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someone rch aida
Very Small Place
in Africa
A HISTORY OF GLOBALIZATION
IN NIUMI,THE GAMBIA
THIRD EDITION

Donald R. Wright
Bale = ees ee ne.
~y

w
a
a
The World and a
Very Small Place
in Africa
Sources and Studies in World History

Series Editor: Kevin Reilly

The World and a
Very Small Place
in Africa
A HISTORY OF GLOBALIZATION
IN NIUMI,THE GAMBIA
THIRD EDITION

Donald R. Wright

cM.E.Sharpe
Armonk, New York
London, England
 Copyright © 2010 by M.E. Sharpe, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form
without written permission from the publisher, M.E. Sharpe, Inc.,
80 Business Park Drive, Armonk, New York 10504.

The EuroSlavic and Transroman fonts used to create this work are © 1986-2010
Payne Loving Trust. EuroSlavic and Transroman are available
from Linguist’s Software, Inc., www.linguistsoftware.
com, P.O. Box 580, Edmonds, WA 98020-0580 USA, tel (425) 775-1130.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Wright, Donald R.
The world and a very small place in Africa : a history of globalization in Niumi, the Gambia/
by Donald R. Wright.—3rd ed.
p. cm.—(Sources and studies in world history)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7656-2483-3 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Niumi (Kingdom)—Relations. 2. Niumi (Kingdom)—Social conditions. 3. Globalization—
Social aspects—Niumi (Kingdom)—History. I. Title.

DT532.23.W75 2010
966.5 1—dc22 2009038898

Printed in the United States of America

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of

American National Standard for Information Sciences
Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials,
ANSI Z 39.48-1984.

IBT(c) 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 I
 For George Brooks;
and in memory of
Deyda Hydara, 1946-2004.
Res 4 |
% ow) of «Ww ow! peewee
teem. 0 Raley i
ad 4% oa e

oi: ety paw

at
 CONTENTS

List of Illustrations 1X
List of Perspectives Xl
Foreword xiii
Preface to the Third Edition XV

Introduction

Part I. Background: Before a.p. 1446 11

1. The Global Setting for Niumi’s History: Before a.p. 1446 15

Globalization and World Systems 16
The World System of the Old World Before a.p. 1446 22
Western Europe in a Restructuring World System 25
West Africa in a Restructuring World System 30
Niumi in a Restructuring World System: Before a.p. 1446 38
The Physical Setting 38
The Cultural Setting 43
Niumi’s Early Residents, the Commercial Milieu, and the
Niumi State 51

Part II. The Precolonial Period: 1446-1816 59

3. Niumi Between Two Systems: Waxing Atlantic Trade,

Continuing Sudanic Trade, 1446-1600 61
Western Europe and the Rise of the Plantation Complex 62
Early Atlantic Trade and Political Change in Niumi 67
Trade Diasporas and New Identities 72
New Ways of Life 78
Niumi at the Height of the Atlantic Complex: Seventeenth
and Eighteenth Centuries 82
Niumi’s Expanding World 83
The Niumi Polity SA
A Wider Material and Intellectual World 101
The Changing Nature of Dependence 110

Vii
 Vill

Part III. The Colonial Period: 1816-1965 113

5. A Time of Transition in Niumi: 1816-1897 115

Revolutionary Change in the West 117
Islam’s Militant Strain 120
Weakening of the Niumi State 122
New Systems of Production and Exchange: The Peanut Revolution 127
The Soninke-Marabout Wars 131
Formal British Takeover 135
A Deepening Dependence 137
6. Niumi as Part of the Gambia Colony and Protectorate: 1897-1965 142
The Unsettled Twentieth-Century World 146
Establishment of Colonial Rule 149
The World of Peanuts 155
Development 162
A Quiet Broadening and Deepening of Islam 165
Niumi in a World at War 170
Postwar Malaise 178
Toward Independence 180

Part IV. The Postcolonial Period: Independence or In Dependence?

1965-2009 185

7. Independent Niumi in the First Republic of The Gambia: 1965-1994 189

Global Realities of the Mid-Twentieth Century 189
New Rulers, Old Rules 195
A Chance Encounter With World History and a Boost for Tourism:
Alex Haley and Roots 201
Modernization? 206
8. Niumi in the Recent Wave of Globalization: The Second Republic,
1994-2009 211
Globalization’s Newest Wave 212
Soldier to Statesman to Tyrant 216
Is Globalization Good for the World’s Poor? Niumi as a Case Study 222
Niumi in Diaspora 245

Epilogue: Niumi, 2009: Global Recession, Local Oppression 251

Notes 269
Bibliography 295
Index 309
About the Author 319
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Maps

