek to show how text and language create versions of
human reality and thus serve the social dominance of strong actors and insti-
tutions. The understanding of the interaction of language and social power
structures helps explain how language is used in educational research, prac-
tice, and policy. This chapter includes the following sections: (a) a description
of the CDA approach, its objectives, and the types of topics it addresses; (b)
practical procedures crucial for the CDA process, including a description of
Fairclough’s technique; (c) examples of the analytical method in action; and
(d) refections on the potential of CDA for future research on policy analysis
in education, which serves as the conclusion of this chapter.
ideologies that dominate the sociocultural context, which afects the depic-
tion of the identities and institutions discussed in the text. How discourse is
represented, re-spoken, or re-written sheds light on the emergence of new
orders of discourse and scufes over what counts as social normal and good
eforts to govern and resistance to regimes of power (Blommaert & Bulcaen,
2000). Classic hegemonic sociocultural processes identifed by Fairclough’s
CDA approach include democratization, commodifcation, and technologi-
zation. To develop sensitivity to the manner in which power and ideology
manifest in society, there are several things an emerging researcher can do:
educate oneself about these topics by attending courses and reading the lit-
erature, paying attention to the ways in which the topics manifest in the world
(e.g. in the media, social interactions, institutions), and refecting on one’s
experiences and how power and ideology have afected one’s life and the lives
of those around them.
conduct of teachers. The need to create policies to make the teaching profes-
sion more attractive and more efective is illustrated by the fact that teachers
themselves are frequently not developing the techniques and abilities neces-
sary to address the diferent demands of present-day learners. The qualifers
“often” and “more” appear to restrict the generalizations but actually serve to
support the criticism.
In the texts, the OECD TALIS framework is presented as examining the
key characteristics of teachers, focusing on the pedagogical core of the teach-
ing profession and thus exploring the nature of teacher professionalism. In
this way, TALIS ostensibly does the professional thinking that teachers can-
not do. In one of the texts, TALIS assessment was indirectly compared to a
metaphorical camera (e.g. “true picture,” “see more clearly”) that records
education quality in high resolution. This metaphorical language highlights
the capacity of OECD to describe instruction and provide fresh insight into
it. The goal of all the instances described earlier is to establish a hierarchy of
expertise between the OECD and teachers. The texts aim to communicate
that the OECD has unique professional capital that defnes ideal teaching in
the 21st century.
and are in charge of what happens within them. When systems and teachers
are mentioned together in other TALIS documents, it becomes clear that the
analogy does not ft into a collaborative model of work but rather a difer-
entiated one. Whereas systems typically ofer “efective support” or “enable
teachers,” teachers and principals “have the authority to act.” Because GERM
rhetoric holds that authority is either “here or there” (for instance, centralized
in the government or dispersed among various actors), it is possible to criticize
the teachers’ empowerment discourse in the TALIS texts. Critical scholars,
such as Foucault, argued that power is typically concentrated within institu-
tions and closely tied to prevailing power structures and hegemonic systems.
Therefore, we argue that the OECD’s focus on the individual as the site of
empowerment (i.e. teacher) defects attention from oppressive systems like the
state and global capitalism that have cardinal responsibility for the functioning
and quality of public education.
Concluding remarks
This chapter has aimed to provide an overview of the CDA methodology, its
goals, and the types of subjects it handles. It has also described the method
of Norman Fairclough, one of the best-known CDA scholars, and provided
examples of the analytical method in action. In this fnal section, we outline
some potential future avenues for the application of CDA in the study of edu-
cational policy. First, with the rise of the hyper-partisan policy environment
in many Western democracies, CDA can be a powerful method in separating
anti-factual rhetoric from policy issues (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017). Second,
in light of the dominance of accountability (and public crisis) discourses in
21st-century education policy, CDA can be instrumental in illuminating anti-
public eforts (Lochmiller & Lester, 2017) and the role of policy actors in
education, specifcally international agencies in cultivating accountability and
crisis ideas (Berkovich & Benoliel, 2020a, 2020b). Third, CDA can help bet-
ter understand contemporary digital media communication policies in edu-
cation and shed light on how ideologies are refected and served in the way
actors use a vast array of multimodal resources made available by digital tech-
nologies to communicate policies or implement them (Bou-Franch & Blitvich,
2019). Fourth, CDA can help explain how language and discourse are used
by educational policy actors to describe, hide, and aid in the resolution of
environmental issues (Fill & Penz, 2017). Using CDA, researchers studying
educational policy can look at both the macro and micro levels of policy. CDA
can be used to challenge widely held notions about policy problems, ofer
alternate perspectives, and pinpoint underlying inequities in policy knowledge
and implementation (Fairclough, 2013a; Lester et al., 2016).
40 Izhak Berkovich and Pascale Benoliel
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