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MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.

1) According to the perceptual process model of communication, noise affects:

A) messages
B) encoder
C) receiver
D) sender
E) all of the given responses
Answer: E

2) ____________________ translates mental thoughts into a code or language that can be understood
by others.
A) Decoding
B) Feedback
C) Encoding
D) Noise
E) The medium
Answer: C

3) The output of encoding is a

A) receiver
B) decoding
C) sender
D) feedback loop
E) message
Answer: E

4) Effective communication has barriers including

A) physical barriers
B) personal, physical, and semantic barriers
C) semantic barriers
D) personal barriers
E) none of the responses are correct
Answer: B

5) Which of the following is not one of the three key barriers to effective communication?
A) personal barriers
B) physical barriers
C) sound barriers
D) semantic barriers
E) none of the responses are correct
Answer: C

1
6) There are key differences between the way men and women communicate. Which of the following
is NOT an example of key differences?
A) women tend to temper criticism with positive buffers
B) men tend to give criticism indirectly
C) men are less likely to ask for information or directions
D) women tend to give directions in indirect ways
E) women tend to apologize even when they have done nothing wrong
Answer: B

7) Barriers in any of the process elements can

A) increase stereotypes and prejudice
B) reduce the ability to listen with understanding
C) be reduced by tearing down inhibiting walls
D) distort the transfer of meaning
E) impact our ability to communicate with information technology
Answer: D

8) Considering our words carefully when we speak reduces the

A) medium barrier
B) sender barrier
C) feedback barrier
D) semantic barrier
E) personal barrier
Answer: D

9) Defensiveness is one element of which source of nonverbal communication?

A) facial expressions
B) eye contact
C) active listening
D) body movement and gestures
E) touch
Answer: D

10) Experts estimate that _____________ of every conversation is partially interpreted through body
language.
A) 5 to 21% B) 65 to 90% C) 30 to 46% D) 48 to 60% E) 23 to 29%
Answer: B

11) A(n) ___________________ is characterized by timid and self-denying behaviour and is ineffective.
A) non-aggressive style
B) assertive style
C) non-verbal style
D) non-assertive style
E) aggressive style
Answer: D

2
12) Anexample of a non-verbal behavioural pattern of the assertive style might be
A) slumped posture
B) good eye contact
C) glaring eye contact
D) loud voice
E) little eye contact
Answer: B

13) An example of a non-verbal cue/s is/are

A) gestures
B)hand shaking
C) touch, facial expressions, hand shaking, and gestures
D) facial expressions
E) touch
Answer: C

14) All
of the following are examples of positive non-verbal cues except
A) excessive yawning
B) nodding your head
C) smiling
D) maintaining eye contact
E) leaning forward
Answer: A

15) The department manager of Paint World Products has never been interested in hearing anything else
from his employees except the bottom line. This is the most important point to him. This manager
can be considered as which style of listener?
A) Appreciative listener
B) Empathetic listener
C) Evaluative listener
D) Discerning listener
E) Comprehensive listener
Answer: D

16) Which of the following is a key to effective listening?

A) challenging yourself
B) tuning out speakers
C) being distracted
D) listening for facts only
E) getting emotional
Answer: A

3
17) Which of these is using video and audio links along with computers to enable people at different
locations to see, hear, and talk with one another?
A) intranet
B) world wide web
C) video conferencing
D) extranet
E) internet
Answer: C

18) There are two types of communication within an organization, formal and informal. An example of
informal communication is
A) the grapevine
B) presentations
C) networking
D) reports
E) meetings
Answer: A

19) Anindividual who used the grapevine to enhance his or her power is referred to as a(n)
A) organizational mole
B) trouble maker
C) liaison individual
D) power individual
E) gossip
Answer: A

20) Which of the following is NOT a benefit of telecommuting?

A) reduction of capital costs
B) decreased flexibility
C) contributes to green initiatives
D) increases attractiveness
E) increased productivity
Answer: B

21) Thecommunication channel which does not follow the chain of command is referred to as the
A) informal communication channel
B) department communication channel
C) organizational communication channel
D) structural communication channel
E) formal communication channel
Answer: A

4
 22) Anegative aspect in maintaining effective communications as organizations move toward using
more electronic devices is
A) second nature to the younger employees
B) enhanced productivity
C) a 24/7 intrusive nature of electronic devices
D) requirement to make employees aware of the proper use
E) ability to communicate with people all over the world
Answer: C

TRUE/FALSE. Write 'T' if the statement is true and 'F' if the statement is false.

23) Communication is defined as "the exchange of information between a sender and a receiver, and the
inference (interpretation) of meaning between the individuals involved."
Answer: True False

24) Feedback represents anything that interferes with the transmission and understanding of a message.
Answer: True False

25) Ifa subordinate's trust in the supervisor is low, then there will be a high distortion in upward
communication because the employee will not pass up all information.
Answer: True False

26) Stereotypes may affect the interpretation of a message.

Answer: True False

27) The quality of interpersonal communication is vital in an organization and is more effective when a
non-assertive style is used.
Answer: True False

28) Itis important for managers to be careful in interpreting facial expressions among diverse groups of
employees because associations between facial expressions and emotions vary across cultures.
Answer: True False

29) A person should develop their listening skills to enable him or her to use the appropriate type.
Answer: True False

30) One key to effective listening is to speak your mind and be emotional. This will communicate to
others that you are engaged in the communication.
Answer: True False

31) Due to their comfort with ICT, Millennials are more able to multitask making them more effective
at completing tasks.
Answer: True False

5
SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question.

32) Createa table of the three communication styles. Include in the table, (a) the description of the style,
(b) non-verbal behaviour pattern, and (c) verbal behaviour pattern.
Answer: Refer to table 7.2.

33) Max has been working for Alton Business for several months. His supervisor finds that Max has
difficulty communicating, does not share important information with him, does not retain the
information, is very judgmental, and stands with his arms folded most of the time when listening.
What are some of the personal barriers that are hindering Max's effective communication?
Answer: Max is demonstrating a personal barrier of: Variable skills in communicating effectively: This is
something that can be learned so his supervisor should work with him or provide professional
development.
Variations in personal trust: Max does not appear to trust his supervisor and therefore is not passing
information upwards.
Poor listening skills: Poor listening skills could be a reason for not retaining the information.
Natural tendency to evaluate other's messages
Max has a tendency, like many people to evaluate others. We evaluate from our own point of view.
Non-verbal communication: Many people are not aware of the message being sent by their facial or
body language.

