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Experiences of Hunger
and Food Insecurity
in College
Lisa Henry
Experiences of Hunger and Food
Insecurity in College
 Lisa Henry

Experiences of
Hunger and Food
Insecurity in College
Lisa Henry
University of North Texas
Denton, TX, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-31817-8    ISBN 978-3-030-31818-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31818-5

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2020
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
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This Palgrave Pivot imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
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The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
In memory of Rodney Mitchell
 Acknowledgments

First, I would like to thank the students at the University of North Texas
(UNT) for their trust and sharing of their deeply personal stories. This
research has been humbling and has deepened my understanding of what
students in my classes and around campus may be going through in their
lives while attending college. I would also like to thank the UNT Dean of
Students, particularly Maureen “Moe” McGuinness and Rodney Mitchell
(in memorandum), for their partnership on this research project. Their
support and dedication to the students at UNT is remarkable, and their
collaboration with the well-being of students in mind has facilitated this
work that will hopefully lead to more solutions. The data collection was
funded by a UNT Scholarly and Creative Activity Award through the
College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences. I thank my research team of
graduate and undergraduate students in the Department of Anthropology—
Emma Carnes, Jena Chakour, Ana Belen Conrado, Beth Holland, Bridget
Landis, Kelly McFarland, Skye O’Neill, Andie Semlow, Sarah Stutts, and
Ashley Thomas. I thank the UNT Department of Anthropology for their
support with a graduate research assistant, Kelly McFarland, who helped
with coding, analysis, and the report to the Dean of Students. I also want
to thank Caitlin Griffith for her assistance with the references and her
unending support, professionally and personally. Finally, I want to thank
my family—Doug, Riley, Will, Tory, JoJo, and Junior—for their endless
support, encouragement, sacrifices, and love.

vii
 Contents

1 Introduction  1
1.1 Food Insecurity in the U.S.  2
1.2 Food Insecurity Among College Students  4
1.3 A Deep Dive: Ethnographic Research on Food Insecurity at
UNT  6
1.3.1 Methodology  8
1.4 Overview of Book 10
References 12

2 Meaning and Experience of Food Insecurity 17

2.1 Demographics of Study Participants 18
2.2 Financial Situation 22
2.3 The Meaning of Food Insecurity 26
2.4 Profiles of Food Insecurity Experiences in College 28
2.5 Coping Strategies 33
2.5.1 At the University of North Texas 34
2.6 Impact of Childhood Food Insecurity 37
References 39

3 Stigma and Shame 45

3.1 At the University of North Texas 48
3.1.1 Shame About Being Food Insecure 48
3.1.2 Social Services and Stigma 49
3.1.3 Food Secure Students’ Perceptions 52

ix
x Contents

3.1.4 Stigma and the Food Pantry 53

3.1.5 Childhood Stigma 54
3.2 Conversations About Food Insecurity 55
3.3 Destigmatization Through Awareness 56
References 58

4 Physical Health, Mental Health, and Nutrition 61

4.1 Physical Health, Hunger, and Poor Nutrition 62
4.1.1 Among College Students 64
4.1.2 At the University of North Texas 64
4.2 Mental Health, Hunger, and Poor Nutrition 67
4.2.1 Among College Students 67
4.2.2 At the University of North Texas 68
4.3 Where Does Nutrition Fit In? 70
References 72

5 Academic Success and Motivation 79

5.1 At the University of North Texas 83
5.1.1 Academic Success 83
5.1.2 School Sacrifices 85
5.1.3 School Activities 86
5.1.4 Motivations 87
References 90

6 Solutions 95
6.1 College and University Food Pantries 97
6.1.1 UNT Food Pantry Evaluation 98
6.2 Student-Suggested UNT Solutions107
6.2.1 Broadcast Resources107
6.2.2 Free Food Events108
6.2.3 Multiple Other Suggestions109
6.2.4 Solutions Students Would Not Use110
6.3 Student-Suggested Solutions Beyond UNT110
6.4 Nationwide Conferences, Programs, Interventions, and
Policy111
6.4.1 The Hope Center for College, Community, and
Justice111
6.4.2 The GOA Report and Introduced Legislation111
 Contents  xi

