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Research Series on the Chinese Dream
and China’s Development Path
Guangjin Chen
Jianhua Yang Editors
Chinese Dream
and Practice in
Zhejiang—Society
Research Series on the Chinese Dream
and China’s Development Path
Project Director
Xie Shouguang, President, Social Sciences Academic Press
Series Editors
Li Yang, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China
Li Peilin, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China
Academic Advisors
Cai Fang, Gao Peiyong, Li Lin, Li Qiang, Ma Huaide, Pan Jiahua, Pei Changhong,
Qi Ye, Wang Lei, Wang Ming, Zhang Yuyan, Zheng Yongnian, Zhou Hong
Drawing on a large body of empirical studies done over the last two decades, this
Series provides its readers with in-depth analyses of the past and present and
forecasts for the future course of China’s development. It contains the latest
research results made by members of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. This
series is an invaluable companion to every researcher who is trying to gain a deeper
understanding of the development model, path and experience unique to China.
Thanks to the adoption of Socialism with Chinese characteristics, and the
implementation of comprehensive reform and opening-up, China has made
tremendous achievements in areas such as political reform, economic development,
and social construction, and is making great strides towards the realization of the
Chinese dream of national rejuvenation. In addition to presenting a detailed account
of many of these achievements, the authors also discuss what lessons other
countries can learn from China’s experience.
Editors
123
Editors
Guangjin Chen Jianhua Yang
Institute of Sociology Institute of Public Policy Studies
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Zhejiang Academy of Social Sciences
Beijing, China Hangzhou, Zhejiang, China
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publishers, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from
the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or
for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to
jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd.
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721,
Singapore
Series Preface
Since China’s reform and opening began in 1978, the country has come a long way
on the path of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, under the leadership of the
Communist Party of China. Over thirty years of reform, efforts and sustained
spectacular economic growth have turned China into the world’s second-largest
economy and wrought many profound changes in the Chinese society. These his-
torically significant developments have been garnering increasing attention from
scholars, governments, and the general public alike around the world since the
1990s, when the newest wave of China studies began to gather steam. Some of the
hottest topics have included the so-called China miracle, Chinese phenomenon,
Chinese experience, Chinese path, and the Chinese model. Homegrown researchers
have soon followed suit. Already hugely productive, this vibrant field is putting out
a large number of books each year, with Social Sciences Academic Press alone
having published hundreds of titles on a wide range of subjects.
Because most of these books have been written and published in Chinese;
however, readership has been limited outside China—even among many who study
China—for whom English is still the lingua franca. This language barrier has been
an impediment to efforts by academia, business communities, and policy-makers in
other countries to form a thorough understanding of contemporary China, of what is
distinct about China’s past and present may mean not only for her future but also
for the future of the world. The need to remove such an impediment is both real and
urgent, and the Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development
Path is my answer to the call.
This series features some of the most notable achievements from the last 20
years by scholars in China in a variety of research topics related to reform and
opening. They include both theoretical explorations and empirical studies and cover
economy, society, politics, law, culture, and ecology; the six areas in which reform
and opening policies have had the deepest impact and farthest-reaching conse-
quences for the country. Authors for the series have also tried to articulate their
visions of the “Chinese Dream” and how the country can realize it in these fields
and beyond.
v
vi Series Preface
All of the editors and authors for the Research Series on the Chinese Dream and
China’s Development Path are both longtime students of reform and opening and
recognized authorities in their respective academic fields. Their credentials and
expertise lend credibility to these books, each of which has been subjected to a
rigorous peer review process for inclusion in the series. As part of the Reform and
Development Program under the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio,
Film, and Television of the People’s Republic of China, the series is published by
Springer, a Germany-based academic publisher of international repute, and dis-
tributed overseas. I am confident that it will help fill a lacuna in studies of China in
the era of reform and opening.
Xie Shouguang
Contents
vii
Chapter 1
Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social
Development and the Chinese Dream
Guangjin Chen
The Chinese dream covers the following three basic connotations: China has become
a stronger and more prosperous country; the national rejuvenation has been achieved;
the people’s happiness has been realized. These connotations represent the lofty ide-
als which have always been pursued by the Chinese people since modern times. Since
the reform and opening-up, Zhejiang has unceasingly tapped local resources, espe-
cially local social and cultural resources, to strive for common prosperity, Zhejiang
has ranked No. 1 among the provinces and autonomous regions (except munic-
ipalities directly under the Central Government) across the country in economic
aggregate, Zhejiang has stayed ahead nationwide in the per capita income level of
urban and rural households and the income gap between urban and rural residents
in Zhejiang is the smallest nationwide. In an effort to continuously develop the
local economy and incessantly improve the living standard of urban and rural resi-
dents, the Party committees and governments at various levels, the primary-level self-
governing organizations, enterprises, public institutions, urban and rural residents,
and the non-governmental social organizations in Zhejiang have coordinated at differ-
ent levels, made great experiments and innovations through extensive participation
to preliminarily achieve economic modernization, promote social modernization,
make remarkable achievements in modern social development, gradually improve
the modern social governance system and make sure that it constantly delivers ben-
efits; thus, from the perspective of social development, laying a good foundation for
and providing new driving forces for gradually realizing the Chinese dream in Zhe-
jiang, and offering the successful experience from vivid social and living practice
for gradually realizing the Chinese dream nationwide.