34) Sarah'smanager often comments on how "good she is at listening." List the keys to effective
listening and then provide examples of both good and bad listeners.
Answer: Refer to Table 7.3.

6
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED5

1) E
2) C
3) E
4) B
5) C
6) B
7) D
8) D
9) D
10) B
11) D
12) B
13) C
14) A
15) D
16) A
17) C
18) A
19) A
20) B
21) A
22) C
23) TRUE
24) FALSE
25) TRUE
26) TRUE
27) FALSE
28) TRUE
29) TRUE
30) FALSE
31) FALSE
32) Refer to table 7.2.
33) Max is demonstrating a personal barrier of: Variable skills in communicating effectively: This is something that can
be learned so his supervisor should work with him or provide professional development.
Variations in personal trust: Max does not appear to trust his supervisor and therefore is not passing information
upwards.
Poor listening skills: Poor listening skills could be a reason for not retaining the information.
Natural tendency to evaluate other's messages
Max has a tendency, like many people to evaluate others. We evaluate from our own point of view.
Non-verbal communication: Many people are not aware of the message being sent by their facial or body language.
34) Refer to Table 7.3.

7
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
them to a room occupied by two men. One, whose name was
Grigsby, tried to sell the girls on coming to Washington. He said he’d
put them in a swell house. The teenagers were afraid of the big city.
Grigsby told them the landlady of the house was in the next room
and called her in. She was a motherly sort. They consented to come
with her.
They found themselves in the house of a madame named Billie
Cooper, on 7th St., in the 1000 block. Doris told us she was an
instantaneous success in the Cooper menage. She was only 17,
fresh, buxom and bucolic. Madame Cooper’s clients were charmed.
After she’d been in the house a few weeks, the madame asked Doris
if she’d like to get a “kick.” She produced a hypodermic needle and
gave the child a shot in the arm. Doris liked the sensation, wanted
more. This went on for several weeks, Doris said, and every day
Billie Cooper increased the frequency of the shots.
One day Doris woke up, nauseated and ill.
Billie Cooper exclaimed, “You’re hooked!”
She informed Doris she had become a dope fiend, that
henceforth Doris must pay for the shots.
The girl went into debt, though she was taking in up to $50 a
day and, no matter how much she made, the dope always cost
more. She knew no one else who sold it. She was truly hooked,
which was Billie Cooper’s original purpose, to keep the young girl in
her joint and take her money away from her.
Billie Cooper’s clientele was mostly Chinese. When U. S.
narcotics agents raided her establishment at 5 a.m., gaining entrance
with a ladder borrowed from a fire-house, so two T-men would get
into Billie’s bedroom before she had a chance to flush the narcotics
down the drain, they found several Chinese customers in the place.
While the search was still on, 15 more came to the door and were
admitted; of these two were officials of the Chinese embassy.
In the trial it developed that Billie Cooper, who was sentenced
for violation of the narcotics laws, was charging Doris $7 a deck for
heroin, which she bought at half that price from Chinese peddlers.
The F.B.I. proceeded against Grigsby for white slavery violation and
he, too, was convicted.
Doris swore to us that she was off the stuff now. She said she
was living with a Chinaman who worked in a gambling house in
Chinatown.
The glamorous brothels are no more. Not since the notorious
Hopkins Institute was closed by the F.B.I. some years ago has there
been anything operating on a lavish scale. Now there are some so-
called masseurs who use that classification as a blind, but nothing
on the grand scale.
When F.B.I. men raided the Hopkins Institute, an innocuous-
looking massage parlor in the 2700 block on Connecticut Ave., they
uncovered one of the most sensational call-houses ever in
Washington. Not only was the clientele accommodated at the so-
called Institute, but a phone call could arrange a date on short
notice almost anywhere in the District. The establishment kept a
detailed and up-to-date written record on each patron, fees paid,
dates of service, and eccentricities. Girls there said this list contained
entries that could flabbergast some very prominent persons, in and
out of Washington.
The proprietor of the Hopkins Institute was one George Francis
Whitehead, who lived in New York and seldom visited the place.
Profits were sent to him weekly by the “resident manager,” Diane
Carter, who was vice-president in charge of the operation. The
Institute was established originally by someone else and was bought
by Whitehead in 1941. He ran it for several months, then engaged
Diane Carter to manage it at a salary out of earnings. Her principal
duties entailed accepting calls, arranging to send girls to answer the
calls, and to have girls available on the premises.
Whitehead left Washington in 1941, after the girls began to
complain that his presence was hurting business because of his
excessive drinking, untidy habits and uncouth deportment. He did
not live up to the dignity and spirit of an Institute. The girls
threatened to strike.
The record system was originated by the first operator and
passed on to Whitehead. In addition to other entries, initials of each
girl filling an assignment and the amount of the fee were noted. For
the fees a code was used, to conceal the fact that some paid more
than others. The word “FITZGERALD” was the key to the code. Each
letter stood for a digit, i.e., F was 1, I was 2, T was 3, etc. Thus the
symbol “FD” beside the name of a customer meant $10; “TD” meant
$30, etc. This method was used also to bamboozle Whitehead, if he
checked on his share of the proceeds.
The U.S. Commissioner issued warrants for the arrests of
Whitehead, Diane Carter and 13 girls involved, on charges of
violations of the White Slave Traffic Act. Whitehead was arrested in
New York and extradited. Two indictments were returned against
Whitehead, Diane and nine others. Whitehead pleaded guilty to both
and was sentenced to one to four years on the Act and to eighteen
months on conspiracy. But he was adjudged insane and committed
to a mental institution.
Diane Carter pleaded guilty to both indictments and was
sentenced to three to nine months on each, the sentences to run
concurrently. Seven other defendants were found guilty.
The Circuit Court of Appeals reversed the convictions of the
seven, held the violations were of legislation of the District of
Columbia and not of the White Slave Traffic Act.
But the racket was broken. The place never reopened. The F.B.I.
seized the files and never revealed a name, but hundreds of men
still tremble when they remember the Hopkins Institute. Some still
attempt pressure to try to get their names blacked out. They have
no success with the F.B.I.
 5. HOBOES WITH NO HORIZON