6.4.3 Increase Access to Social Services114

6.4.4 University Meal Donations115
6.4.5 Meal Vouchers and Food Scholarships115
6.4.6 Emergency Loans and Aid116
6.4.7 Increased Skills Training116
6.4.8 Increased Visibility117
References118

7 Conclusions121
7.1 At the University of North Texas 124
7.2 UNT Happenings Post Research 126
References127

Index129
 About the Author

Lisa Henry is Professor of Anthropology at the University of North

Texas. She holds a PhD from Southern Methodist University. As an applied
medical anthropologist, her research interests include food insecurity,
biomedicine and healthcare delivery, anthropology in public health,
globalization and health, and indigenous healing systems. Her
regional specializations are the U.S. and the Pacific Islands. She is the
Past-President of the National Association for the Practice of Anthropology
(NAPA).

xiii
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 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Age range 19

Fig. 2.2 Gender 19
Fig. 2.3 Marital status 20
Fig. 2.4 Ethnicity (not mutually exclusive) 20
Fig. 2.5 Year in college 21
Fig. 2.6 Living situation 22
Fig. 2.7 Financially responsible for others 22
Fig. 2.8 Food insecure as children 22
Fig. 2.9 Working while food insecure 24
Fig. 2.10 Receives financial aid 25
Fig. 2.11 Receives financial help from others 25
Fig. 2.12 Uses credit card for food 25
Fig. 2.13 USDA food security categories 26
Fig. 6.1 Overall pantry experience 99
Fig. 6.2 Confidentiality 100
Fig. 6.3 Helpfulness of pantry 102
Fig. 6.4 Adequacy of the amount of food 103
Fig. 7.1 Number of pantry clients per year 126

xv
 List of Tables

Table 1.1 USDA food security categories (USDA 2018a) 3

Table 1.2 Food insecurity by household characteristics (USDA 2018b) 4
Table 2.1 Sample vs. UNT demographics (UNT Fact Sheet 2017) 21
Table 2.2 Food insecurity coping strategies 35
Table 6.1 Pantry items most wanted by clients (items listed by frequency
of request) 105
Table 6.2 Sub-categories of pantry items most wanted by clients 106
Table 6.3 Avenues to broadcast resources 108

xvii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract The introduction chapter sets the stage for the context of this
research topic and the manuscript. I introduce the concept of food insecu-
rity in the U.S. by presenting USDA definitions and current statistics in
the broader U.S. population. Next, I discuss the growing awareness and
attention to food insecurity among college students by highlighting the
increasing research on the prevalence and experience of food insecurity in
college across the U.S. Next, I discuss the research project, research
design, and methodology of my qualitative, ethnographic research at the
University of North Texas (UNT). I highlight this project’s contribution
to the literature on food insecurity among college students. I interviewed
92 students who were clients of the UNT Food Pantry. This is the largest
qualitative study to be published to date, and it captures student perspec-
tives on the meaning and experience of food insecurity.

Keywords Food insecurity • Food insecurity in college • Qualitative

• Ethnography

Food is the last priority. I’d rather sleep on a bed and have a roof over my
head than eat.

© The Author(s) 2020 1

L. Henry, Experiences of Hunger and Food Insecurity in College,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-31818-5_1
2 L. HENRY