G. Chen (B)
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China
© Social Sciences Academic Press and Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019 1
G. Chen and J. Yang (eds.), Chinese Dream and Practice in Zhejiang—Society,
Research Series on the Chinese Dream and China’s Development Path,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7406-7_1
2 G. Chen
The substance of the Chinese dream lies in achieving the great rejuvenation of the
Chinese nation; the Chinese dream is defined at the following three levels: China has
become a stronger and more prosperous country; the national rejuvenation has been
achieved; the people’s happiness has been realized. “A stronger and more prosperous
country” means that China enjoys great comprehensive national strength and has
really become one of the major countries and great powers in the world, China, a
country with a population of more than 1.3 billion, enjoys a say in an increasingly
multipolar world that is commensurate with a country of that size. “The national
rejuvenation” means that the Chinese nation has risen again, is restoring its past
brilliance, and has even reached a new height, and so once again it stands tall and
firm in the world through modernization. “The people’s happiness” emphasizes the
common interest and coordination among the Chinese people of all ethnic groups
and means that common prosperity has been achieved for everyone, and that the
Chinese people live more well-off, are safer, have happier lives and have become
more confident and vibrant. These three definitions constitute a whole, and the priority
and purpose are as follows: The people’s happiness has been realized. In particular,
as economic development enters an era of new normal, the people’s happiness is
not only the achievement made through economic development, but also the motive
force for boosting further economic development.
The Chinese dream cannot be realized in one stroke. The 18th National Congress
of the Communist Party of China vowed to finish building a moderately prosperous
society in all respects at the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist
Party of China. This is the first step towards realizing the Chinese dream. The second
step is that, as stressed by Deng Xiaoping since 1987, China will basically achieve
modernization and reach the level of the moderately developed countries at the 100th
anniversary of the founding of the new China, which means that, as mentioned by
the report delivered during the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of
China, China will become a prosperous, democratic, culturally advanced and har-
monious modern socialist country. The third step is that after China reaches the level
of the moderately developed countries, China will be close to and reach the level
of the most developed country in the world by the end of the 21st century through
continued hard work. Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out, “The 18th National Congress
of the Communist Party of China charted a grand blueprint for finishing the building
of a moderately prosperous society in all respects and more rapidly pushing forward
socialist modernization, and made the clarion call of the times for moving towards
achieving the two centenary goals—to finish building a moderately prosperous soci-
ety in all respects by the time the Communist Party of China celebrates its centenary
in 2021 and to turn China into a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong,
democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious by the time it celebrates its cente-
nary in 2049”. According to the guiding principles adopted during the 18th National
Congress of the Communist Party of China, we vow to realize the Chinese Dream
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1 Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social Development and the Chinese Dream 3
of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The Chinese dream is a vivid expression
highly acceptable to the people and is the “biggest common denominator”.
Therefore, the fundamental connotation of the Chinese dream has formed through
a long period of half a century though it is a summary, recently put forward, of a
developmental strategy having a vital bearing on China’s future and destiny. Now we
have the preliminary foundation for realizing it since China ranks No. 2 in the world
in economic aggregate, the modern economic structure and social structure have
preliminarily taken shape, and the modern political, economic and social systems
commensurate with the modern economic and social structures are in the making.
With hard work for a century on the basis of the above foundation, China will ulti-
mately become one of the developed countries in the world; this is a glorious and
realistic dream. The Chinese dream is shared by the Chinese people; it inherits Chi-
nese history, takes root in China’s reality and signifies China’s future. The Chinese
dream is historical, realistic and future-oriented. The Chinese dream contains the
unremitting efforts made by countless dedicated patriots; it carries the common aspi-
rations of the entire Chinese population; it presents the bright future that the country
will become stronger and more prosperous, the national rejuvenation will be achieved
and the people’s happiness will be realized.1 Based on such an understanding, at the
closing ceremony of the 1st Session of 12th National People’s Congress, comrade Xi
Jinping stressed that we must venture down the Chinese path, carry forward the Chi-
nese spirit and gather Chinese strength. These three aspects stressed by comrade Xi
Jinping are the fundamental conditions or principles for realizing the Chinese dream.