THE PRIDE of the bum, even when he has abandoned the

virile vitality to hold out his paw as a panhandler, is a terminal
twinkle of consciousness that he is only resting between Election
Days, when he is a man. These derelicts have swung cities and
states. But in Washington even that last link to a reason for being is
lost.
No Hinky Dink, no Pendergast caters to him, gives him free beer
and rot-gut or a kip in the flop on the joint. No eager dirty duke
stretches forth to greet the floater and the repeater. He can do
nothing for anyone.
So he is just a shade lower, lousier and grizzlier than the ones at
whom you shudder as you pass them in your own town.
Agglomerations of beachcombers vary little, even with differences of
climate. Every city has its Skid Row. But Washington has three of
them. Like everything else here, they are departmentalized. No
alphabetical designations have yet been allocated to them, but don’t
despair.
One is for the general riffraff; the second is for old-timers; the
third is exclusively for sailors.
But first let us tell you about 9th Street—NW, natch—and
specifically where it crosses Pennsylvania Ave.
Stand on one side of the avenue and you are in the shadow of
the great marble structure which houses the forces of law and order.
This is the Department of Justice Building, and the corner we’re
standing on is the entrance to the F.B.I.
 Cross Pennsylvania Avenue and walk into 9th Street, and you are
an intruder in the most publicized Skid Row of the three—they call it
the Bowery here, to distinguish it from the others. As such
thoroughfares go, this is pretty classy-looking. It is wide. All
Washington streets are kept clean, so neither rubbish nor drunks
litter the pavements—anyway not by day. By nightfall, topers
rendered hors de combat on smoke and cheap wine pile up in the
doorways.
This part of 9th Street is packed solid with “play lands,” featuring
pin-ball machines, peep show movies and souvenir stands which sell
composition statuettes of the White House and Washington
Monument, and embroidered pillows tastefully lettered with “Love to
Mom from the Nation’s Capital.”
But this human dump lacks romance and legend. No songs are
written about it. There are no grisly tall tales, such as are told about
the Barbary Coast, Basin Street and Chicago, much near the Loop
and most of the old Levee. This is merely a street of convenience,
moved up from around the corner when Pennsylvania Avenue itself
was flophouse lane and Al Jolson and Bill Robinson performed on the
sidewalk for pennies.
There’s no law agin’ stripping or peeling in Washington, but it
doesn’t pay off well enough to build a permanent industry around it.
The old Gayety Theatre, which ran pretty high-class traveling
burleycue, is now, probably only temporarily, a legit house.
Meanwhile, the burlesque fans buy their titillation in the cheap movie
houses adjoining the Gayety. Sometimes they amplify their celluloid
bills with “living dolls,” at other times the customers have to get their
kicks out of sex movies advertised “For Adults Only.” An ad before
us, of the Leader Theatre, says, “Burlesque’s brightest stars on
screen.” The day’s program provided snake-charming Zorita in “I
Married a Savage”; body-peeling Ann Corio in “Call of the Jungle”;
and Maggie Hart, the stripper, in “Lure of the Isles,” plus “two more
thrills.”
 In and in front of cheap saloons, cocktail lounges and lunch
rooms, are tarts, reefer-peddlers and novelty salesmen whose chief
stock in trade is “sanitary rubber goods.” Pistols are on sale at $20.
The local law isn’t tough on gun-toters.
Though Washington’s legal liquor closing on weekdays is 2 a.m.,
this street, like all in the city, is deserted early. Long before midnight
its habitués have already made sleeping arrangements or are
snoring in the alleys, cheap overnight lodgings or hallways,
paralyzed by alky or cheap domestic red wine.
Crossing 9th Street here, is D Street, known as Pawnbroker’s
Row. But get this—hockshops are against the law.
When you see a shop with a sign reading “Pawnbroker’s
Exchange,” don’t believe it. The window looks like any “Uncle’s”
anywhere in the world, with a profusion of new and used articles
ranging from mink coats to tin watches. But that’s the build-up.
These exchanges are only second-hand stores which buy and sell
uncalled for articles pledged in other jurisdictions, where the three
balls of the De Medicis are legal.
The temporarily embarrassed visitor, in need of cash quickly,
often gets rooked in one of these pseudo-hock shops. Take the case
of the stranger who runs short of petty cash until he can wire home.
Suppose he has a $200 watch which he wants to put up for security.
Needing only perhaps $25, that’s all he asks for, figuring when he
redeems it in a few days he will pay only that, plus accrued interest.
Yet when he asks the pawnbroker’s exchange man for $25, he is
actually selling the $200 watch for that.
Some of the more legitimate shops get around the law by
guaranteeing to sell the article back to the owner at a specified rate
after a specified number of days. What usually happens to the
unsophisticated is that they have lost their security for a fraction of
its value, because it has already been sold.
Little effort is made to police the Bowery stretches of 9th St. The
armed forces maintain a few MPs, but practically anything goes,
short of mayhem, and even that is not uncommon.
The tomatoes who solicit the young and lonesome men in
uniform in this neighborhood are pretty low. The five bucks they ask,
plus three dollars for a room in a handy flea-bag, should be reported
to the Better Business Bureau, considering the quality of the
merchandise and the strong possibilities of picking up souvenirs of
the sort they don’t display on counters.
Interspersed between the shooting galleries, theatres and
hamburger hideaways are the usual bargain men’s clothing stores,
army and navy outfitters, etc. One of the clothing stores, visible from
the windows of the Department of Justice, was built by money
inherited from a gangster who isn’t around to enjoy it, due to a sit-
down strike in an electric chair.
This street is a little too fast, flighty and noisy for the old-time
bums and stiffs. It is for younger men. The perennials, who know
every flop-house and smoke-joint in the country, and travel from
town to town with the seasons and the harvests, prefer the Skid
Row at 3rd and G Streets, NW and vicinity, around the corner from
Chinatown. Come to think of it, Skid Rows all over the continent are
around the corner from Chinatown.
We call this Mission Row, because it’s where the mission stiffs
hang out. These are the hoboes, bums and tramps who get their
morning’s coffee and their night’s sleep on the benches of a gospel
shop nearby on H Street, in return for listening to a “Come to the
Lord” sermon. Mission Row is the best-looking Skid Row in the
country. The streets are broad, with grass and trees, and most of
the set-back buildings are reconverted residences with stoops and a
surviving air of charm. We have been assured it is refreshing to
wake up in the gutter here with a smoke hangover.
You find no brassy newcomers in these quarters. Young tramps
abhor missions. They prefer 9th Street, with its zip and excitement.
The mission stiff, almost an extinct species, is on in years and no
longer troubled by dames. His animal needs are taken care of by a
bowl of soup and as much red-eye as he can drink. If only one of
the two is available, the former can be dispensed with. Some of
these mission-moochers are junkies. But dope, like everything else,
is suffering from inflation, and the wherewithal is forbidding.
The Greek colony, large for the size of the town, runs into this
Bowery. Many Hellenes are gamblers. Hecht’s Hotel, at 6th and G,
where girls take their men, was owned by a Greek arrested last
month in New York on narcotics charges. The Hellenic Social Club,
next door, is a gambling house.
There’s one Skid Row no visitors and few Washingtonians ever
see. That’s Sailors’ Row. Unlike the other two, which are in NW, this
is in SE—8th Street, down near the Navy Yard. After Chicago we
thought nothing could make us blink. But some of the dives on 8th
Street made it. At the northern approach of this stretch of howling
hell are a couple of Filipino joints where bus-boys, house-boys and
valets pick up white whores. Eighth Street runs into Sailors’ Row
proper, a line of groggeries and lunch-rooms that hit bottom.
The undermanned Washington cops can do little to keep it
orderly. The Navy’s shore patrol takes over most of the policing. We
saw Navy paddy-wagons in front of Guy’s, the Ship’s Cafe and the
Penguin. But the SP’s seldom make a pinch unless there are fights.
We visited four or five of the bars—not alone, because hereabouts,
even in the shadow of the Capitol’s dome, outsiders who travel in
parties of less than four are crazy.
We saw hustlers working in the Band Box, the Ship’s Cafe, Guy’s
and the Penguin. These were the frowsiest broads we have ever
seen, dilapidated, toothless, drunk, swinging the shabby badge of
their shoddy trade, long-looped handbags.
The worst and the cheapest were in the Ship’s Cafe, where two
girls—call them that in charity—offered themselves to us at $3. The
going price in the other places was $5. They circulated along the bar
and from booth to booth and from table to table. They do not work
in these saloons as B girls or house prostitutes. They use them as
points of contact with their trade, apparently with connivance of the
management for the business they bring in. In these Sailors’ Row
joints we saw many amateurs, typical sailor-crazy bobby-soxers,
servant girls and Victory girls. These may ask for money but can be
talked out of it. There are many cheap hotels and rooming-houses
close by. But the dark streets or alleys are free and busy.
 6. GREEN PASTURES