1. Niumi and the World

2. The World System of Eurasia and Africa Before a.p. 1450 2
3. The Trans-Sahara Trade 32
4. Niumi’s Physical Setting 4]
5. Precolonial Senegambia 52
6. The Atlantic Plantation Complex 63
7. The Niumi State, Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries 93
8. Colonial Gambia 144
9. The Republic of The Gambia 190
10. Niumi, 2010 213

Photographs

1. Great Mosque of Djenne 34

2. Pirogues near Barra Point 39
3. Brush and trees in Niumi’s interior 39
4. James Island 89
5. A descendant of a Soninke, dressed for battle 132
6. Main Street of Essau 143
7. A peanut farmer preparing afield 156
8. The mosque in Medina Bafuloto 167
9. A Muslim trader 169
10. Sign preparing citizens for the electoral process 197
11. Marker at the beginning of the “Roots Heritage Trail” 204
12. Women drawing water at a large garden 209
13. “In Jammeh We Trust” 218
14. The Kanilai 221
15. Signs of health initiatives 229
16. Acell-phone tower Zot
17. Girls and boys taking a mid-day break with their teachers 234
18. A young woman watering her vegetables in rural Niumi 239
19. Banjul Ferry Terminal oe
20. “No, Mr., Not Here” 250
21. Gardener Fatou Faye 261
22. Miriama, Fatumata, and Binta, three teenage gardeners 263
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 LIST OF PERSPECTIVES

A Sale of Slaves in Portugal 12

Terminology 17
The Problem of Evidence for Precolonial African History 45
Ethnicity a3
The African Diaspora 88
Burungai Sonko 118
Niumi and the Settlement of Bathurst 124
PS Kelefa
eS
iee 134
A Fanciful Tale About Gambia’s Borders 137
The Death of Mansa Wali 138
Women’s Changing Roles 140
Forced Labor 153
Sexism: A Prejudice Across Cultures 155
Debt-Peonage on Both Sides of the Atlantic 158
A Surprise Wartime Visitor 176
Alex Haley and Niumi’s History 205
Shades of Colonial Days in the Second Republic 220
The Treasure of Treasure Island, or, Do You Believe in Magic? Daek
Advice for Niumi’s Lovelorn: Appropriate for Whom? 238
The Sad State of the Gambian Press 246
A Moveable Feast: Transportation as Marketplace 295
RB
NR
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RR So Global Health Standards Meet Local Health Customs
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7
 FOREWORD

In the pages that follow, Donald Wright gives us a history of Niumi, in The Gam-
bia, West Africa, that is unabashedly a local history populated by local characters,
but at the same time affords us a refreshing, engaging perspective on both African
history and world history. Wright does not distract us with events upriver from
Niumi or in the dry sahel of Senegal, nor does he divert us into a regional history
of Sudanic kingdoms or the Atlantic diaspora; rather, he rivets our attention on a
“very small place” and attunes us to its global echoes.
The “world-systems” theory of Immanuel Wallerstein provides Wright with a
helpful paradigm of world history. Since the mid- 1970s, Wallerstein has argued that
the development of a modern capitalist “world system” has benefited the developed
countries at the expense of the colonized and exploited “periphery.” Wright works
with this model but carefully avoids two pitfalls—ignoring precapitalist systems or
understating the degree to which people on the periphery participate in the shaping
of their own destinies.
Wright shows how Niumi, from 1000 to 1450, was drawn into a “restructur-
ing world system,” in which the great forces of Islam and Sudanic kingdoms had
only a minor impact on the local salt trade and fisheries. After 1450, the emerging
Atlantic plantation system and slave trade actually brought new opportunities and
increased political stability for the people of Niumi.
Over the two centuries between 1600 and 1800, Niumi did not change as much as
it did between 1800 and 1850, when it was increasingly incorporated into the world
capitalist system as a producer of agricultural staples, especially peanuts, for industrial-
izing countries. Consequently, the declining global price of peanuts would have more
bearing on Niumi’s twentieth century than the political vicissitudes of colonialism
and its aftermath. Globalization has not been kind to the people of Gambia.
This third edition, which charts the changes that have marked the first decade of
the twenty-first century, shines a brighter light on The Gambia’s homegrown dictator-
ship, in power since a military coup in 1994. Wright’s keen observations and vivid
prose help the reader sort through some of the most perplexing of contemporary
issues facing Niumi, and not only Niumi: the intransigence of political corruption,
the impact of aid versus investment, the viability of traditional cultural values in the
face of consumerism, human rights movements, and a new global diaspora.
Some of Wright’s stories will both affirm your faith in humanity and break your
heart, but the world of Niumi will become your own.
Kevin Reilly
Series Editor