The Chinese dream is rich in connotation. The building of a stronger and more
prosperous country, the realization of both a national rejuvenation and the people’s
happiness encapsulate its connotations. According to the 18th National Congress of
the Communist Party of China, the overall plan for promoting the cause of socialist
modernization with Chinese characteristics consists of making coordinated progress
in the political, economic, cultural, social and ecological fields. This systematically
sheds light on the Chinese path and Chinese experience resulting from gradual the-
oretical clarification and continuous practical experiments since the founding of
the new China, especially the reform and opening-up; this represents the historical
advancement along the fundamental path towards realizing the Chinese dream. Social
development has a vitally important status in this framework and plays an extremely
important role in it. In the contemporary era, the essence of social development lies
in achieving social modernization.2 A society is not considered a modern society
unless it has a modern social structure and social organizational system which are
fit for it and serve as its structural foundation, and based on the above foundation,
actions are being taken according to the requirements of a modern society to con-
stantly strengthen and improve the people’s wellbeing, establish and improve the
modern social undertaking and social service system, the modern social security
system and the modern social governance system, promote social integration, social
fusion, social security and achieve social harmony; this is the main part of efforts to
1 Xi (2013).
2 Lu (2011).
4 G. Chen
push forward social development; this is also the social foundation for making the
country prosperous and strong and for making sure that the people live happy lives.
Since the reform and opening-up, under the leadership of the Communist Party
of China, China has constantly advanced the cause of modern social development
and has made tremendous achievements. With an increasing economic aggregate,
continuous adjustment of the economic structure and constant improvement of the
socialist market economic system, the modern transformation of China’s social struc-
ture has been expanded continuously, the urban-rural structure has been optimized
incessantly and the proportion of the urban population has increased continually; as
the social class structure has been adjusted constantly, the proportion of the middle
class is on the increase, a modern social structural system has preliminarily taken
shape3 ; the ways to organize the members of the society have ceaselessly under-
gone modern change, a social organizational system dominated by social groups,
private non-enterprise units and foundations has developed rapidly, and a modern
social organizational structure in which the government, the market and the society
support each other has preliminary taken shape; the labor employment system has
been improved constantly, labor employment has shown steady growth; the income
of urban and rural residents has grown rapidly year by year, the people’s living stan-
dard has been on the rise; the social undertaking system has been improved gradually,
the quality of social public services has been enhanced continually, the level of equal
access to basic public services has been increased constantly; a modern social secu-
rity system has been preliminarily set up, and thus China is steadily moving towards
the goal of extending social security to all possible groups and providing moderate
security; social governance philosophies keep pace with the times through continu-
ous innovations; China has gradually developed a modern social governance system
with Chinese characteristics which is led by the Party committee, spearheaded by the
government, features social coordination and public participation and is guaranteed
by the rule of law.
When it comes to social development, Zhejiang also shows the same general trend,
a more outstanding performance and has made more significant achievements; Zhe-
jiang has gathered a great amount of experience which offers very important inspi-
ration and reference for promoting social development in the rest of the country.
Scientifically studying Zhejiang’s practice in social development, thoroughly ana-
lyzing and fully summarizing Zhejiang’s experience in social development is of very
significant theoretical and practical value for us in promoting the great cause of
realizing the Chinese dream.
3 Lu (2010).
1 Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social Development and the Chinese Dream 5
4 Lu (2010)
5 Lu (2004).
6 G. Chen
Zhejiang Nationwide
Fig. 1.1 Comparison of the rate of the urbanization of the population between Zhejiang and the
country as a whole. Source China Statistical Yearbook (over the years)
Table 1.1 Comparison of the industrial structure in labor employment between Zhejiang and the
country as a whole
Zhejiang Nationwide
The The The The The The
primary second tertiary primary second tertiary
industry industry industry industry industry industry
35.58 35.45 28.97 50.0 22.5 27.5
窗体顶端
2000
窗体底端
2001 33.44 36.10 30.46 50.0 22.3 27.7
2002 30.97 37.44 31.59 50.0 21.4 28.6
2003 28.30 41.20 30.50 49.1 21.6 29.3
2004 26.06 43.61 30.33 46.9 22.5 30.6
2005 24.50 45.07 30.43 44.8 23.8 31.4
2006 22.63 45.78 31.59 42.6 25.2 32.2
2007 20.07 46.78 33.15 40.8 26.8 32.4
2008 19.22 47.61 33.17 39.6 27.2 33.2
2009 18.32 48.05 33.63 38.1 27.8 34.1
2010 16.00 49.79 34.21 36.7 28.7 34.6
2011 14.57 50.86 34.57 34.8 29.5 35.7
2012 14.14 50.96 34.90 33.6 30.3 36.1
2013 13.67 49.97 36.36窗体 31.4 30.1 38.5
底端
Source China Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014)
1 Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social Development and the Chinese Dream 7
According to Table 1.1, the industrial structure in labor employment has changed
fundamentally in Zhejiang in more than a decade since the beginning of the 21st
century; in 2013, the proportion of agricultural employment was less than 14%,
being 18 percentage points lower than that across the country; the proportion of
non-agricultural employment exceeded 86%, being 18 percentage points higher than
that across the country. Of course, in non-agricultural employment, the proportion
of employment in the secondary industry approached 50%, being near 20% points
higher than that across the country; that in the tertiary industry was more than 2%
points lower than that across the country, suggesting a high degree of development
of the industrial economy in Zhejiang.