AGONIZED ORATORY through the decades has been

banging against the walls of the Capitol, demanding that
Washingtonians be given the precious privilege of the vote. It is as
futile as spitting against the wind.
And we will tell you why there will be no vote—Confidential.
If Washington got home rule, its first mayor would be a
gentleman affectionately known to his constituency as Puddin’ Head
Jones. And Mr. Jones is a Negro.
We will tell you what no one else has dared to publish—there are
more Negroes than whites in Washington. We will prove it by
incontrovertible figures.
There is an amazing underground proclivity in all big cities,
south, north and everywhere, to fake the facts on Negro population.
For some distorted reason, both races conspire in this foolish
flummery.
Census figures are off the beam. They always lag in summing up
minority races. Most of the migrant census-takers assume that they
should help to make the picture as light as possible. If a Negro is not
unmistakably black, he is encouraged, if he does not think of it
himself, to be listed as a Cuban, a Puerto Rican, a West Indian, a
South American, Filipino, Indian, Mexican or even Eskimo; the blood
of all these is sprinkled through many generations of admixture.
 There is no way of calculating how many light-skinned citizens
can and do “pass.” Some Negroes sleep in shifts in crowded
premises, so that a count in the regular course would register about
one-third of the true total. Many are house servants and these do
not go into the tally where they are employed, nor are they home
during the hours when enumerators call.
More Negroes than whites are police characters, as will be
demonstrated. And as a rule members of the race are wary and
suspicious of questioners from “the law.” Many census-takers
deliberately duck more than superficial duties in predominantly dark
districts, because they are confused and afraid after getting hostile
receptions and responses.
But in Washington there is one indisputable check.
The District of Columbia has a single Jim Crow law, segregating
Negroes and whites—in schools. When pupils are enrolled they must
reveal their true race. There can be no tampering with these
statistics.
And in the winter of 1950–51 there were registered the following
in all public schools through all grades from elementary to teachers’
college:
Negroes, 47,807; whites, 46,080.
Broken down, these figures are even more definitive. There are
more Negroes than is evidenced by the bare totals. Negroes,
because of their economic outlook, do not keep their children in
school as long as do whites. That is sharply proven by the
enrollment in the senior high schools:
Negroes, 4,787; whites, 7,176.
But there are 10,146 colored children in junior high schools
compared to 9,270 whites.
The attendance at parochial and private schools is minor.
Washington has the largest per capita Negro Catholic population in
the United States.
 Even an excess of 10 per cent of whites in the grand total and
allowing for unmarried government workers would still indicate a
Negro majority over all, because of the earlier departure from school
of Negro children, as shown above.
This reveals a startling metamorphosis in a ten-year period. In
1940 the school record showed 66,000 whites and 36,000 Negroes.
Thus there has since been a decline of 20,000 white children and a
rise of 12,000 Negro children. The over-all decline is due to removal
of white families to suburbs.
Negroes lived in Washington before the first President chose the
rolling land along the Potomac to bear his name. Slavery was legal in
the capital until the emancipation. The population of Washington
about doubled between 1860 and 1870. Much of this influx
represented slaves who escaped from plantations and got through
the Union lines during the Civil War. But the big swell came when
thousands of ex-slaves, free and foot-loose for the first time in their
lives, left the destroyed and deserted Dixie farms and headed for
Washington, which was not only near Virginia and Maryland and the
Carolinas, but which exercised a fascination for them because they
felt safer near their savior and their demigod, Abraham Lincoln.
Until the middle 70’s, Washingtonians of all colors had home
rule, elected their own officials under a territorial form of
government similar to that now practiced in Alaska and Hawaii,
where mayors, legislators, judges and other lower-level officials are
elected. They sent a delegate to Congress.
Long before LaGuardia, Marcantonio, Ed Flynn and Ed Kelly
found the formula of organizing Negroes into blocs which could be
voted en masse to perpetuate control of left-wing and criminal
political groups, that was old stuff in D.C., where it was invented by
one “Boss” Shepherd in Washington, the first large city in the
country where Negroes were allowed to vote, and where there were
enough of them to throw any weight as citizens.
 Washington had been a sewer of iniquity during the Civil War;
when Shepherd took over control it turned infinitely worse. The
stench asphyxiated the members of Congress, who were exposed to
it so intimately, and they exercised a forgotten constitutional
prerogative, “to exclusively govern the District.” The polling booths
made swell bonfires.
As will be seen, however, under the unique voteless system, the
Negroes now exercise far more power, and Puddin’ Head Jones is by
common consent the “mayor” of Washington’s Black Belt. As we
progress you will be let in on how that could come about.
Despite the high enrollment of Negro children in public schools
where they enjoy facilities for education equal to white children,
Negroes continue to have an illiteracy far above the full population.
In 1942, illiteracy in the District was only 1 percent for all races,
whereas the Negro group showed 4 percent. Weighing these figures
against the proportions of population in 1942 would seem to indicate
that the Negroes were about 15 times as illiterate as whites.
Much later figures are available, however. Only 4 percent of
Washington’s white youths who took the Army’s mental tests in 1950
failed, but nearly 29 percent of the prospective colored recruits were
turned back.
New York’s Harlem is self-contained. Though Chicago’s
Bronzeville has gone over its borders and set up tributary colonies in
other sections of the city, it is still the center of Negro life there and
contains most of its colored population.
But Washington’s Black Belt is no belt at all. It is sprawled all
over, infiltrating every mile and almost every block in sections which
for 150 years were lily white.
In New York, when you refer to Harlem, everyone knows what
part of town you’re talking about. Similarly, Bronzeville and Central
Avenue have definite meanings in Chicago and Los Angeles. In
