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Antonio Scala (Eds.)
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Critical Information
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12th International Conference, CRITIS 2017
Lucca, Italy, October 8–13, 2017
Revised Selected Papers
123
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Critical Information
Infrastructures Security
12th International Conference, CRITIS 2017
Lucca, Italy, October 8–13, 2017
Revised Selected Papers
123
Editors
Gregorio D’Agostino Antonio Scala
ENEA “Casaccia” CNR - Institute for Complex Systems (ISC)
and Network of Networks - Netonets Rome, Italy
Rome, Italy
ISSN 0302-9743 ISSN 1611-3349 (electronic)

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Preface
This volume contains the papers presented at CRITIS 2017 – the 12th Inter-
national Conference on Critical Information Infrastructures Security held during
October 8–13, 2017, in Lucca.
CRITIS 2017 continued the tradition of presenting innovative research and
exploring new challenges in the field of critical (information) infrastructures protection
(C(I)IP) and fostering dialogue with stakeholders. CRITIS 2017 renewed efforts to
bring together researchers and professionals from academia, industry, and govern-
mental organizations working in the field of the security of critical (information)
infrastructure systems.
As in previous years, distinguished invited speakers and special events comple-
mented a program of original research contributions. According to the tradition, the
conference invited the different research communities and disciplines involved in the
C(I)IP space, and encouraged discussions and multi-disciplinary approaches to relevant
C(I)IP problems.
This 2017 edition of CRITIS was hosted in Lucca, Italy, by the IMT School for
Advanced Studies Lucca, an Italian public academic institution organized as a graduate
school and research center that focuses on the analysis of economic, social, techno-
logical, and cultural systems.
Two satellite workshops on energy security and on water security took place on the
closing days of the main conference.
Some specific innovations were introduced: beside the traditional sessions where
original works and significant improvements were presented, specific sessions devoted
to ongoing projects and operators took place. The “Projects Dissemination Session”
provided an opportunity for the dissemination of ongoing project results both at the
European and the Member States level for a total of 12 European and three Italian
projects. The operators session in this edition was limited to the ICT sector and was led
by TIM (the former Italian national telecommunication operator).
There were 63 papers submitted. Each submission was reviewed by at least two, and
on average 2.8, Program Committee members. The committee decided to accept 21 full
papers and four extended abstracts with a rejection rate of 67% ( 60% accounting
for the extended abstracts). Extended abstracts were selected among the 20 submissions
accepted for poster presentation.
Each accepted full paper was allowed a 20-min slot for oral presentation. The
program also included four keynote talks and one institutional talk; none of the invited
speakers contributed with a non- reviewed proceedings paper.
As in previous editions, CRITIS 2017 awarded three prizes to the best contribution
from young (<32 years) scientists. The winners were selected after a joint evaluation by
both the audience and the academic committee of the Young CRITIS Award (YCA).
CRITIS 2017 received the endorsement of the Presidency of the Italian Council of
Ministers (“patrocinio della Presidenza del Consiglio dei Ministri”) UCE F 735/2017.
VI Preface
The conference was organized by NetONets, a nonprofit organization fostering the

diffusion of interdisciplinary research, especially on complexity science and critical
infrastructures.
The organizers are indebted to IMT Lucca for providing the location of the con-
ference and for supporting the event in several different forms, among which were the
lodgings provided in the beautiful medieval complex of S. Francesco. We also thank
the IMT press office for their support.
We thank our communication chair, Alberto Tofani, for creating and maintaining
the conference’s website and registration services.
The conference organization benefited from the contributions of the program
co-chairs, Cristina Alcaraz and Grigore Havarneanu, of the poster co-chair, Fabiana
Zollo, of the Young CRITIS Award chairs, Bernhard M. Hämmerli and Marco
Santarelli, and of the CRITIS Steering Committee chairs, Bernhard M. Hämmerli,
Javier Lopez, and Stephen D. Wolthusen. We also thank the Program Committee and
all the experts who participated in the reviewing process.
The event was mainly sponsored by TIM with the secondary involvement of the
Kaspersky Lab; the YCA prize was supported by Res On Networks, an international
institute for research and development based in London.
The submission and reviewing process was performed through the EasyChair
platform.
November 2017 Gregorio D’Agostino