Regarding the occupational structure in labor employment, semi-manual and non-
manual occupations developed rapidly and were optimized constantly. According to
statistics, in late 2013, the people at and above the undergraduate level and those at the
junior college level accounted for 18.6 and 15.5% of the people employed by urban
units in Zhejiang, respectively. With wide adoption of the practicing qualification
system, vigorous development of vocational education and year-by-year improve-
ment of workers’ professional quality in Zhejiang, various types of professional and
technical personnel made up an increasing proportion in urban units. In 2013, the
ratio of management personnel, technical personnel and workers in the post structure
of the employed people became 1:2.4:7.5; in other words, management personnel
and technical personnel accounted for nearly 1/3 of the employed people in urban
units.
The modern transformation of the social class structure is noticeable in two
respects. First, profound social differentiation has arisen from economic and social
development and the changes in the pattern of interests, while new social classes
have emerged and rapidly developed in this process. The most important change
is the growth of two new classes, those of private business owners and individual
businesses. Zhejiang has stayed ahead nationwide in the development of individual
private economy, resulting in two new social classes on a large scale, those of private
business owners and individual businesses. Second, the middle class has expanded
continuously. The middle class generally includes two parts: various kinds of small
and medium-sized business owners with certain assets (including urban and rural
small and medium-sized business owners, individual business owners and agricul-
tural specialized households, and they are classified as the old middle class) and
the new middle class including operational management personnel, professional and
technical personnel and working staff. According to such a definition, the middle
class accounted for about 15% in the Chinese society in the late 1990s, and after-
wards, that proportion increased by about 1 percentage point each year; currently it is
probably about 30%.6 In 2013, in Zhejiang, small and medium-sized business own-
ers, individual business owners within the class of private business owners accounted
for 12%, while management personnel and technical personnel within the new mid-
dle class accounted for more than 1/3; if the personnel in the Party and government
departments, white collar workers in enterprises and public institutions and large
6 Lu (2010).
8 G. Chen
specialized households in rural areas are considered, it is estimated that the propor-
tion of the middle class could exceed 45% in Zhejiang; furthermore, with the further
development of the new and hi-tech industries in Zhejiang, that proportion might
further increase. In this sense, Zhejiang has the foundation of and conditions for
developing a social class structure that is dominated by the middle class.
In Zhejiang, social organizations have developed rapidly and have been highly
dense. According to the statistics from the Department of Civil Affairs of Zhejiang
Province, in 2013, there were more than 120,000 social organizations registered and
put on file, including social groups, private non-enterprise units and foundations in
Zhejiang, among which 40,201 social organizations were officially registered. With-
out regard to the social organizations put on file, there were 8.4 officially registered
social organizations for every 10,000 people in Zhejiang. According to the statistics
from the Department of Civil Affairs of Zhejiang Province, in the same period, there
were 547,245 officially registered social organizations nationwide, with 4 social orga-
nizations for every 10,000 people. The density of social organizations in Zhejiang was
2.1 times that of the social organizations across the country. The fast-growing social
organizations serve as the new forces for promoting self-service and self-governance
in the society in Zhejiang’s urban and rural areas.
Work should be done to ensure and continuously improve the people’s wellbeing,
make the people live better material and cultural lives, make sure that the people
have access to employment, old-age care, medical services and housing so that they
really live and work in peace and contentment. This is the realistic and genuine part
of the Chinese dream for every Chinese person. Overall, Zhejiang has also been at
the forefront of the country in the development of programs relating to the people’s
wellbeing, laying a solid foundation for finishing building a moderately prosperous
society in all respects in advance.
Employment is fundamental to the people’s wellbeing. Since the beginning of
the 21st century, Zhejiang’s labor employment has grown steadily and the rate of its
registered urban unemployment has been significantly lower than the national aver-
age level (see Fig.1.2). For the growth of aggregate employment, during the period
2001–2013, employment grew annually by an average of 2.71% in Zhejiang, and
before 2009, the growth of labor employment was more prominent; after 2010, the
growth of aggregate employment declined, possibly because of such factors as indus-
trial transfer. In the same period, the nation’s aggregate employment grew annually
by an average of 0.58%, equivalent to 21.4% of Zhejiang’s growth. As Zhejiang
achieved noticeable growth of employment, on the one hand, Zhejiang guaranteed
the employment of local population better. After 2004, the rate of registered urban
unemployment declined steadily and was obviously lower than the national average
1 Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social Development and the Chinese Dream 9
(a)
Zhejiang Nationwide
(b)
Zhejiang Nationwide
Fig. 1.2 a Comparison of the growth of employment between Zhejiang and the country as a whole.