Washington, you have no way of indicating Darktown, because the
Negro section has no generic name and it isn’t a section. It is all of
Washington.
What is occurring in Washington is happening on a lesser scale
in large northern population centers, except probably Manhattan,
where Harlem is geographically restrained by Columbia University
and Central Park, though Puerto Ricans are generously overflowing
its borders on both sides.
In Chicago, instead of being bound in black ghettos, Negroes
have preempted many sections, including former residences of
millionaires. They live along wide and vernal boulevards in once
splendid apartments and luxurious private homes with greeneries,
and in palaces of packers and pioneer pirates.
This process is being repeated in Los Angeles, San Francisco,
Detroit and especially Philadelphia.
The South, with its restrictive practices against Negroes and its
underpayment of them, is gradually being denuded of its cheap
labor, which is drawn North.
The recent census showed the population of most metropolitan
cities remained stable. But their suburbs, beyond city limits,
increased in many from 50 to 100 percent or more. This growth of
Suburbia was made by whites who left as Negroes came. That kept
city populations in status quo.
The words used to paint the picture in Chicago may be repeated
in Washington, but with emphasis and re-emphasis. Here they took
mile after mile of fine old dwellings on wide, tree-lined streets. And
they also overran the slums. But Washington, despite the anguished
yelps of the do-gooders, long was and now is practically slum-free.
Some rookery regions are on F St. and New Jersey Ave. near the
Union Station and Capitol. But there are poor whites living in hovels
equally depressed. On the other hand, 95 per cent of the Negroes
live in lodgings as good as and better than most white residents’.
Negroes have taken over most of the desirable blocks near the
government offices and downtown.
 We have before us an article on “The Negro in Washington,” in a
recent issue of Holiday magazine, a slick-paper, 50-cent pleader for
leftist causes, published, curiously enough, by the staid, rich and
conservative house of Curtis, owners of the Saturday Evening Post.
This effusion is illustrated with four pages purporting to show the
Negro’s treatment in Democracy’s capital, which the editors call a
“democratic contradiction.” There are photographs of Negro children
at play in cluttered backyards which are called typical of the city’s
overcrowded Negro slums. Another picture shows a Negro woman in
an alley dwelling; another is captioned, “Capitol Dome presents a
contrast of obvious irony to the Negro slums which it overshadows.
Overcrowding, dirt and disease are all prevalent.”
Your authors traveled up and down 1,000 miles of streets and
boulevards, 404 of alleys, not once but a dozen times. They saw the
slums illustrated in Holiday magazine, but they saw few others,
because there are few others. At the most, 20,000, of a total of
400,000 Negroes, live in these “slums,” which, even at their worst,
are turreted castles compared to the degraded dwellings in which
Negroes and myriad whites are forced to live in New York.
Holiday did not print one picture showing the thousands of fine
homes and small apartment buildings in which most of Washington’s
Negroes live.
Cup your ear and we’ll let you into a little secret about these
“slums.” Whether you read Holiday or not, you’ve seen the pictures,
because they are the ones which are always used by Reds and Pinks
to point up to the world how gruesomely America treats its dark
step-children. The reason you’ve seen these pictures—always with
the Capitol dome in the background—is that there are no others
available.
Eleanor Roosevelt was one of the chief propagandists who
exploited this “blot” on Washington. This particular slum, always
photographed, always on every sight-seeing itinerary, is only a
couple of blocks long and is surrounded on all sides by presentable
Negro homes. But this slum is permitted to remain behind the
Capitol only so the lefties will have something to breast-beat over. It
remained there during the Roosevelt administration, when public
housing and public building projects were reshaping the face of
Washington, only because an official who was in Mrs. Roosevelt’s
confidence ordered it undisturbed—for propaganda purposes.
The headquarters of the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People is in a ramshackle old house near
the New Jersey Avenue slums. These are the specious ones referred
to elsewhere, which are kept untouched and maintained to impress
visitors with the shocking degradation forced on Negroes in view of
the Capitol dome.
The N.A.A.C.P. is rich and could locate in one of the prosperous,
more imposing Negro sections. But that would wipe out the
psychological advantage of bringing its visitors through the stage-
managed slave-quarters area.
Under Negro occupancy, some of the best dwellings in
Washington, once residences of ambassadors, cabinet officers and
the hated capitalists, now look like the slums the Fair Dealers decry.
In Washington, a Southern town with a Southern mentality,
Negroes are not popular, are not accepted as brothers except by a
nagging and noisy minority. The Negro is not Jim Crowed in street
cars. There is no law against a Negro’s attending a theatre with
whites, eating in the same restaurant or sleeping in the same hotel.
But the law has upheld proprietors who refuse to serve a Negro,
though United States Supreme Court decisions have gone otherwise
elsewhere.
Yet there is considerable intermixture between the races. It is
not uncommon to see white girls with colored men, especially jazz
band musicians, who seem to exert a magnetic appeal for Caucasian
women all over the country. Many Negro madames and pimps
employ white girls for their colored trade. In some New Deal left-
wing circles it is considered chi chi to meet socially and even sexually
with Negroes, though, because of accepted restrictions against
Negroes in the better spots, these contacts are not evident in the
better public gathering places.
White people frequent colored night spots. Most of the reputed
480 Negro after-hour bottle-clubs cater also to whites, though no
white club admits Negroes except possibly a prominent entertainer
or band leader.
It is not uncommon to find white women living with colored
men. Practically no instance has come up in recent years of white
men consorting with colored women, except temporary pick-ups or
in brothels.
A raid on the Logan Hotel, at 13th Street and Rhode Island
Avenue, disclosed a white girl living with a Negro. She was the
daughter of a Texas physician.
Police answered a trouble call at 17th and Q Streets and found a