At the time of this research, Cassandra was a 20-year-old African-­American

sophomore at the University of North Texas. As a freshman, she lived in
the dorm, had a meal plan, and ate like it was the holidays with almost every
meal. Like many college students, in the summer after her freshman year,
she moved into an apartment with two friends who shared the rent. The
following fall semester she took four classes and worked as much as she
could. The hours she worked varied from 15 to 30 hours per week, mostly
determined by the scheduling manager at work, but also by her class
schedule. Her job paid minimum wage, and as Cassandra explained, it’s
hard to find a high paying job that also has the flexibility to work with my class
schedule. A lot of college students end up changing jobs every semester.
Cassandra noted, I pay for everything—the rent, the bills. I go to class. I go to
work. I try to study. Sometimes, when I don’t work enough, I don’t have money
for food. At the same time, I can’t work all the time and go to class. I have
to choose.
Cassandra was a federal Pell Grant recipient and also received some
loan money. Her mom helped financially as much as she is able. During
her freshman year, Cassandra noted that it was easy to manage all the
expenses because food and housing were wrapped up together. When
she first moved into an apartment, all of the different bills and expenses
were overwhelming to organize and pay between the three roommates.
She thought she would have enough money with her job but quickly
realized that her finances varied month to month. Her older sister tried
to help out with expenses by giving her money from time to time, but it
was not consistent. Cassandra often did not have enough money to pay
all of her bills and eat consistently. She depended on the UNT Food
Pantry to help fill the gap.
Cassandra’s story is one of many that resonates with college students
across the U.S. Although the notion of the hungry college student is not
new, the issue is receiving increasing national attention including in the
popular press, among researchers, and university administrators.

1.1   Food Insecurity in the U.S.

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) defines food
security as access for all household members to “enough food for an active,
healthy life” at all times. It includes easily accessible nutritionally adequate
and safe foods, as well as the ability to secure foods in socially acceptable
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Table 1.1 USDA food security categories (USDA 2018a)

Food secure High food Households had no problems, or anxiety about,

security consistently accessing adequate food.
Marginal Households had problems at times, or anxiety about,
food securityaccessing adequate food, but the quality, variety, and
quantity of their food intake were not substantially reduced.
Food insecure Low food Households reduce the quality, variety, and desirability of
security their diets, but the quantity of food intake and normal
eating partners were not substantially disrupted.
Very low At times during the year, eating patterns of one or more
food security household members were disrupted and food intake
reduced because the household lacked money and other
resources for food.

ways (i.e. not stealing, scavenging, or accessing emergency food sources

such as food pantries). Conversely, the USDA defines food insecurity as
having limited or uncertain access to healthy, nutritionally adequate, and
safe food or the limited ability to acquire food in socially acceptable ways.
Other characteristics of food insecurity include reduced calorie intake, lack
of variety in diet, hunger without eating, and reduced weight due to lack
of calories (USDA 2018a). Table 1.1 shows the continuum of food inse-
curity status and the economic and social contexts that define each.
Hunger, an individual physiological condition, is too difficult to measure
according to the USDA, but the very low food security category is associ-
ated with hunger. Households that fall into that category report eating
less than they felt they should, skipping meals, and/or reducing meal sizes
(USDA 2018a). See Himmelgreen and Romero-Daza (2010) for a thor-
ough discussion on the implications for eliminating the word “hunger”
from U.S. food policy.
According to the most recent USDA food security survey, the estimated
percentage of U.S. households that were food insecure in 2017 was 11.8
percent (15 million households). This figure is down from 12.3 percent in
2016 and includes both low food security and very low food security.
When analyzed further, the estimated percentage of U.S. households that
were very low food secure in 2017 was 4.5 percent (5.8 million), down
from 4.9 percent in 2016 (Coleman-Jensen et al. 2018).
Importantly, the prevalence of food insecurity varies by household type.
Table 1.2 shows that certain household types have food insecurity rates
above the national average:
4 L. HENRY

Table 1.2 Food insecurity by household characteristics (USDA 2018b)

National average 11.8%

Households with children under age 6 16.4%
Household with children headed by a single woman 30.3%
Households with children headed by a single man 19.7%
Women living alone 13.9%
Men living alone 13.4%
Black, non-Hispanic households 21.8%
Hispanic households 18.0%
Low-income households (below 185% of the poverty threshold) 30.8%

Between 2015 and 2017, Texas experienced household food insecurity

rates higher than the national average and ranked 11th highest overall
with 14 percent of households experiencing food insecurity (USDA 2018b).