Antonio Scala
Organization
Program Committee
Cristina Alcaraz UMA
Marc Antoni International Union of Railways
Fabrizio Baiardi Dipartimento di informatica, Università di Pisa
Robin Bloomfield City, University of London, UK
Maria Cristina Brugnoli CNIT
Arslan Brömme GI Biometrics Special interest Group (BIOSIG)
Emiliano Casalicchio Blekinge Institute of Technology, Sweden
Simona Cavallini Fondazione Formit, Italy
Michal Choras ITTI Ltd.
Kris Christmann University of Huddersfield, UK
Gregorio D’Agostino ENEA
Myriam Dunn ETH Center for Security Studies Zurich, Switzerland
Mohamed Eid commissariat à l’enrgie atomique et aux energies
alternatives
Angelo Facchini IMT
Adrian Gheorghe Old Dominion University, USA
Dimitris Gritzalis Athens University of Economics and Business, Greece
Stefanos Gritzalis University of the Aegean, Greece
Bernhard Haemmerli Lucerne University of Applied Sciences and Arts,
Switzerland, and Acris GmbH
Chris Hankin Imperial College London, UK
Grigore M. Havarneanu International Union of Railways
Apiniti Jotisankasa Kasetsart University, Bangkok
Sokratis Katsikas Center for Cyber and Information Security, NTNU
Marieke Klaver TNO
Panayiotis Kotzanikolaou University of Piraeus, Greece
Rafal Kozik UTP Bydgoszcz, Poland
Boban Krsic DENIC eG
Elias Kyriakides University of Cyprus, Cyprus
Javier Lopez University of Malaga, Spain
Eric Luiijf TNO
Jose Marti The University of British Columbia, Canada
Richard Mcevoy NTNU, Norway and HPE Ltd.
Maddalen Mendizabal Tecnalia R&I
Iogor Nai Fovino Joint Research Centre
Aristotelis Naniopoulos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece
Hypatia Nassopoulos EIVP
Eiji Okamoto University of Tsukuba, Japan
VIII Organization
Gabriele Oliva University Campus Biomedico of Rome, Italy

Evangelos Ouzounis ENISA
Stefano Panzieri Roma Tre University, Italy
Alexander Paz-Cruz University of Nevada, Las Vegas, USA
Reinhard Posch UNC Charlotte
Erich Rome Fraunhofer
Vittorio Rosato ENEA
Brendan Ryan University of Nottingham
Andre Samberg TIEMS International Program Committee
Antonio Scala IMT, CNR, Italy
Maria Paola Scaparra The University of Kent, UK
Eric Schellekens ARCADIS
Roberto Setola University Campus Biomedico of Rome, Italy
George Stergiopoulos Athens University of Economics and Business, Greece
Nils Kalstad Svendsen Gjøvik University College, Norway
Dominique Sérafin CEA
André Teixeira Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands
Marianthi Theocharidou European Commission, Joint Research Centre
Alberto Tofani ENEA
William J. Tolone UNC Charlotte
Simona Louise Voronca Transelectrica - POLITEHNICA University Bucharest
René Willems Eindhoven University of Technology
Stephen D. Wolthusen Royal Holloway, University of London, UK
and Norwegian University of Science
and Technology, Norway
Christos Xenakis University of Piraeus, Greece
Jianying Zhou Singapore University of Technology and Design,
Singapore
Enrico Zio Politecnico di Milano, Italy
Fabiana Zollo University of Venice Ca’ Foscari, Italy
Urko Zurutuza Mondragon University, Spain
Inga Žutautaitė Lithuanian Energy Institute, Lithuania
Additional Reviewers
Kasse, Paraskevi
Lykou, Georgia
Lückerath, Daniel
Malatras, Apostolos
Mentzelioti, Despina
Mohammadi, Farnaz
Moulinos, Konstantinos
Virvilis, Nick
Xie, Jingquan
Contents
Resilience of Electrical Distribution Systems with Critical

Load Prioritization. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Zejun Yang and Jose R. Marti
Public Tolerance Levels of Transportation Resilience: A Focus

on the Oresund Region Within the IMPROVER Project. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Laura Petersen, Laure Fallou, Elisabete Carreira, and Andrei Utkin
Towards a Common Vocabulary for Crisis Management Scenarios . . . . . . . . 25

Jingquan Xie, Betim Sojeva, Erich Rome, and Daniel Lückerath
Analysis and Classification of Adaptation Tools for Transport Sector