white girl, employed by the Social Security Administration, visiting
with a colored janitor. He confessed that six other white girls from
the same U. S. agency visited him regularly for intercourse, one each
night—and paid him for it.
Another white girl employed by the Government was arrested at
her home in Alexandria, after having received marijuana from a
colored musician named Brisco. Brisco, well-known in Washington,
mailed the marijuana from New York. According to U.S. Narcotics
Agents, two white Washington girls under 18 admitted smoking
marijuana with him and said they had unnatural sex relations with
him—they were afraid of pregnancy.
Due to determined efforts of local reformers, Jim Crow seems to
be on the way out in Washington, as it is everywhere and should be.
Until 1949, the city’s six public swimming pools were restricted, to
either whites or Negroes. In 1948, the last year of such rules, the
total number of swimmers was 415,000, of which only 69,000 were
Negroes. Two pools were set aside for colored and four for white. In
1949, when there were no racial bars, total attendance dropped off
to 332,000. One pool, Anacostia, was shut down for most of the
summer after disturbances started when colored swimmers first
attempted to use the pool. McKinley’s white patrons stopped using it
completely.
It was hoped that whites would have learned tolerance by 1950,
and toward the end of the season many of the loudest crack-pots
brayed about the success of the new policy. In the fall of 1950,
Eleanor Roosevelt, in her syndicated column, mumbled about how all
friction was ended and the millennium had arrived. As usual she was
wrong. Official figures released a few days later showed attendance
had skidded another 33 percent, down to a total of 220,000, of
which—and get this—only one-third were Negroes. In other words,
whites had almost stopped using the pools; on the other hand, there
were barely more Negro patrons than when the pools were
restricted. Agitation was heard from tax-payers to shut the pools,
now run at a heavy loss to the city.
Only in public schools does legal Jim Crowism hold out. Recently
a performance of a tableau representing the Sesquicentennial of the
founding of the city was banned from the stage of a high school
auditorium because it had a mixed cast. The school board said:
“Congress makes the law and we enforce it.” There is a technical
question about whether a colored member of the board may visit
white schools, and vice versa.
Adopting tactics employed by the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People elsewhere, Washington Negroes and
whites who are trying to break down racial restrictions often picket
restaurants and other facilities which refuse to serve Negroes, and
sometimes stage sitdown strikes within them. After such an
experiment in the John R. Thompson chain, the demonstrators for
racial equality were arrested for disorderly conduct and sentenced by
a judge who at this writing has not been overruled.
But the lot of Negroes is enviable compared to that of their
brethren elsewhere. We called Chicago’s Bronzeville Black Paradise.
But that was before we saw Washington’s Negro Heaven.
 The life of the Washington Negro is made pleasant by the force
of many circumstances. The odds are he is employed by the
government, which has raised salaries. If he doesn’t work for the
government, he serves government workers. He shares in the
highest per capita earnings, yet the cost of living in Washington is
not so high as in New York and many other large cities. All streets, in
white sections or colored, are broad and tree-lined.
No Negro is ever fired from a government job if it can possibly
be helped. When necessary to cut down a staff, the whites go first,
reversing the process of private business.
If they can’t do their work, whites are hired to do it over for
them. An instance, typical of thousands, occurred in the Bureau of
the Census, where five Negro women were so inefficient that their
department head requested permission to discharge them. His
immediate superior almost had a stroke.
“If Eleanor hears about this,” he gasped, “there’ll be hell to pay.”
Eleanor no longer lives in the White House. But she is still a
potent force in Washington, where her kitchen cabinet continues to
rule the nation that President Truman thinks he rules.
The upshot of the matter was that the section head was told to
keep the five colored women and to hire five white girls to do the
work over for them, on the night shift.
The same sort of favoritism is shown Negro job-holders and
applicants throughout the whole governmental set-up in the District.
When a white man wants to become a cop he takes a stiff civil
service test and is subject to a searching investigation. Most of the
Negroes who have been getting on the force recently did it on
political pull.
Kid-glove handling of Negroes is the rule in every phase of
Washington life, in addition to favoritism in appointments to the
public payroll.
 Apparently no effort is made by the police and other public
authorities to enforce the liquor laws in the dark sections. The local
Alcoholic Beverage Control code provides that no one may be served
while standing. Bar customers must be seated on stools, and even
then may be served only beer and wines. Hard liquor may be
consumed only at tables. This is strictly enforced in resorts catering
to whites. But almost all colored saloons sell liquor openly over the
bar, where drinkers stand—as long as they can stand. Few attempts
are made to restrict gambling or policy-slip sales in the colored
sections.
Almost 500 Negro after-hour clubs are running, most of them
not even bothering to get club charters. Thousands of Negro flats
are operated as blind pigs, where liquor, mostly gin, is sold openly to
all comers at all hours. None has a license, naturally.
Occasionally hokum raids are made and sometimes the
defendants are fined $25. Next day they are in business as usual.
Honest policemen are afraid to make too many pinches in Negro
neighborhoods for fear the pinkos will list them as “nigger-haters”
and send their names up above—maybe even to the White House.
One cop whose name we will not mention told us that one night
after he pulled in a colored after-hour spot, word came directly from
the White House to the 13th precinct station, in which the arrest had
been made, to lay off. F.D.R. was President then.
Despite the maudlin tears of reformers about the horrible
conditions existing in Washington’s “Negro Ghetto,” there are
probably more new Cadillac convertibles being driven from its doors
than from any others. Sleek, new, expensive convertibles of the
flashier brands have become the sine qua non of Negro policy-
peddlers and reefer-pushers here, as well as in all other major