1.2   Food Insecurity Among College Students

There has been an increase in the national attention to food insecurity and
hunger on U.S. college campuses. According to Feeding America (2018),
one in ten adults they serve are college students. Of the households they
serve, 31 percent choose between paying for education and food every
year. Prevalence studies on a single university campus report a range of
14–59 percent of students being food insecure at some point during their
college career (Chaparro et al. 2009; Hughes et al. 2011; Gaines et al.
2014; Patton-López et al. 2014; Maroto et al. 2015; El Zein et al. 2018;
Willis 2019; Weaver et al. 2019). More recent cross-sectional, multi-­
university studies report a range of 35–50 percent, with an average of 44
percent of students being food insecure while attending college (Bruening
et al. 2017; Global Food Initiative 2017; Broton and Goldrick-Rab 2018;
Broton et al. 2018; Crutchfield and Maguire 2018; Martinez et al. 2018;
Nazmi et al. 2018; Goldrick-Rab et al. 2019a; Goldrick-Rab et al. 2019b;
Goldrick-Rab et al. 2019c). In April 2019, the Hope Center for College,
Community, and Justice published the largest nationwide assessment of
basic needs security among college students. In this fourth year of the
nationwide survey, they collected data from 86,000 college students from
123 two-year and four-year colleges in 24 states. In breaking down the
data, 48 percent of students from two-year colleges and 41 percent of
students from four-year colleges experienced food insecurity in the previ-
ous 30 days. Nearly half of all students reported not being able to afford
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

balanced meals (Goldrick-Rab et al. 2019a). What is clear from these stud-
ies is that college students are disproportionally food insecure when com-
pared to the national average of 11.8 percent.
The scholarly research on multiple aspects of food insecurity among
college students is rapidly expanding, and the U.S. government is also
starting to take note. In December 2018, the U.S. Government
Accountability Office published a report to Congress that reviewed food
insecurity among college students. The report examines “(1) what is
known about the extent of food insecurity among college students and
their use of SNAP; (2) how selected colleges are addressing student food
insecurity; and (3) the extent to which federal programs assist students
experiencing food insecurity” (GAO 2018, X).
Food insecurity among college students is not entirely a new
phenomenon. Baby Boomers and Generation Xers have their own stories
of pinching pennies and eating peanut butter and jelly sandwiches for
weeks to make ends meet. The contemporary rise in prevalence is related
to a number of issues. Generations ago, many high school graduates went
on to manufacturing jobs or other workforce positions that did not require
a college degree. Today, a college degree is seen as an available next step
(Goldrick-Rab 2016) and the major key to a successful career and financial
security (Hughes et al. 2011; Hout 2012; Carnevale et al. 2014; Ma et al.
2016). According to the Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP), the
demographic profile of undergraduate college students is shifting. They
are older, first-generation, low-income, working, more diverse, and have
more family obligations to balance. Approximately 40 percent are over age
25, 51 percent are independent, 42 percent are students of color, 51 per-
cent are low-income, 66 percent work at least part-time, 26 percent are
parents, and 15 percent are single parents (CLASP 2015; Nellum 2015;
U.S. Department of Education 2015; GAO 2018). In short, many college
students are already considered vulnerable populations.
According to Sara Goldrick-Rab in Paying the Price: College Costs,
Financial Aid and the Betrayal of the American Dream (2016), low-­
income students often do not have enough financial resources to cover the
cost of college. The average estimated price in 2018–2019 of a public
four-year university with in-state tuition, on-campus room and board,
plus supplies and transportation, was $25,890. The cost for a public two-
year, in-district commuter was $17,930 (College Board 2019). The fed-
eral Pell Grant, which is based on financial need, is worth approximately
$6000, not nearly enough to cover the cost. Students also apply for
6 L. HENRY