(Source China Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014)), b Comparison
of the rate of registered urban unemployment between Zhejiang and the country as a whole. Source
China Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014)
rate. On the other hand, Zhejiang absorbed the employment of a massive external
population. For instance, according to the analysis conducted by the Zhejiang Bureau
of Statistics, a population of about 11,824,000 flowed from other provinces into Zhe-
jiang in 2010, accounting for 21.7% of the entire permanent resident population, up
8,135,000 or 220.5% over 2000, an average annual increase of 12.4%. Among the
external population, the population working, doing business in Zhejiang or going to
Zhejiang due to a job transfer constituted the majority; that population accounted for
84.7% of the entire migrant population in 2010.7
7 Zhang (2012).
10 G. Chen
The increasing income of urban and rural residents is an important material foun-
dation for ensuring and improving the people’s wellbeing. In this process, it is also
necessary to achieve social fairness. Since the reform and opening-up, like the rest of
the country, Zhejiang has always witnessed the rapid growth of the income of urban
and rural residents. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the base of the grow-
ing income of urban and rural residents has expanded constantly; after the growth
effect from the initial reform, especially the rural reform, was unleashed to the great-
est extent, the difficulties in realizing a rapid growth of urban and rural residents’
income mounted; the Party committees and governments at various levels in Zhejiang
attached more and more importance to this problem and made great efforts at raising
the income of urban and rural residents, delivering significant outcomes. During the
period 2000–2013, the per capita disposable income of urban households increased
from 9,279 yuan to 37,851 yuan in Zhejiang, following that in Shanghai and Beijing,
an average annual increase of 9.33%; the per capita net income of rural households
rose from 4,254 yuan to 16,106 yuan (Zhejiang ranked No. 1 among provinces,
municipalities and autonomous regions across the country in this regard for 29 con-
secutive years, an average annual increase of 8.68%, see Table 1.2); both figures
were higher than the national average annual growth rate involving the per capita
disposable income of urban households (9.16%) and the national average annual
growth rate involving the per capita disposable income of rural households (7.44%).
As the income of urban and rural residents increased year by year, their material
and cultural level also rose steadily; as from 2000, the Engel coefficient of the per
capita living consumption expenditure in urban households was lower than 40% in
Zhejiang, suggesting entry into the stage of affluence,8 basically being in sync with
the country as a whole; the Engel coefficient of the per capita living consumption
expenditure in rural households was lower than 40% as from 2003, a time being nine
years ahead of the time (2012) when that in rural households across the country was
lower than 40%. Besides continuous increase in income and the level of consumption
expenditure, the per capita housing area of urban and rural households also increased
significantly (see Table 1.2). During the period 2000–2013, the per capita housing
area of urban households grew by 95.3%, much higher than the national average
growth rate in the same period; the per capita housing area of rural households grew
by 31%, possibly lower than the national average growth rate, but the per capita
housing area was much larger than the national average housing area—in 2012, the
national per capita housing area of rural households was 37.1 m2 , 60.3% of the per
capita housing area of rural households in Zhejiang.
It is worth noting that the resident income gap in Zhejiang was small compared
with the national income gap. As from 2000, the ratio of the per capita disposable
income of urban households to the per capita net income of rural households in
Zhejiang increased and then decreased (see Fig. 1.3), but the ratio of the income of
8 According to the criterion developed by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization,
the Engel coefficient above 59% means poverty; the Engel coefficient between 50 and 59% means
ample food and clothing; the Engel coefficient between 40 and 50% means a well-off life; the Engel
coefficient between 30 and 40% means affluence; the Engel coefficient below 30% means the most
affluent life.
1 Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social Development and the Chinese Dream 11
Table 1.2 The growth trends of the income of urban and rural residents, the Engel coefficient and
the housing area in Zhejiang
Regional Per capita income The Engel coefficient Per capita housing area
GDP growth rate (%) (%) of households (m2 )
growth Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural
rate (%) areas areas areas areas areas areas
2000 11.0 9.1 7.8 39.2 43.5 19.87 46.42窗
体顶端
2001 10.6 13.3 6.9 36.3 41.6 20.3 47.82
2002 12.6 13.4 8.4 37.9 40.8 21.12 49.53
2003 14.7 11.9 7.8 36.6 38.2 21.6 50.73
2004 14.5 7.4 7.4 36.2 39.5 23.9 51.29
2005 12.8 10.4 6.4 33.8 38.6 26.1 54.98
2006 13.9 10.9 9.3 32.9 37.2 26.44 55.57
2007 14.7 8.4 8.2 34.7 36.4 34.73 57.06
2008 10.1 5.4 6.2 36.4 38 34.33 58.5
2009 8.9 9.7 9.5 33.6 37.4 35.09 59.29
2010 11.9 6.9 8.6 34.3 35.5 35.29 58.53
2011 9.0 7.5 9.5 34.6 37.6 36.85 60.8
2012 8.0 9.2 8.8 35.1 37.7 37.07 61.51
2013 8.2 7.1 8.1 34.4 35.6 38.8窗体 60.82
底端
Source China Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014)
urban residents to that of rural residents in Zhejiang was apparently lower than the
national average ratio, its increase was much smaller and it declined earlier compared
with the national situation. For the overall resident income gap in Zhejiang, the Gini
coefficient rose, and reached 0.403 in 2005,9 much lower than the national Gini
coefficient 0.485 in the same year. Zhejiang was the province with the lowest Gini
coefficient among the provinces across China.