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 PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION

I am still not sure whether this is a book of African history inspired by my study
and teaching of world history, or a book of world history inspired by my study
and teaching of African history. It is a history of the state of Niumi, which existed
for seven or eight, centuries on the north bank of the lower Gambia River, with
an emphasis on how along process of globalization—a continuing widening of
Niumi’s world and, through a good portion of its existence, its relationships with
world systems—affected the lives of people living there. I elaborate on what
the book is, and how this edition differs from the first two, in the Introduction.
I simply wish to convey here that in addition to standard elements of economic,
social, and political history, I continue to keep a focus on topics brought out in
recent scholarship in world and African history: transnational and cross-cultural
influences; environmental and biological issues; matters pertaining to women; and
globalization’s effects on the world’s poor.
Because world history, with its breadth and theoretical basis, and African his-
tory, with its grounding in African cultures unfamiliar to American readers, can
be complicated and confusing, I keep theoretical discussions minimal and simple,
and I use words in foreign languages, especially Mandinka, only where I believe
it necessary. Persons wanting more detailed discussion of world-systems theory
or more varying opinions on globalization, for example, or wishing to know the
Mandinka word for a term used in the book, will need to do further reading. I at-
tempt to guide such reading in the citations.
I wish to make four points for the sake of honesty and clarity. First, although
Mandinka-speaking Africans always referred to the state along the north bank of
the Gambia River’s estuary as Niumi, not everyone did. For a long time it was
“Barra” in the Creole used by people trading in the river, and between the seven-
teenth and nineteenth centuries, British and French records use “Barra” or “Bar”
more frequently than “Niumi” to refer to the state. In quotations from these records
and published sources based on these records, I have changed “Barra” to “Niumi”
to avoid confusion and continual inclusion of “[sic]” in quotations. Second, the
official name of the modern West African country is The Republic of The Gambia;
it is properly referred to as The Gambia, with both words capitalized. Before 1965,
the British referred to their Gambia River colony as the Gambia (or, officially, the
Gambia Colony and Protectorate), without capitalizing the article. I keep this distinc-
tion in the text. Third, because in the increasingly oppressive regime of Gambian
president Yahya Jammeh speaking publicly about anything can land one in serious
trouble, I have gone to some lengths to mask the Gambian individuals who provided

XV
xvi PREFACE

me with information for this third edition. I have also altered information I include
about any experiences I have had in Niumi since 2003 to make it impossible for a
reader to determine what villages or institutions I visited and what people I talked
to. I regret it is necessary to do this. Fourth, while in The Gambia working on the
second and third editions of this book, I was accompanied by my wife Doris, who
is neither Africanist nor historian by training, but is a wise and informed person,
sympathetic with the difficulties that the world’s poor face in their daily lives. Doris
has traveled with me in The Gambia, participated in interviews, interviewed and
written on her own, talked with me about issues affecting people in Niumi, and
read the entire manuscript with a critical eye. She played an important role in the
development of many of the ideas in the last chapters and in untold ways has made
the book better than it otherwise would have been.

A long list of people and institutions have lent assistance across my career of study
and teaching of African and world history, and in the preparation of the first two
editions of this book—far more than I can recognize here—but some have been
especially helpful in the preparation of this edition.
As always, the men and women living in Niumi hold a special place in my
heart and mind. They again welcomed me into their villages and homes during a
research trip in 2009 and spoke to me frankly about circumstances surrounding
their lives. Finding it unwise to thank them publicly, I have done so privately. More
than anyone, I know that this book would not exist without their assistance. I also
again thank Dr. David L. Miller for the maps; and I am grateful to artist Beverly
Derrick for allowing use of “Early Morning, Ready for Departure” on the cover,
and to Joe DeLuca for use of his camera to photograph her lovely painting.
The dual dedication of the book is for good reason. George Brooks, who
introduced me to African and world history, never stops being my mentor. For
forty-three years he has kept me engaged with fresh ideas, new challenges, and
kind (if not always warranted) encouragement. I have always thought of him as
Chaucer’s Oxford Cleric, who “would gladly learn, and gladly teach.” Deyda
Hydara, respected Gambian journalist, reasoned government critic, and staunch
defender of press freedom, was shot and killed in December 2004 as he was driving
home from the offices of The Point newspaper. The Gambian government never
satisfactorily investigated the incident. May his murderers be brought to justice
and his death not be in vain.
The World and a
Very Small Place
in Africa
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 INTRODUCTION