additional financial aid, taking out large loans to cover the difference. As
Henry (2017) notes, most students who are under 24 years of age are
considered dependent (in regard to federal financial aid eligibility) and
must have their parents’ financial information on the Free Application for
Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) form. Yet, many students are under 24 years
of age and financially independent, but do not qualify for an exception to
the parent requirement (see https://studentaid.ed.gov/sa/fafsa/info-
graphicaccessible). For these students, if parents refuse to fill out the
financial information, their financial burden increases significantly because
they are not eligible for federal financial aid.
Students try to make up their financial deficits by working. The 2019
Hope Center for College, Community, and Justice’s national report shows
that 68 percent of students who experience food insecurity work at least
part-time (Goldrick-Rab et al. 2019a). The research discussed in this man-
uscript shows that 72 percent of participants work at least part-time while
in college. The employment status of food insecure students is particularly
important as it relates to their eligibility for federal food programs (such as
SNAP). Similar to Cassandra, students struggle to make ends meet with
low-paying jobs. Not only do these jobs have varying hours per week, but
students also need jobs that can work with their ever-changing schedules
from semester to semester.

1.3   A Deep Dive: Ethnographic Research on Food

Insecurity at UNT
This manuscript is the result of a research project at the University of
North Texas (UNT) with the Dean of Students department. UNT is a
large, public research university in north Texas located roughly 40 miles
north of both Dallas and Fort Worth. It has a total enrollment of just over
39,000 and offers 105 bachelor’s, 88 master’s, and 37 doctoral degree
programs. The student body is 52 percent minority and 48 percent White.
UNT was named to the 2019–2020 Military Friendly Schools list and has
been listed as one of America’s 100 Best College Buys for 23 consecutive
years. About 75 percent of UNT students receive financial aid and scholar-
ships (www.unt.edu).
The UNT Dean of Students is a department within the Division of
Student Affairs, a large division that ensures the holistic development of
students. Broadly, the Division of Student Affairs has 30 departments that
focus on Wellbeing and Safety, Career and Leadership, Student Life, and
Engagement and Support. The Dean of Students serves as an advocate for
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

all students and is dedicated to helping them achieve their academic and
personal goals. Based on their work with students who struggle financially,
who are sometimes housing insecure, and who need referrals to city
resources for emergency food services, the Dean of Students Office opened
a food pantry in January 2015.1 The food pantry serves any current UNT
student in need, and there are no additional criteria for access. The Dean
of Students has protocols to ensure student confidentiality and dignity
throughout their food pantry experience. Students may request a meeting
with the Dean of Students staff to address specific difficulties they are hav-
ing, and additional campus and community resources are offered when
necessary. In addition to the main food pantry at the University Union,
there are smaller food pantries at two satellite campuses—Discovery Park
and UNT’s New College at Frisco. The vision for the UNT Food Pantry
is for the UNT community to partner with the pantry in order to take a
collective approach to ensure that no UNT student lacks the fuel and
security to succeed in achieving their academic and personal goals. Many
departments, including the UNT Community Garden, have partnered
with the food pantry to fill its shelves (Dean of Students 2018).
I first partnered with the Dean of Students to conduct a research project
on student food insecurity in August 2014, five months before the food
pantry opened. Because of the increased attention to food insecurity
among college students in the popular press, I wanted to conduct an
exploratory pilot project with my graduate Ethnographic and Qualitative
Methods class. Being a qualitative methods class, I explained to the Dean
of Students that we wanted to conduct a qualitative study, rather than a
quantitative prevalence study. Our goal was to identify students who self-­
identified as food insecure and explore the meaning and experience of
food insecurity while in college—a deep dive into their stories. The Dean
of Students was eager to partner and noted that she did not need a preva-
lence study at the time because she already knew food insecurity was a
problem at UNT. The department had already committed to opening a
food pantry. Since the UNT Food Pantry was not open yet, the research
population for this pilot study was students who self-identified as food
insecure or hungry. The sample size was 27 students (see Henry 2017 for
details on this project).
Two years later, in February 2017, the Dean of Students and I partnered
again to conduct a larger study with student clients of the UNT Food
Pantry, which had 1754 visits since its opening two years earlier. Our goal
was three-fold:
8 L. HENRY

1. To re-examine our research questions with a larger sample,

2. To investigate unexpected themes from the pilot study, and
3. To evaluate the food pantry.

Our specific research goals were:

1. To investigate the meaning of food insecurity as perceived by

college students,
2. To investigate the experience of food insecurity as college students
and in childhood,
3. To investigate the barriers to accessing food assistance programs (on
campus and off campus),
4. To investigate eating habits, nutrition, and coping strategies,
5. To investigate the association of physical and mental health with
food insecurity,
6. To investigate academic sacrifices and motivations for staying
in college,
7. To evaluate the UNT Food Pantry, and
8. To investigate local solutions to food insecurity in addition to the
food pantry.