American cities. Respectable people are returning to the old-
fashioned closed models for fear their bankers will wonder what
they’ve been up to.
Yet, despite the flashy visible prosperity of Washington’s
Negroes, a disproportionate number are on public relief. Many draw
dole and social security checks under one name while gainfully
employed at one or two jobs under other names. This racket,
invented for the residents of New York’s Harlem and Little Puerto
Rico, has been brought to its full flower in Washington.
The humanitarians and the New Dealers, worrying about colored
votes in the northern states, help to put butterfat in the colored
man’s milk in the capital. If the colored man works it right, he can
get a relief check the first day he lands in Washington.
This story wasn’t published, but the federal agents who made
the pinch and compiled the record had carried it on their chests so
long, they ached to unburden it where it wouldn’t come back and
bite them. When they broke in on a Negro whom they suspected of
selling narcotics, he indignantly asserted, “You can’t arrest me. I am
a friend of Mrs. Roosevelt.”
To prove it, he brought out a couple of letters from the First
Lady, one of which was addressed “Dear Jim,” or “Joe,” stating she
was sorry to hear that his relief check had not arrived on time, and
she would see that he was not pushed around in the future—he
shouldn’t worry. The boys arrested him and got a conviction.
Mrs. Roosevelt, while in the White House and out, sincerely
sought to improve the position of Negroes everywhere. But
sometimes her efforts went to such extremes she hurt the cause.
Once she made a reservation for a small banquet party of sixty at
the swank Hay-Adams House, across the street from the White
House. When the managers discovered it was to be an interracial
affair they cancelled it. On September 14, 1950, Mrs. Roosevelt tried
to register three Negroes in her party into the Willard Hotel. She was
staying elsewhere, with friends. The Willard refused.
White property-owners tremble at the financial danger that
would result should Negroes crash white residential areas.
But entry is made through a tactic known as “block-busting,”
developed by the National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People and utilized by it and by white real estate agents out
to make a buck.
Government agents first heard about it when they arrested a
Negro woman on narcotics charges and asked her for her
occupation. She replied with dignity, “I’m a block-buster.” She
explained to the mystified T-Men that she was employed by a real
estate shark and her duties were as follows:
When her employers had scouted an all-white neighborhood
they thought ripe for plucking, they would find a white property-
owner who, for a bonus, was willing to sell his property to a Negro.
If the place was worth $25,000 he would be bribed with as much as
another $25,000 to sell out. There are few neighborhoods where not
one greedy white man could be found after a searching survey by
private detectives.
After the block-buster—in her own name—made the purchase,
she and her large Negro family moved in. Immediately, all other
property in the neighborhood sank in value and most of it was
thrown on the market. The far-sighted realtors then bought it up at
greatly reduced values. Then they resold it or rented it to Negroes at
inflated prices, and started another Negro island in the city.
When this was accomplished, the block-buster moved on to
another base and repeated the process.
You can sense a neighborhood in the process of being block-
busted by “For Sale” signs on porches or lawns, oddities in this
otherwise overpopulated, under-housed metropolis.
In cities where Negroes and whites live in separate and distinct
sections, opportunities for racial strife and violence are rare. In
Washington, where they live side by side all over, use the same
street cars and buses, patronize the same stores and constantly
brush shoulders on the streets, there is friction which sometimes
flares high and hot. Some of their leaders advise Negroes to be
assertive, aggressive, to demonstrate their equality. They pick fights
and needle Caucasians, most of whom are afraid to make
complaints, because when they get into court the federally
appointed Yankee judge, whose robe was bestowed upon him by a
“civic rights” President, in many instances finds for the Negro and
castigates the white complainants, especially policemen.
Among Negroes on the national political level who most
zealously fight to assert prerogatives of their race in the capital are:
Congressman William Dawson, vice chairman of the Democratic
National Committee, chairman of the mighty House Committee on
Executive Expenditures. He represents Chicago’s vile Bronzeville and
is a patronage-dispenser for the malodorous Cook County
Democratic Central Committee. He is extremely friendly with big
shots of the infamous Mafia, which controls all crime and corruption
in the United States. Before a Congressional Committee, Dawson
was charged with being the defender of the rackets. The charge was
made by the late Bill Drury, former Chicago police captain, who was
slain by assassins who ambushed him in an alley after Drury tried to
reach the Kefauver Committee in an effort to put the full inside story
of the underworld on the record.
Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, Democrat from New York’s
Harlem, who usually voted hand-in-glove with Marcantonio. He is
supported in every election by the successors of “Dutch” Schultz,
whose policy-slip and murder ring had its headquarters in what is
now Powell’s district. He is married to Hazel Scott, Negro pianist,
who has been frequently cited by Congressional and Legislative
committees as indicating pro-Russian proclivities. She has denied it.
He and his wife live in a swank Long Island home, far from his
bailiwick, and ride in a chauffeur-driven $6,000 limousine.
William Hastie, former governor of the Virgin Islands, now the
first Negro on the exalted bench of the United States Circuit Court of
Appeals. In volume 17 of the published records of the Special
Committee on Un-American Activities of the House of
Representatives, Judge Hastie was cited as belonging to at least five
Communist-front organizations. He was, however, subsequently
appointed to the Federal bench by President Truman.
 Wherever Negroes live, they have their own snobberies, castes
and social strata. Rich ones and light ones are contemptuous of the
poor and the black, and toward them they more often use the
tabooed word “nigger” than do most whites. And they add one extra
prejudice, not found among whites—resentment of the native-born
Negro for the recent comer from the Southern plantations.
 7. MIGHTY LIKE A ROSE