The global web of communication that influences everyone and

every locality so strongly today is not new.
—William H. McNeill, 2006

No condition is permanent.
—Slogan popular among African liberation groups, 1970s—1980s

The Gambia River may not be the calmest and most easily navigated of the world’s
great waterways, but to seamen entering the river after a few weeks of tossing in
the choppy Atlantic, it may seem so. The Gambia flows into the ocean 115 miles
below Cape Verde, the westernmost tip of the African continent. The river’s mouth
is surprisingly broad—twelve miles across at its entrance into the Atlantic—and
funnel-shaped as if designed to catch vessels coasting down around the cape from
the north. Inside the mouth, the river is a sailor’s delight: its main channel is deep
and its strong tidal flow helps vessels move upriver. In the days of sail, most ships
could ride the winds and tides 120 miles eastward to a port on the river called Niani-
Maru. Smaller craft that could tack more easily between the narrowing banks were
able to pass another eighty miles eastward to Barokunda Falls, a series of laterite
ledges on which craft drawing alittle more than three feet of water scraped bottom.
Large canoes could pass Barokunda and travel another 140 miles southeasterly
toward the edge of the Futa Jalon highlands. Thus, from as early as West Africans
put vessels on the water, the Gambia served as a highway into the interior.
On the north bank of the Gambia, at its mouth, lies a territory known locally
as Niumi. For 500 years it was a separate political unit—a state, or kingdom, in
Western terms—one of many such small units that spread across West Africa’s
savannas over the centuries before European rule. Niumi was never large—it is
difficult to say how large, because African rulers were more concerned with control
of people than of land, and they seldom delineated political boundaries with much
care, especially in lightly populated parts of their realm. Still, historical records
and notions of local residents tend to agree that Niumi never comprised more
than about 400 square miles, and even that figure is deceptively large because
most of its population before recent times lived within a few miles of the river.
Thus, through most of its existence, Niumi was more a long strip of land along the
riverbank under asingle political authority than a compact, squared-off territory.
At the height of its control, even including uninhabited forests with the populated
riverside, it was only about one-third the size of the Duchy of Luxembourg or the
state of Rhode Island.
World
the
and
Niumi
Map
1
 INTRODUCTION 5

I first saw Niumi in 1974 as I was coming into The Gambia by air. The plane
made the short hop down from Dakar, Senegal, along the Atlantic Coast, and passed
seaward of Niumi as it approached Gambia’s airport, across the river. The farther
south we flew, the brighter and whiter the coastal stretch appeared. In the vicinity
of the Saloum River, north of the Senegal-Gambia border, great flats of land near
the ocean were treeless and barren—a white moonscape, though without elevation.
It was here that the tide spilled across huge, flat pans and then evaporated naturally,
leaving acrust of salt that people gathered in baskets and exchanged for goods with
people living in West Africa’s salt-starved inlands. For 1,000 years, probably much
longer, Niumi’s residents had participated in, marshaled, and sometimes controlled
the passage of salt up the Gambia River. It was a key to Niumi’s power and wealth,
and it would play an important role in much of the state’s early history.
I could not spot the handful of buildings that served as the customs post on the
border, but I knew from the coastline, having pored over maps for a year or more,
about where Senegal stopped and The Gambia began. It was late August; the height
of the rainy season, and everything was green. What immediately became evident
was how Niumi was a combination of two landscapes: watery coast and rolling
wooded grasslands. The northwestern part of the territory was astretch of low,
sandy, wooded islands separated from a mangrove-lined coast and crisscrossed
by a maze of waterways. The mangroves hugged Niumi’s riverbank in a sweep-
ing arch from the Gambia’s mouth down past Barra Point, around a big eastward
bend, and they clogged the bank on up the river for 100 miles or more. Oysters
clung to the mangrove roots and, when exposed at low tide, made fair picking. A
few creeks and streams cut through the band of mangrove green and flowed a mile
or two into the interior.
Inland from the coast and riverbank, savanna made up the rest. I was surprised
at how much this reminded me of my eastern Indiana home: grasslands and tall
trees, with little elevation, rolling on for what seemed like forever. It was thick and
verdant, waving in the August breeze. By the next April, six months into the dry
season when the harmattan wind blows hot off the Sahara, it would be crisp and
dusty, everything tinted orange by the wind-blown soil.
From above, it all looked charming. Villages seemed to pop out behind the
jet’s wing, a mixture of thatch and metal roofs underneath canopies of majestic
silk-cotton trees and fat baobabs. I thought I recognized Essau, Berending, and
Bakendiki—old villages I had read about. I did not see many people—it was during
the hottest part of the afternoon and the plane was still at several thousand feet—but
I thought I spotted a few men in their peanut fields, a few children scattering birds
from stands of millet. I saw the narrow scar of tarmac running down the fifteen
miles from the Senegalese border to the ferry dock at Niumi’s Barra Point. At Es-
sau, near Barra, it intersected with a red-gravel road that struck off toward the far
end of The Gambia, 200 miles dead east. A ferry full of people, cows, and a few
cars was churning toward Barra from the river’s south side, where The Gambia’s
capital, Banjul, is situated. Covered pickups and station wagons—the “bush taxis”
6 INTRODUCTION