The modern social security system is an important part of security for the people.
The development of the modern social security system is conducive to meeting the
basic needs, adjusting the income distribution gap and promoting social fairness.
Internationally, the role of the social security system in adjusting the income distri-
bution gap even much exceeded that of the tax system in adjustment. For instance,
in some OECD countries, if both tax and social security are considered, the public
transfer payment mainly aimed at providing social security contributed about 2/3
to the adjustment-induced decrease in the Income distribution Gini coefficient of a
country. To fulfill the Chinese dream with the realization of the people’s happiness as
one of the main goals, it is undoubtedly necessary for China to establish and improve
9 Lu (2006).
12 G. Chen
Zhejiang Nationwide
Fig. 1.3 Comparison of the urban and rural resident income ratio between Zhejiang and the country
as a whole. Source China Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014)
a modern social security system. Since the middle of the 1990s, especially during
the 21st century, China has rapidly developed a social security system, and has intro-
duced a number of systems concerning social insurance, social assistance and social
welfare. So far, China has preliminarily established a relatively systematic social
security system. Zhejiang has carried out extremely solid work on building a mod-
ern social security system, continuously made relevant social security systems cover
more people and it has endeavored to increase the level of benefit (see Table 1.3).
In the social assistance system, the urban and rural subsistence allowances are
the most important assistance programs, designed to provide basic income security
for the poor and low-income people in urban and rural areas. Zhejiang has pro-
vided security to all possible people in need in this respect. According to the data
from the Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook, the rural population covered by subsistence
allowances peaked at 623,300 in 2011, excluding the rural childless and infirm pop-
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1 Introduction: Zhejiang’s Social Development and the Chinese Dream 13
ulation provided with assistance in the form of food, clothing, medical care, housing,
and burial expenses; the urban population covered by subsistence allowances peaked
at 93,300 in 2009, afterwards, it decreased. More importantly, the level of subsis-
tence allowances was raised. According to statistics, the level of the per capita annual
subsistence allowances payments for the urban population covered by subsistence
allowances was 2,184 yuan in 2007, it increased to 6,100.3 yuan in 2013, up 1.79 times
in nominal terms, an average annual nominal increase of 19%; in the same period, the
level of the per capita annual subsistence allowances payments for the rural popula-
tion covered by subsistence allowances increased from 1,018.9 yuan to 3,387.1 yuan,
up 2.32 times in nominal terms, an average annual nominal increase of 22.3%. The
average annual nominal growth rate involving the per capita payment from Zhejiang’s
public finances for urban and rural populations covered by subsistence allowances
was much higher than the nominal growth rate involving the per capita annual income
of urban and rural residents in the same period. Moreover, the level of subsistence
allowances payments for urban and rural populations in Zhejiang was higher than
the average national level. According to relevant research, in 2010, the level of the
national urban subsistence allowances payments was 267.47 yuan/person/month,
while the level of Zhejiang’s urban subsistence allowances payments was 366.98
yuan/person/month; in the meantime, Zhejiang ranked No. 4 among 31 provinces
across the country in the level of subsistence allowances payments, following Shang-
hai, Tianjin and Beijing.10
10 Yao (2012).
14 G. Chen
Zhejiang Nationwide
Fig. 1.4 Comparison of the gross enrolment rate involving the population of the right age for the
stage of higher education between Zhejiang and the country as a whole
rate of high school and secondary vocational education did not reach 86% until 2013.
As a population of more than 10 million migrated from other areas to Zhejiang, local
authorities of Zhejiang generally attached importance to the education of the children
of the external population. In 2004, the enrolment rate of the children of the migrant
population at the stage of compulsory education reached 96.9% in Zhejiang, more
than 60 percentage points higher than the average national level in the same period;
about 2/3 of the children of the external population who attended schools in various
parts of Zhejiang entered public schools.11
Higher education developed very rapidly in Zhejiang. According to statistics, dur-
ing the period 2000–2013, the number of the institutions of higher learning increased
from 35 to 106, and the number of students enrolled rose from 93,500 to 283,400 in
Zhejiang. With the development of higher education, the gross enrolment rate involv-
ing the population of the right age for the stage of higher education increased rapidly
year by year in Zhejiang, it soared from 20% in 2002 to 51.7% in 2013 (see Fig.1.4),
Zhejiang really transformed higher education from being elite-oriented to being a
kind of widespread education among the entire population. As shown by Fig.1.4, the
gross enrolment rate involving the population of the right age for the stage of higher
education in Zhejiang was apparently higher than the average national level, and that
gap widened year by year before 2011; after 2012, it narrowed to some extent, but it
was still large; in 2013, it was 17.2% points.