1.3.1  Methodology
Funded through a UNT Scholarly and Creative Activity Award, I recruited
seven graduate students and three undergraduate students for my research
team. Some team members worked on the project for course credit; others
volunteered their time for research experience. All research assistants were
trained in ethics and interviewing.
The research population was students, past or current, who were clients
of the UNT Food Pantry. Recruitment consisted of direct e-mails, class
announcements, flyers, and announcements on Blackboard Learn. The
Dean of Students sent recruitment e-mails to all previous clients of the
food pantry. Food pantry clients were offered $25 as a participation incen-
tive for a 60–90 qualitative interview. Those interested in participating
contacted Lisa Henry, who coordinated the interview schedule with the
research team. The research team consented each participant in person.
The study protocol was approved by the Institutional Review Board at the
University of North Texas.
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 1 INTRODUCTION 9

Interviews included open-ended questions on household composition,

financial situation, how students define food insecurity, student stories of
food insecurity, the timing of food insecurity, childhood experiences with
food insecurity, experience with off-campus social services, conversations
about food insecurity, physical health, mental health, nutrition, dietary
and medical needs related to food insecurity, academic success, academic
motivation, coping strategies, eating habits, solutions (on-campus and off-­
campus solutions), and a section on the evaluation of the food pantry. We
opted for scaled questions to measure students’ mean scores of food pan-
try overall experience, confidentiality, helpfulness, and the adequacy of the
amount of food. Each of these scaled questions was followed up with an
open-ended question asking students to explain their rating.
Interviews also included the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s (USDA)
10-question food security module (USDA 2017). We chose to administer
this standardized food security module to establish a comparison measure
across college food insecurity studies. Although we did not conduct a
prevalence study, measuring food insecurity categories with our popula-
tion helps to understand and compare experiences among students with
similar food insecurity categories across studies. We chose to use 12 months
as a timeframe because college students’ schedules, housing, and employ-
ment change frequently. Their food insecurity status changes frequently.
For freshman, we verified that their experiences with food insecurity
occurred after the start of college and not solely prior to college.
The research team collected 92 valid interviews from February 2017 to
July 2017. This equaled 100 hours and 42 minutes of recorded interview
time, which transcribed into 3320 pages of text. Transcripts were uploaded
to MaxQDA software and coded using 140 codes and subcodes. Codes
were generated by topics covered in the interview, as well as themes that
emerged inductively. Using MaxQDA, each code was analyzed for pat-
terns in the data. Furthermore, code reports were pulled using demo-
graphic variables and other codes as filters to compare subsets of students.
For example, students who experienced childhood food insecurity were
separated from those who did not experience it in order to analyze their
coping strategies while food insecure during college.
This project is the largest qualitative study on food insecurity among
college students to date. For additional qualitative studies, see Henry
(2017), Meza et al. (2018), Allen and Alleman (2019), Allen (2019),
Dhillon et al. (2019), and Hattangadi et al. (2019). This study captures
the students’ voices, their perspectives, their experiences, the meanings
10 L. HENRY

they give to food insecurity, and their everyday practices of being food
insecure and hungry while trying to finish their degrees. Chilton and
Booth (2007) note that lived experiences of individuals often disappear in
the food insecurity discourse, which makes these stories important to cap-
ture and share (see also Himmelgreen and Romero-Daza 2010). Mulligan
and Brunson (2017) discuss the importance of collecting the richness of
stories. People’s stories highlight the meaning and experiences of their
lives. They give research participants time to elaborate on the important
context of their perspectives and behaviors that might otherwise be blind
spots in research. Finally, Mulligan and Brunson highlight that, through
collecting stories to “saturation,” rather than to generalization, this allows
qualitative researchers to consider all narratives as truth, not just the domi-
nant narrative.