(called by the onomatopoeic term gellie-gellie by Gambians) that convey people

around West Africa’s less-populated areas—were lined up near the terminal. It
was all a pretty picture.
I would make the same trip by car a few days later. A problem with arrange-
ments for my stay forced me to fly back to Dakar, and to save money returning to
The Gambia, I joined a crowd of nine people in one of those station wagons riding
down the tarmac road to the ferry. Close up, Niumi was not so charming. It was
hot and humid, almost beyond belief. Just north of the Senegal-Gambia border we
passed a couple of men working in fields of peanuts. They were squatting, and ap-
peared to be weeding, chopping up clouds of dust with broad, flat, short-handled
instruments. One of them stood as our vehicle approached. He wore a long shirt
that I thought was a faded imitation of camouflage until I got closer and saw the
reddish brown and black and olive blotches were soil and plant stains blended
with perspiration. He did not wave, but just stared at us with a blank expression
as sweat rolled down from beneath his stocking cap. We came upon a bicyclist,
an older man wearing glasses and a short-brimmed hat, who, when he heard us
approaching, got off the bike, picked it up, and walked a good five yards off the
road. This was something I would see repeatedly. Cyclists had a history of bad
experiences with automobiles.
We stopped longer than we wanted at the border station between Senegal and
The Gambia, a handful of yellowish buildings with tin roofs built close to the road.
Not far stood one of those massive silk-cotton trees I had spotted from the air. The
Gambian border guards—nice-looking, officious young men in khaki shorts and
knee socks—made us open our luggage. Arguments ensued. One female passenger
did not want to retrieve a large, blue-plastic-wrapped package that the driver had tied
snugly to the wagon’s top. The guards were adamant. For a while she spoke loudly
and waved her long arms. Other passengers spoke on her behalf. Then there was
quieter talk. In the end she passed them a couple of small bills. Gambian officials
accepted Senegalese currency. But the guards saved their most careful scrutiny for
the driver’s papers. They were just not in order, it seemed. Driver, passengers, and
guards formed a tight huddle of loud discussion.
I took this opportunity to look around. Just down the road, vendors had set up
shop. They knew that people did not cross the border speedily. Skinny young men
were selling skinny loaves of bread; adolescents were offering sandwiches made
with a spicy meat-and-oil mixture kept warm in enameled tubs; women were pas-
sively peddling green oranges; and two men, tall and dark with narrow, angular
faces, were smoking animal carcasses—which looked like goats—over a slow-
burning fire. They offered to cut off a strip of meat from one; I declined. There were
flies everywhere. I walked another thirty yards to a low, roofed platform where old
men were sitting. One of them had a milky-blue film over his eyes. The rest looked
wan and listless. It was the “hungry season”—the months immediately preceding
the harvest, when grain stores were low and few had cash, normally acquired by
selling peanuts, to buy rice. It was also the time of year when mosquitoes bred in the
 INTRODUCTION 7