Adaptation Planning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Georgia Lykou, George Iakovakis, George Chronis,
and Dimitris Gritzalis
Timing-Based Anomaly Detection in SCADA Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

Chih-Yuan Lin, Simin Nadjm-Tehrani, and Mikael Asplund
Operational Resilience Metrics for a Complex Electrical Network . . . . . . . . . 60

Alberto Tofani, Gregorio D’Agostino, Antonio Di Pietro,
Giacomo Onori, Maurizio Pollino, Silvio Alessandroni,
and Vittorio Rosato
The Influence of Load Characteristics on Early Warning Signs

in Power Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
Steffen O. P. Blume and Giovanni Sansavini
DMA Optimal Layout for Protection of Water Distribution Networks

from Malicious Attack . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84
Simeone Chianese, Armando Di Nardo, Michele Di Natale,
Carlo Giudicianni, Dino Musmarra,
and Giovanni Francesco Santonastaso
Role of Urban Interactions and Damage in Seismic Resilience

of Historical Centers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Anna Bozza, Domenico Asprone, Fulvio Parisi, and Gaetano Manfredi
Towards Blockchain-Based Collaborative Intrusion Detection Systems. . . . . . 107

Nikolaos Alexopoulos, Emmanouil Vasilomanolakis,
Natália Réka Ivánkó, and Max Mühlhäuser
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X Contents
Analysis of Cybersecurity Threats in Industry 4.0: The Case

of Intrusion Detection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Juan E. Rubio, Rodrigo Roman, and Javier Lopez
De-Synchronisation Attack Modelling in Real-Time Protocols Using Queue

Networks: Attacking the ISO/IEC 61850 Substation Automation Protocol . . . 131
James G. Wright and Stephen D. Wolthusen
Assessing Urban Rail Transit Systems Vulnerability:

Metrics vs. Interdiction Models. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
Stefano Starita, Annunziata Esposito Amideo,
and Maria Paola Scaparra
Automatically Generating Security Models from System Models

to Aid in the Evaluation of AMI Deployment Options . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Michael Rausch, Ken Keefe, Brett Feddersen, and William H. Sanders
A Gamified Approach to Participatory Modelling of Water System Risks. . . . 168

Alex Coletti, Antonio De Nicola, Giordano Vicoli,
and Maria Luisa Villani
Managing Gas and Electric Power Network Dependencies to secure

Energy Supply: Application to the UK System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Dominique Wassermann, Andrea Antenucci, and Giovanni Sansavini
What the Stack? On Memory Exploitation and Protection in Resource

Constrained Automotive Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Aljoscha Lautenbach, Magnus Almgren, and Tomas Olovsson
Dealing with Functional Safety Requirements for Automotive Systems:

A Cyber-Physical-Social Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
Mohamad Gharib, Paolo Lollini, Andrea Ceccarelli,
and Andrea Bondavalli
Side-Channel Based Intrusion Detection for Industrial Control Systems . . . . . 207

Pol Van Aubel, Kostas Papagiannopoulos, Łukasz Chmielewski,
and Christian Doerr
Security Evaluation of Cyber-Physical Systems Using Automatically

Generated Attack Trees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225
Laurens Lemaire, Jan Vossaert, Bart De Decker, and Vincent Naessens
Faulty or Malicious Anchor Detection Criteria

for Distance-Based Localization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
Federica Inderst, Gabriele Oliva, Stefano Panzieri,
Federica Pascucci, and Roberto Setola
Contents XI
One Step More: Automatic ICS Protocol Field Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

Yeop Chang, Seungoh Choi, Jeong-Han Yun, and SinKyu Kim
Motion Magnification for Urban Buildings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

Vincenzo Fioriti, Ivan Roselli, Angelo Tati, Roberto Romano,
and Gerardo De Canio
Reputation Systems to Mitigate DoS Attack in Vehicular Network . . . . . . . . 261

Gianpiero Costantino, Fabio Martinelli, and Ilaria Matteucci
On the Security of Aircraft Communication Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266

Paul Berthier, Corentin Bresteau, and José Fernandez
Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271

Resilience of Electrical Distribution Systems
with Critical Load Prioritization
Zejun Yang and Jose R. Marti(&)
The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada

{zyang,jrms}@ece.ubc.ca
Abstract. In the highly interdependent environment of a large city, failures in

the electrical distribution system can cause direct or indirect consequences to
other critical infrastructures and to the Human Well-being Level (HWL) of the
citizens. This paper discusses the electrical distribution system in terms of how
topological reconfiguration, together with prioritized system recovery can
maintain a high level of Human Well-being resilience during system failures.
The Infrastructure Interdependencies Simulator (i2SIM) is used to prioritize load
restoration and load shedding algorithms. To validate the proposed approach,
spanning tree search algorithms, load shedding schemes and optimization
methods are applied to find optimal restoration strategies on a standard IEEE 30-
node system and on a 70-node distribution system with critical loads.
Keywords: Electrical distribution system restoration i2SIM

Human Well-being Level Smart city resilience Load shedding
Spanning tree algorithms
1 Introduction
Society is strongly dependent on a resilient electricity supply to maintain its Human

Well-being Level (HWL) [1]. Electricity supply interruptions lead to direct conse-
quences for the HWL and will in general have an impact on other dependent critical
infrastructures, such as water supply, emergency services, and information and com-
munication technologies (ICT) [2]. For instance, in the Italian blackout of 2003,
unexpected failures of a power station caused the simultaneous shutdown of the tele-
communications and supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) network of the
power system; the failures in the tele-communications system, in turn, caused further
failures in the power supply network resulting in a large cascading event [3]. Another
example of such interdependencies-related event happened in the same year in the USA
[4]. In this event, smaller partial power system failures as well as computer and human
mistakes led to cascading effects that ultimately resulted in a large magnitude event.
These examples illustrate the need to consider critical infrastructure interdependencies
when assessing the whole system resilience.
The Human Well-being Level - Distribution System Restoration (HWL-DSR)
method proposed in this paper combines optimal topological reconfiguration with
system recovery according to the criticality of the loads.

G. D’Agostino and A. Scala (Eds.): CRITIS 2017, LNCS 10707, pp. 1–12, 2018.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99843-5_1
2 Z. Yang and J. R. Marti
A number of solutions including mixed integer non-linear programming [5, 6] and

heuristic search [7] have been proposed for the reconfiguration problem. However,
previous research [8–10] indicates that the Spanning Tree Search algorithm requires
less computing time and fewer operations of the reconfiguration switches.
Resilience oriented critical loads’ restoration has been proposed in [11, 12]. Gen-
erally, these approaches aim at measuring the adequacy of the electrical system to
supply the demand of electricity after the contingency. Alternatively, critical infras-
tructure interdependencies for DSR have been considered and analyzed, for example, in
[13–15]. The concept proposed here of Human Well-being Level (HWL) [1] considers
both the power system’s performance and performance of the other interdependent
networks, simultaneously.
The paper makes the following contributions:
• The concept of resilience using the HWL-DSR is proposed. The Infrastructures
Interdependencies Simulator (i2SIM) is used to establish the criticality of the loads’
restoration sequence;
• A Shortest Path Tree Search and a Hybrid Load Shedding Scheme are proposed to
minimize the number of switching operations while maximizing the HWL-DSR
resilience;
• The importance of considering the interdependencies in DSR is illustrated by
analyzing the results of two alternative optimization algorithms.
The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the problem
formulation and implementation procedure. Graph search schemes are described in
Sect. 3. Section 4 tests load shedding schemes and electrical constraints in the
MATPOWER simulation environment. i2SIM is introduced in Sect. 5 to take into
account the criticality of the loads. Section 6 presents simulation results using the
standard IEEE 30-node distribution system and a 70-node 4-feeder system together
with i2SIM. Conclusions and future work are presented in Sect. 7.
2 Problem Formulation
The resilience of the system of Critical Infrastructures (CI) considering the interde-
pendencies among these CI can be measured in terms of the Human Well-being
Table (HWT) [1]. The HWT is an example of the input-output HRT table concept [16]
that relates an output resource or index value to a series of inputs. Table 1 shows an
example of an HWT for some sample city. The output column y of the table gives the
level of well-being, which in this simple example depends on the availability of
electricity, water, services, and ICT. The least available resource determines the output
level. To bring the level of well-being to 50%, we first need to restore services to
14 hr/day. Then restoring electricity to 22 hr/day, services to 18 hr/day, and ICT to
12 hr/day will bring the well-being level to 75%.
In mathematical terms, the HWL is defined as a function of N-nonlinear, inde-
pendent eigenvectors, one for each human need, and its value is determined by the
output level that corresponds to the least available input resource, as follows,
Resilience of Electrical Distribution Systems with Critical Load Prioritization 3
Table 1. Human Well-being Table.
Human Well-being Table (HWT)