1.4   Overview of Book

This book is organized into five main chapters that cover the major themes
of this research—experience and meaning, stigma and shame,
physical/mental health and nutrition, and academic success and
motivation.
In Chap. 2, I detail the major research demographics, explore the self-­
reflective meaning of food insecurity from the perspective of college stu-
dents experiencing it, detail the seven main profiles of experience, and tell
the students’ stories of food insecurity while attending college. This chap-
ter also emphasizes the overlapping factors that contribute to food insecu-
rity in college. Next, I discuss the different coping strategies utilized by
students. Finally, I examine students’ experience with food insecurity as
children and how those experiences have shaped their experiences
in college.
Chapter 3 is a major focal point of my research. I begin with a discussion
on Goffman’s notion of shame and then move into a review of literature
on the concept of shame as failure. Next, I provide an overview of the
food insecurity and shame literature among college students. Since there
are few studies that touch on stigma and shame in college, I expand this
review to include the general population. Though no questions were
asked directly about stigma or shame in the UNT research, it emerged as
a predominant theme. I highlight the five sub-themes students discussed
about stigma and shame. Next, I discuss college students’ willingness to
talk about their food insecurity with others. Finally, I highlight the poten-
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

tial to destigmatize stigma through increased awareness by university

engagement with all students in a broad conversation about food insecu-
rity and hunger on campus.
Chapter 4 begins with a literature review on the negative health
outcomes associated with food insecurity and poor dietary habits in the
general population. I briefly review the literature on K-12 students before
detailing the expanding research on college students. Next, I discuss the
research at UNT and detail the physical consequences of food insecurity as
described by students. The next section discusses the association of mental
health issues with hunger and poor nutrition, starting with the general
literature, then among college students, and next among UNT students.
Finally, I end the chapter with a discussion about how nutrition fits into
their stories about food insecurity and their physical and mental health.
Chapter 5 begins with a literature review on food insecurity and
academic success among K-12 students, followed by a discussion of the
expanding research on college students. Interview participants were asked
if food insecurity has impacted their student success or performance in a
course. This chapter shows the grit needed to be academically successful
despite food insecurity. I discuss specific academic sacrifices in order to
have more money for food, followed by a discussion of any activities, in
class or extra-curricular, that were avoided because of issues with food
insecurity. The final section discusses what motivates students to stay in
college while they are food insecure.
Chapter 6 begins with a discussion on the importance of evaluating
programs designed to reduce food insecurity in order to understand and
measure their success. Next, I discuss the rise in food pantries across the
nation, followed by a discussion on the evaluation of the UNT Food
Pantry. Pantry clients were asked to evaluate, on a scale of 1–10 (10 being
the highest), several aspects of their experience, including topics related to
overall experience, confidentiality, helpfulness of the pantry, opinions
about the amount of food, how the pantry helped, pantry items most
wanted, and opinions about the layout of the pantry and the hours. Next,
I discuss other local solutions suggested by UNT Food Pantry clients.
Finally, I briefly discuss various programs that are occurring across the
nation, including a discussion of current legislation designed to bolster
attention to food security among college students.
A few notes about the writing of this manuscript: I use “students,”
“participants,” and “food pantry clients” interchangeably. When referring
to students, I am discussing the students who participated in this research
12 L. HENRY

project, all of whom were clients of UNT Food Pantry. I use the term
“we” to refer to the research design partnership and the data collection
team. I use the term “I” when referring to any analysis or writing. I use
“college” and “university” interchangeably. Finally, for each participant
who is quoted, I highlight a few demographic characteristics that I felt
would give the reader a picture of who is speaking. Generally, I focus on
age, ethnicity, and year in school, but also include if the participant was
married, lived on campus, or was an international student since those char-
acteristics were not the majority. I highlight these characteristics the first
time a participant is mentioned in each chapter, even if they were men-
tioned in a previous chapter.