standing water and then passed malaria among human hosts. Two women walked
by slowly, balancing calabash bowls of greens on their heads. Each wore a long,
wrapped skirt of colorful tie-dyed fabric, a T-shirt, and rubber flip-flops. Both had
infants attached to their backs by cloth wraps. One child’s red-tinged hair was the
telltale sign of kwashiorkor, a disease resulting from protein deficiency. Like most
of the children I encountered, these two had runny noses. Neither was asleep; their
eyes silently followed me as their mothers walked past.
Once we got to Barra, I had time to kill. The noonish ferry had just left the pier—
it was 100 yards out, had completed its pivot to face the south bank, and now was
revving its old diesel engines into high speed for the four-mile crossing. It would
not return for three hours. An engine breakdown in its twin had occasioned the long
hiatus in the schedule. The Gambia Ports Authority did not have the part needed to
repair the engine and was not sure it could turn one up. The other passengers were
not surprised and did not seem to mind. They were content to sit and wait in the
canopied pavilion. I wandered over to the Barra market, a small open-air gather-
ing of people, tables, stools, and stalls where one could procure everything from
fresh fish to woven baskets. I was not astute enough to consider the significance
of all of the imported things for sale there—dry-cell batteries from France, rubber
shoes from Spain, T-shirts from American colleges, pablumlike breakfast cereal
in metal cans from Great Britain, and the ubiquitous Nescafé—but I did note a
few oddities: huge bags of rice from Vietnam and Arkansas (in this rice-producing
region); plastic bottles of peanut oil from France (in this country where peanut
farming was the major economic enterprise); identical bars of soap in every stall,
imported from England and selling for exactly the same price. As I stood sweating
in the heat and humidity, 5,000 miles from my home—where there was no hungry
season and no malarial languor, where (most) drivers did not aim at cyclists, where
we extracted oils from the crops we grew, where we had parts to fix our cars, and
where manufacturers of a dozen different brands of soap competed vigorously for
my dollar—I recognized that something in that little place was awry.
What was wrong in Niumi, I eventually came to understand, was the same thing
that was wrong in a good part of the world. I remained in The Gambia for nine
months, interviewing oral traditionists so that I could, with additional archival
work, reconstruct the precolonial history of Niumi for my doctoral thesis at Indiana
University. About halfway through my stay in The Gambia, in late January 1975,
George Brooks, my dissertation advisor, sent me a letter of encouragement and
included a copy of Immanuel Wallerstein’s new book, The Modern World-System.
“By all accounts,” Brooks wrote in typical understatement, “this book is very im-
portant.” I was already acquainted with William H. McNeill’s interpretive work
on world history, The Rise of the West, and had taught a couple of world history
courses, part time, at Auburn University at Montgomery, Alabama, so I was at
least partially comfortable with the “global perspective.” Now, I found plenty of
time to read about the modern world system—all the more because I had to make
frequent trips on the Barra ferry, which was forever under repair. I struggled with
8 INTRODUCTION

Wallerstein’s ideas of how events associated with the growth of European capitalism
after the sixteenth century brought together increasing numbers of people of the
world—brought them together not under a grand political authority but in a series
of economic relationships he called the “modern world system.” These economic
relationships were more important than political ones, Wallerstein argued: how
people fit into the world system, as participants from the stronger and wealthier
“core” nations or as part of the weaker and poorer “periphery,” determined important
aspects of their lives. I suppose that reading was the beginning of my awareness
of the influence of global events on local history. It is a perspective I have tried
to maintain by following—sometimes at considerable distance—the evolution of
arguments about world systems.
In 1976 I accepted a position in history with the liberal arts college at Cortland
of the State University of New York; in 1978 I began the teaching of world history
there; and I have taught African and world history ever since. It was the teaching
and reading in both of these expanding fields, over a long time, combined with my
experience of living in The Gambia (with trips back now and then) and studying its
history, that gave me a sense of what has long been the key to problems in Niumi
and much of the rest of the developing world. Specifically, I came to understand
how dealings with large economic complexes and, eventually, incorporation into
an ever-growing world market, or world economy, or world political economy, or,
indeed, world system, had affected the way people lived for a long time in Niumi—
this small place in Africa that I knew so well. It was this storyI tried to tell in the
first edition of this book, published in 1997.
The book’s release occurred when the world was going through changes fol-
lowing the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. A new wave
of integration of the people, nations, and economies of the world was moving
speedily toward a crest, and growing numbers of journalists and academics were
using the term “globalization” to describe the process. By the late 1990s groups
were beginning to call attention to globalization’s effects on the lives of billions of
people in the developing world. Protests at meetings of the World Trade Organiza-
tion, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund brought international
attention to the perceived personal, economic, environmental, and cultural harm
these “globalizing” organizations were inflicting with their policies intended to
break down barriers to human interaction and global integration.
As I considered these events, I realized that globalization was not so much a new
phenomenon as an old process newly recognized; that, in fact, globalization had
been going on for a long time—centuries, for certain. To my thinking, the coming
into existence and restructuring of world systems that I had written about were
parts—important parts, but, still, only parts—of the globalization process, which
people living along the north bank of the Gambia River, near its entrance into the
Atlantic, had been involved in for a very long time. Thus, in the fall of 2002, I began
working on a new edition with the intention of having a greater emphasis on the
globalization process, viewing Niumi’s relations with world systems and the steady
 INTRODUCTION 9