Zhejiang also made great progress in the development of medical and health
programs. The population density of technical personnel relating to medical and
health services and that of beds at medical and health institutions are two relatively
stable basic indicators for measuring the level of development of medical and health
programs. According to statistics, during the period 2002–2013, in Zhejiang, the
number of beds at medical and health institutions increased from 119,522 to 230,056,
(a)
Zhejiang Nationwide
(b)
Zhejiang Nationwide
Fig. 1.5 a The number of healthcare-related technical personnel per 1000 people. Source China
Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014), b The number of beds at med-
ical and health institutions per 1000 people. Source China Statistical Yearbook (2014), Zhejiang
Statistical Yearbook (2014)
up 92.5%, an average annual increase of 6.15%; the number of beds per 1000 people
rose from 2.63 to 4.77. In the same period, the number of healthcare-related technical
personnel increased from 163,205 to 352,393, up 1.16 times, an average annual
increase of 7.27%; the number of healthcare-related technical personnel per 1000
people rose from 3.6 to 6.4. As indicated by Fig.1.5, the number of healthcare-related
technical personnel per 1000 people and the number of medical and health beds per
1000 people in Zhejiang were also apparently larger than the average national levels;
in particular, the gap in the number of healthcare-related technical personnel per
1000 people between Zhejiang and the country as a whole tended to widen.
Social programs also cover many other fields, such as culture, sports, social old-
age care, social welfare, public transportation and infrastructure. Since the reform
and opening-up, especially during the 21st century, Zhejiang has made great efforts
16 G. Chen
and continuous progress in developing social programs in these fields, Zhejiang has
achieved rapid development in some fields. For instance, the development of mass
sports in Zhejiang is typical. According to the Zhejiang Statistical Yearbook (2014),
the number of mass sports activities at the provincial, municipal and county levels
increased from 7300 to 14,687 and the number of participants rose from 8.39 to
21.67 million during the years 2009–2013.
Zhejiang constantly promoted equal access to basic public services while vigor-
ously developing social programs. In this process, Zhejiang paid particular attention
to narrowing the urban-rural gap in the supply of basic public services. Quantitatively,
in Zhejiang, the urban-rural gap was not apparent in many fields involving the supply
of basic public services. In such a circumstance, the gap in the quality of life and the
access to opportunities for development between urban and rural residents narrowed
continuously in Zhejiang. As mentioned above, the income gap between urban and
rural residents in Zhejiang was smallest nationwide, the Engel coefficient of the living
consumption was very close between urban and rural residents; nine-year compul-
sory education was achieved at a level of almost 100%; Zhejiang basically made
high school and secondary vocational education universal, the enrollment rate at the
stage of higher education exceeded 50%; the social security system basically fully
covered urban and rural areas; the urban-rural gap in social assistance, especially
the level of subsistence allowances payments, narrowed year by year, and was much
smaller than that in most provinces across the county; Zhejiang basically built a new
social security system characterized by urban-rural integration, network-based orga-
nization, socialized management, security under the rule of law and commensurate
with the level of economic and social development, and a social assistance system
covering urban and rural medical assistance, aid for students from the families with
financial difficulties, economically affordable housing and low-rent housing security
as well as judicial assistance. Zhejiang also continually narrowed the urban-rural gap
in the construction of infrastructures. According to the second agricultural census
in Zhejiang, as early as 2006, in Zhejiang, 100% of the administrative villages and
99.6% of the natural villages got access to electricity; telephones were made avail-
able to 99.4% of the administrative villages and 95.6% the natural villages; cable TV
was made available to 91.2% of the administrative villages and 86.8% of the natural
villages; roads were built for 97.6% of the administrative villages and 88.6% of the
natural villages (91.8% were cement or asphalt roads).
without affecting economic efficiency and social vitality; as the social security system
becomes more sound and the level of equal access to basic public services increases,
social contradictions will decrease and the level of social security will become higher.
However, no matter how successful the work in these respects may be, social contra-
dictions remain unavoidable. This means that any society needs effective governance
at any time; importantly, social governance is necessary to continuously resolve social
contradictions, mediate social disputes caused by contradictions, and make sure that
social contradictions and disputes will not become antagonistic contradictions and
conflicts, thus promoting social harmony and security, and providing a good social
environment for social development and for work on other fronts.
Therefore, social governance is also an important part of efforts at building a safe
Zhejiang. The building of a safe Zhejiang is an important move made by the Party
Committee of Zhejiang Province for carrying out the principles adopted during the
16th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and promoting Zhejiang’s
social harmony and stability. In 2004, the 6th Plenary (Enlarged) Session of the
11th Party Committee of Zhejiang Province officially put forward the strategy of
building a safe Zhejiang, in which comrade Xi Jinping, the then Secretary of the
Party Committee of Zhejiang Province, delivered a report Building a Safe Zhejiang,
Promoting Social Harmony and Stability. In the report, comrade Xi Jinping pointed
out that the “safe” in a safe Zhejiang not only meant “safe” in a narrow sense—good
public security and few crimes, but also covered the wide-ranging “safe” in a wider
scope and at multiple levels in the economic, political, cultural and social fields;
its overall plan was as follows: The economy would be further developed, politics
would become more stable, culture would become more prosperous, the society
would be more harmonious and the people would live better lives. Based on such
an understanding, comrade Xi Jinping put forward six specific goals for building
a safe Zhejiang, namely, guaranteeing social and political stability, good security,
sound economic operations, stable and better work safety, social public security, and
making sure that the people live and work in peace and contentment. As the initiative
of building a safe Zhejiang was put forward, the discussions about economic and
social issues were conducted in a deeper and pragmatic way, and were focused more
on the people’s life, and the discussions were richer and more complete in content.