THERE IS a daily in Washington (as there are others in

principal cities) which never identifies a Negro as such unless he
wins a Nobel prize or is selected the rookie of the year.
We protest. News cannot be honestly reported by arbitrarily
slurring facts. Of almost all other non-whites, many are marked by
recognizable names. Most Negroes have Anglo-Saxon names, many
of them adopted centuries ago from their slave-owners. For
instance, Thompson’s Ebenezer evolved into Ebenezer Thompson.
That same newspaper does not bar true and fair reports of
misdeeds by people named O’Rourke or Ginsberg or Dinkelspiel or
Stanislawsky or Protopulus or Garcia or Potapinsky or Napolitano.
Concealment of the identity as Negro distorts the truth, for the
natural assumption then is that the miscreants are white and we
have an unjustified libel on the Caucasian population.
The most rabid Negro papers publish the crimes of their own
people and then editorialize on the cruel inequalities which help to
cause them. That is the proper use of freedom of the press.
Arbitrary withholding of vital facts is an impertinence and a misuse
of the common franchise.
Fancy if you can what this chapter could not tell were we to
suppress racial references.
Of every four felonies and other breaches of the law in the
grades where a defendant has the right of trial by jury more than
three are committed by Negroes. That is not confidential, but official.
Arrests for Part One felonies—the more serious—in 1949 were as
follows:

Colored males, 7,715.

Colored females, 1,085.
Total colored, 8,800.
White male, 2,396.
White female, 309.
Total white, 2,705.

Here is a breakdown on some:

Murder, colored 40; white 8.

Manslaughter, colored 6; white 1.
Rape, colored 140; white 23.
Aggravated assault, colored 2,651; white 381.
Burglary, colored 2,322; white 640.

Negrophiles and impractical activists for brotherhood of all God’s

children campaign to force newspapers to omit racial identification of
the lawless and hide it with white lies. That is the foggy, unrealistic
policy of visionaries, sparked by the cold, hard practicality of Reds.
Arrests for Part Two felonies (less serious) and important
misdemeanors showed an even higher incidence of Negro crime.
Estimating the Negro population at 50 percent, this means half
the people commit 85 percent of all the crimes. As will be shown in a
later chapter, a large quota of the white crimes can be charged to
transients.
The data on crimes by whites are incontrovertible. Those by
Negroes in Washington, as well as in all other northern cities, do not
give the full picture. Most police officers prefer not to arrest blacks,
especially if there is no white complainant. They have nothing to
gain by such a pinch; they merely invite an uproar for “persecuting
the gentle Negro.”
 Many colored law breakers are never arrested; many who are
are not booked, the officers often preferring to mete out summary
punishment on the back stairs, which they know is a better deterrent
than the inevitable discharge or suspended sentence by a timid,
“seen” or left-wing judge.
If you doubt that, the following is from the record of a
Congressional hearing and there are plenty of other stories like it:
Private Hamilton was assigned with Detective Sergeant Clyde
Rouse for midnight cruising. They observed a stolen car parked on Q
Street NW, with two occupants.
Rouse and Hamilton walked up to the car. Rouse went to the left
and Hamilton to the right. Rouse recognized the driver as Charles W.
Scott, colored, 24, of 476 O Street NW, wanted for questioning in
connection with stolen auto hold-ups.
Rouse opened the door and tried to seize Scott, but only
succeeded in shoving the gear shift lever out of gear. Rouse was on
his knees on the front seat, practically on top of the other occupant
of the car, a woman, who proved to be Marian Holston, 20, colored,
of 16 Q Street NW, who had been picked up by Scott.
Rouse made a desperate effort to reach the key to cut off the
motor but the woman fought him, kicking, scratching, and biting.
The Negro driver of the stolen car shoved the gear lever in and with
the accelerator down to the floor board, rocketed the car into high
speed. Hamilton, his head and shoulders through the window,
holding on to the wheel, attempted to steer. It was impossible for
either officer to jump or let go. The stolen car finally collided with a
barricade, ran over the sidewalk.
With Rouse still fighting to gain control, and Hamilton still
struggling, the car, without headlights and at a terrific speed collided
with a tractor trailer truck. The stolen auto was completely
demolished.
Private Hamilton was killed.
 Scott had a record which showed he had been committed eight
times as a juvenile delinquent on charges of larceny, and in 1943
was sentenced to from two to five years for auto stealing. Thereafter
he was involved in six charges of robbery.
But the U.S. Attorney’s office refused to prosecute the Negroes
and the police were advised that if they insisted on going through
with charges before a judge, the DA’s office would nolle prosse the
case, because they did not believe “a conviction could be obtained”
against colored people who had so unfortunately become involved in
the killing of a policeman. But when a policeman kills a Negro in the
line of duty, the politically chosen District Attorney is frequently
highpressured by the N.A.A.C.P. into bringing murder charges.
We have pointed to the misguided tendency to minimize the size
and extent of the Negro population. If more than half of
Washington’s population is not black, the per capita crime rate is
even more appalling.
Like white crime, Negro crime is organized and syndicated. This
does not mean every rapist, hold-up man and car-thief takes orders
from above. But it means that when he gets in trouble he does seek
certain directed sources for bail-bonds, lawyers and fixers.
Policy-sellers, bookmakers’ runners, reefer peddlers and junk
salesmen are employed by an organization which protects them also.
The process, as it works here, will be described in detail in the
chapters devoted to crime and law enforcement, as it is part of the
general picture of organized evil.
In Washington, as in other cities, Negro crime on the consumer
and go-between levels is operated and controlled by Negroes. They
report to, kick back to, and make their fixes at upper levels with,
white criminals. The topmost control rests in the hands of the
international Syndicate, the Mafia, the Unione Siciliano. The
Washington Negro crime-ring has more autonomy than usual,
because there are few Sicilians and even fewer interested in crude
crime. The national Syndicate prefers not to show its bloody hands