change its residents experienced through seven or eight centuries as a part of this
process. I also recognized the importance of including a new chapter, discussing
life in Niumi since the mid-1990s, when the most recent wave of globalization
came bearing down on The Gambia like the tidal surge of a tropical storm. To that
end, I spent two months, between January and March 2003, in The Gambia, in
an effort to understand life in Niumi under globalization’s influence. This was the
added emphasis in the second edition.
Since the appearance of the second edition in 2004, events in The Gambia and
the world have prompted me to reassess my thinking on the relative importance,
through all circumstances, of global relationships and local influences. In December
2004, an acquaintance, the respected, veteran Gambian journalist Deyda Hydara,
was murdered—shot and killed as he was driving home from his newspaper of-
fice. Many saw the hand of Gambian security forces in the murder, a suspicion
heightened by the government’s failure to investigate the crime in a serious man-
ner. Since then, the country’s president, Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh (who presently has
his name and title written, “His Excellency President Sheikh Professor Alhaji Dr.
Yahya Jammeh”), has brought tyrannous rule to the country, stifling the once-lively
press, ignoring the country’s constitution, disregarding human rights, and making
Gambians live in fear of arrest, illegal detention, torture, and death. When the gravity
of the 2008-2009 recession became apparent in the fall of 2008, I sensed that this
economic downturn, though the worst since the Great Depression, was not nearly
so harmful to people living in Niumi as was its own national government. In order
to judge if this was the case, I went to The Gambia in January and February 2009.
This third edition reflects this judgment as it includes a weighing of the effects of
recent global and local circumstances on the lives of Niumi residents. It also offers
a re-thinking of earlier ideas—or at least the strength of the earlier presentation of
these ideas—in light of the present situation in the country. One thus may think
of this book’s first edition as emphasizing world systems, the second emphasizing
globalization, and the third casting doubt on the emphases of the first two editions
because of the harsh reality of local oppression.
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 Part I
BACKGROUND
Before a.p. 1446

In the late summer of 1446, nearly half a century before Christopher Columbus
crossed the Atlantic, a Portuguese knight and adventurer named Nuno Tristao sailed
an armed caravel down Africa’s west coast and into the mouth of the Gambia River.
He had reason to expect a hostile reception. For several years prior to this, sailors
such as Tristao had been capturing Africans along the Atlantic coast north of the
Gambia and spiriting them back to Portugal. According to Gomes Eanes de Azurara,
a contemporary Portuguese court chronicler, “the disposition and conversion of
these prisoners occupied a good portion of [Prince Henry’s] time.”
Just inside the river’s mouth, Tristao launched two boats, with twelve armed
men (including Tristao) in one and ten in the other. They began to ride the tide
upriver, intent on locating more “prisoners.” Soon, however, they altered their
route and, writes Azurara, “made for some habitations that they espied on the
right hand.” Their concentration on these habitations must have been intense, for
they did not immediately notice the approach of twelve boats launched from the
north bank, “in the which,” Azurara records, “there would be as many as seventy
or eighty Guineas, all Negroes, with bows in their hands.” The men in one of the
boats beached their craft, got out, and began to rain arrows on the Portuguese.
The others came near and “discharged that accursed ammunition of theirs all full
of poison upon the bodies of our countrymen.” They chased the two Portuguese
boats back to the caravel, where the seamen tied up to the larger vessel, the crew
cut their anchor cables amid the hail of arrows, and the invaders limped away. Of
the twenty-eight who had entered the river on the caravel, only seven remained
alive two days later, because, Azurara notes, “that poison was so artfully com-
posed that a slight wound, if it only let blood, brought men to their last end.” Over
several days, the survivors rolled twenty-one bodies into the Atlantic Ocean off
Africa’s west coast.
Because there was not a trained navigator among the remaining crew, the
caravel’s return to Portugal was long. Luck played a role, though Azurara credits
“heavenly aid.” After two months out of sight of land, sailing “directly to the
north, declining alittle to the east,” the crew sighted a ship piloted by a Spanish
pirate, who told them they were near Portugal’s southern coast. They put in at
Lagos and informed Prince Henry of the tragedy. Azurara writes that the prince
“had great displeasure at the loss of the men,” and “like a lord who felt their deaths
had come to pass in his service, he afterward had an especial care of their wives
and children.”
11
12 BACKGROUND: BEFORE a.p. 1446

Perspective | A Sale of Slaves in Portugal

Azurara was a strong court supporter, who took the side of his countrymen
in disputes with Africans, but he was mindful of the pain associated with the
commerce of slaves. Of some of the earliest Africans auctioned in Lisbon to
work in the cane fields of southern Portugal, he writes:

On the 8th of August 1444, early in the morning on account of the

heat, the sailors landed the captives. When they were all mustered in
the field outside the town, they presented a remarkable spectacle. . . .
But what heart so hard as not to be touched with compassion at the
sight of them! Some with downcast heads and faces bathed in tears
as they looked at each other; others moaning sorrowfully, and fixing
their eyes on heaven, uttered plaintive cries as if appealing for help to
the Father of Nature. Others struck their faces with their hands, and
threw themselves flat upon the ground. Others uttered a wailing chant,
after the fashion of the country, and although their words were unin-
telligible, they spoke plainly enough the excess of their sorrow. But
their anguish was at its height when the moment of distribution came,
when of necessity children were separated from their parents, wives
from their husbands, and brothers from brothers. Each was compelled
to go wherever fate might send him. It was impossible to effect this
separation without extreme pain.