Except for the goal of ensuring sound economic operations, the remaining five goals
are directly related to social governance.
Unlike the traditional social ruling and control, modern social governance is based
on its basic philosophy and mode. Regarding modern social governance with Chi-
nese characteristics, as mentioned by comrade Xi Jinping when he served as the
Secretary of the Party Committee of Zhejiang Province, equal emphasis is placed
on strengthening government administration and promoting social self-governance,
and actions are taken to build and improve a pattern of social management in which
the Party committee plays the leading role, the government assumes the respon-
sibility, and there is social coordination and public participation.12 These remarks
and thoughts of comrade Xi Jinping’s provided enormous guidance for Zhejiang’s
12 Xi (2005).
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‘Where’s Pete?’ he asked Spike, after they had finished their
drink.
‘I dunno. He must have pulled out early this mornin’. Didn’t say
anythin’ about goin’. Fact of the matter is, he didn’t wait for breakfast.
When Briggs got breakfast ready, we found that the old man was
gone. His horse and saddle were missin’; so we decided he left
early. We thought we’d find him here in town. Did you just come from
the Lane place, Lem?’
‘Yeah,’ nodded the sheriff.
‘Didn’t see anythin’ of Pete Morgan?’
‘Nope. Did he intend goin’ over there?’
‘You heard about Pete and old man Lane havin’ a fight yesterday,
didn’t yuh, Lem?’
Lem hadn’t. He listened to the details according to Dave Morgan,
who had seen it all.
‘But that wouldn’t send Peter Morgan over to Lane’s place early
this mornin’, would it?’ queried Lem. ‘Seems to me that he’d keep
away. I understand that Lane has homesteaded that ranch.’
‘Well, he drew a deadline on the 6X6,’ laughed Dave. ‘If Joe Cave
hadn’t acted real quick, Lane would have shot Pete.’
‘I suppose,’ said Spike thoughtfully, ‘it wouldn’t do me and Bert a
damn bit of good to deny that we hit this young Morgan, would it,
Lem?’
‘I dunno,’ smiled the sheriff. ‘It might, if you’d tell me why you and
Bert were fightin’ each other out there.’
‘That was a mistake,’ said Bert quickly. ‘It was dark, and we didn’t
recognize each other, Lem.’
But further than that neither of them was willing to commit
himself.
‘Found any trace of Long Lane?’ asked Dave Morgan.
‘Not any,’ said the sheriff.
‘Lookin’ for any?’ asked Spike sarcastically.
‘That’s my business, Spike. And I don’t need any bushwhackin’
help from the 6X6. You fellers better keep away from Lane’s place.
Accordin’ to law he owns that ranch, and he’s given yuh plenty of
warnin’.’
Spike subsided. He knew Lem Sheeley to be a two-fisted fighter
and a fast man with a gun; so there would be little satisfaction gained
in starting trouble with him.
‘You evidently don’t consider Long Lane a murderer, do yuh,
Lem?’ asked Dave Morgan.
‘Why should I? Ben Leach followed him, didn’t he? He didn’t have
any idea of kissin’ Lane when they met, did he? No, I don’t consider
it murder, Dave.’
‘But Lane took his gun and horse. Yuh might at least arrest him
for stealin’ the horse,’ said Spike.
‘Do you know he took the horse?’
‘Well, the horse is gone, ain’t it?’
‘Does that prove Lane took it?’
‘Oh, hell!’ snorted Spike. ‘You talk in circles and ask questions all
the time. C’mon, Bert.’
Bert was willing to leave, and a few minutes later Dave Morgan
and Cal Dickenson left the saloon.
In the meantime Nan Lane had put a fresh bandage on Rex
Morgan’s head, and he sprawled back in a rocker, watching her
working around the room.
‘Where is your father?’ he asked suddenly.
Nan shook her head. ‘Out in the hills somewhere.’
‘With your brother?’
‘I can’t answer that question.’
‘Have you a sweetheart?’
Nan turned quickly. He was not joking. His eyes were deadly
serious.
‘Of all things!’ she exclaimed. ‘You’re feverish again.’
‘Nothing of the kind. Please answer the question.’
‘Nothing of the kind,’ she mimicked him. ‘Why did you ask such a
foolish question?’
‘Most girls do have sweethearts, do they not?’
‘I really don’t know—possibly.’
She laughed and listened intently. From down at the stable came
the cackle of a hen, announcing to the world that she had produced
an egg. Following this came the hoarse crow of a rooster. Nan
laughed and turned to Rex.