Note
1. It is beyond the scope of this manuscript to discuss all the resources available
to UNT students. However, because broader solutions to financial hardship
will be discussed in Chap. 6, it is important to point out that prior to estab-
lishing the UNT Food Pantry, the Dean of Students already had an emer-
gency fund for catastrophic situations and distributed cafeteria food vouchers
to students in crisis on a case-by-case basis. Additionally, the Student Money
Management Center already established an emergency assistance loan
program.

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Vol. X, No. 1.
[14] E. L. Thorndike, “Handwriting,” Teachers College Record,
Vol. XI, No. 2; Stone, Arithmetical Abilities and Some of the
Factors Determining them.
[15] Quoted by Johnson in a monograph on “The Problem of
Adapting History to Children in the Elementary School,” Teachers
College Record, Vol. IX, p. 319.
[16] Teachers College Record, Vol. IX, pp. 319-320.
[17] “Stenographic Reports of High School Lessons,” Teachers
College Record, September, 1910, pp. 18-26.
[18] Baldwin, Industrial School Education. A most helpful
discussion of industrial work.
[19] W. S. Jackman, “The Relation of School Organization to
Instruction,” The Social Education Quarterly, Vol. I, pp. 55-69;
Scott, Social Education.
[20] Allen, Civics and Health, p. 53.
[21] Dewey, Moral Principles in Education.
[22] See chapter on Social Phases of the Recitation.
[23] Moral Training in the Public Schools, p. 41. The essay by
Charles Edward Rugh.
[24] Bagley, Classroom Management, Chapter XIV.
[25] See discussion of the study lesson, ante.
[26] McMurry, How to Study, Chapter III.
[27] See ante, Chapter XI.
[28] Adapted from a plan prepared by Lida B. Earhart, Ph.D., for
the author’s syllabus on Theory and Practice of Teaching.
[29] Some discussion of the course of study as an instrument in
supervision is given in the chapter on “The Teacher in Relation to
the Course of Study.”
[30] For a discussion of the doctrine of formal discipline, and for
bibliography, see Thorndike, Educational Psychology, 1903
edition, Chapter VIII; Heck, Mental Discipline.
[31] James E. Russell, “The School and Industrial Life,”
Educational Review, Vol. XXXVIII, pp. 433-450.
[32] E. L. Thorndike, “Handwriting,” Teachers College Record,
Vol. XI, No. 2.
[33] Cubberley, School Funds and their Apportionment; Elliott,
Fiscal Aspects of Education; Strayer, City School Expenditures.
[34] In proceeding to the part of the study that is necessarily
largely composed of tables, it may be well to state the position of
the author regarding the partial interpretations offered in
connection with the tables. It is that the entire tables give by far
the best basis for conclusions; that for a thorough comprehension
of the study they should be read quite as fully as any other part;
and that they should be regarded as the most important source of
information rather than the brief suggestive readings which are
liable to give erroneous impressions, both because of the
limitations of a single interpretation and the lack of space for
anything like full exposition.
[35] M = Median, which is the representation of central tendency
used throughout this study. It has the advantages over the
average of being more readily found, of being unambiguous, and
of giving less weight to extreme or erroneous cases.
[36] For reliability of measures of reasoning ability, see Appendix,
p. 100.
[37] As stated in Part I, p. 17, a score is arbitrarily set at one. The
fact that the zero point is unknown in both reasoning and
fundamentals makes these scores less amenable to ordinary
handling than they might at first thought seem. Hence, entire
distributions are either printed or placed on file at Teachers
College.
[38] For the data from which these calculations were made, see
first column of table XXI, p. 52, and the first columns of tables III
and IV, p. 21. The absence of known zero points makes such
computations inadvisable except in connection with the more
reliable evidence of the preceding table.
[39] And it is the opinion of the author that the chances are much
better that one would get a school with a superior product in
education.
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