Nothing is known of the immediate actions of the African bowmen, residents

of a small political unit called Niumi, occupying the north bank of the Gambia’s
estuary, following the successful defense of their territorial waters. They must have
returned up the creeks and backwaters of their homeland and, like the Portuguese,
reported their exploits to their ruler, a person with the title of mansa. He was surely
elated at the news. If true to later form, he led a celebration enhanced by palm wine
and called in praise-singers—a mansa’s equivalent of court chroniclers—to extol
the gallantry of the bowmen.
In time, though, however pleased he was with the defensive efforts, Niumi’s
mansa must have thought deeply about relations with the sharp-nosed intruders.
Perhaps he recognized that the Portuguese would be as persistent as they were pug-
nacious, or gained respect for the fighting potential of crossbow men and caravels.
More likely, with information trickling down of Portuguese trading with Africans
along the Senegal River, to Niumi’s north, providing access to horses, iron bars,
and other valuable commodities, the mansa and his advisors recognized how their
commercial interests intertwined. In any event, nine years later, in 1455, when the
Venetian Alvise da Cadamosto, sailing for Portugal, brought three caravels into the
Gambia River, Niumi traders advised him on products he could obtain there. A year
 BACKGROUND: BEFORE a.p. 1446 13

later Niumi’s mansa befriended Portuguese trader Diogo Gomes and mediated a
dispute Portuguese merchants were having with coastal peoples north of N iumi.?
What had begun as hostile relations turned friendly with prospects of trade; or,
as Azurara concludes, after midcentury, “deeds in those parts involved trade and
mercantile dealings more than fortitude and exercise of arms.”
What brought the two groups—residents of the small southwestern European
kingdom of Portugal on the one hand and the small West African kingdom of Niumi
on the other—into conflict that summer day in 1446, to be followed within a decade
by friendlier commercial contact, was a process of history that began centuries
earlier and involved people across the central expanse of the Africa-Eurasian land
mass. By the middle of the fifteenth century, Western Europe and West Africa were
being drawn increasingly into a wider world or, more particularly, into a restructur-
ing and expanding world economic system that forever after would alter the ways
of life of the people living in each place.
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 1

THE GLOBAL SETTING FOR NIUMI’S HISTORY

BEFORE A.D. 1446

Somehow an appreciation of the autonomy of separate civilizations

(and of all the other less massive and less skilled cultures of the
earth) across the past two thousand years needs to be combined with
the portrait of an emerging world system, connecting greater and
greater numbers of persons across civilized boundaries.
—William H. McNeill, 1990!

Of all the phenomena that have affected the way groups of people have lived—
anywhere, at any time through nearly all the human past—two are of particular
importance for students of world history. One involves the relationship of groups of
people with others who have different ways of thinking and acting. The other has to
do with people’s ways of relating to large-scale economic organizations—integrated
trading complexes or commercial systems— because for thousands of years most
people who appeared from afar, where people had new and different ideas and ways,
were long-distance traders, and the two phenomena often were related.
The first of these is important because people have changed most thoroughly,
in relatively short periods, by borrowing ideas or adopting technologies from oth-
ers. Anthropologists call this process diffusion; examples of it abound. The native
peoples of the Great Plains of North America altered their lifestyle once they adopted
the horse, brought across the Atlantic by the Spanish in the sixteenth century, and
a culture related to its use. Western Europeans changed over a longer time through
the Middle Ages, but they used others’ ideas and technologies to their advantage
when, after 1500, they employed such Chinese inventions as gunpowder, printing,
and the compass to help assert themselves economically and, eventually, politically
on the rest of the world.” Today, contact and borrowing have led to such thorough
change among groups of the world’s people, as ideas have spread with ease across
global communications networks, that we encounter others who have distinctly
different ways with less frequency. We are moving toward a global culture where
many people of the world do things alike. Such was not the case just a few hundred
years ago, and sometimes people changed dramatically, over a short time, through
contact with others having different ways.
The second phenomenon still holds in its effect on human lives, however. How
any group fits into a larger network of commercial relations is an important determi-
nant in the ways individuals within the group live. Today, people residing in centers
of world finance and production—the United States, Western Europe, or Japan,
15
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