(HWL) (electricity) (water) (service) (ICT)
(%) (hr/day) (hr/day) (hr/day) (hr/day)
100 24 24 24 24
75 22 20 18 12
50 18 16 14 6
25 12 12 12 2
0 0 0 0 0
yn ¼ minðxn1 ; xn2 ; . . .; xnmax Þ ð1Þ
Resilience index (2) is a measure of for how long and by how much the HWL stays
below the “normal” value (100% in Table 1) before the system is restored.
PM
y Dtm
R¼ 0 n ð2Þ
tM t0
The better the restoration strategy, the less time the well-being level will stay below
the normal level and the higher the R value will be.
In this paper, the electrical distribution network is assumed to be radial and a
number of simultaneous faults are assumed (Fig. 1).
For the electrical service to be considered “available”, the electrical constraints of
operation need to be satisfied:
Vimin \Vi \Vimin ; i 2 I ð3Þ

min
I \jIl j\I max ; l 2 L ð4Þ
l l
2
P2f þ Q2f \ðSmax
f Þ ;f 2 F ð5Þ
R Resilience of the HWL for the N Total number of independent eigenvectors

restoration strategy (columns) of the HWL
yn Particular HWL value m m-th time step
t0 Initial time when contingency n n-th independent eigenvector (column) of
occurs the HWL
M Total number of time steps Dt Time step for each restoration process
tM Time when restoration process Vi Voltage at node i
completes
Il Current at line l Pf Active power injected into feeder m
Qf Reactive power injected into Smax
f Maximum capacity of feeder m
feeder m
I Set of all nodes L Set of all lines
F Set of all feeders
Start
Fault Occurrence
Substation Breaker Open Generate New Trees

that tries to connect all
the nodes with
Fault Isolation minimum weights Weight the Edges
Reconfiguration & Find Optimal

Substation Breaker Close Reconfiguration
Check the I2Sim

Electrical New Configuration
Constraints
Power Flow Hybrid Load

No
Calculation Shedding
Yes
Optimal Reconfiguration Calculate the HWL
Multiple Critical
Yes Repair Algorithms
nodes failed
No
End
Fig. 1. Interdependent- infrastructures Fig. 2. Flow chart of proposed algorithm

resilience index in terms of the Human
Well-being Level
In the paper, the following variables are defined:

The HWL-DSR algorithm follows these steps (Fig. 2):
1. Map the initial configuration of the distribution network into a graph G using an
adjacency matrix;
2. The failure locations are isolated by the remotely controlled switches (RCS) and the
status of the line switches is updated to G;
3. The optimal connection is found using a spanning tree search. The network
switches are opened or closed accordingly;
4. Power flow calculations are performed to check the electrical constraints (3)–(5),
using the MATPOWER toolbox in MATLAB;
5. If there are no electrical constraints violations, a candidate post-contingency
reconfiguration is obtained; otherwise, a load shedding scheme is applied;
6. If the number of faults is larger than the number of repair crews, prioritization of
repair is applied, according to i2SIM. After all faults are repaired, the HWL returns
to the normal state.
To simplify the problem, the following assumptions are made:

1. A balanced three-phase network is considered; hence the system is represented by
single-phase circuit;
2. Repairing time for per crew is constant for each fault removal;
3. Load demands are constant during restoration period;
4. Each branch and bus is equipped with a remotely controlled switch and optimal
allocation of a limited number of switches is not considered in this paper.
3 Graph Search Schemes
Using graph theory, we can map each bus and each branch in the electrical distribution
system into a vertex and an edge. The system can then be represented as a graph G (V,
E) using a sparse adjacency matrix. The reconfiguration of the distribution system is
essentially the reconnection of the graph G (V, E).
Distribution systems are normally operated in radial configurations [17], with the
primary substation in the root node and all other nodes connected without loops. The
resulting structures correspond to spanning trees in graph theory, containing all the
vertices without any loops [18]. Compared with mixed integer non-linear programming
and heuristic searches, the spanning tree search requires fewer switches’ commutations
and less computational time [9]. For a multi-feeder system, the tree graph can be
viewed as a forest (a graph with more than one tree). If all the roots of the trees can be
centralized and viewed as one main root, as in [9], then the multi-feeder system
optimization problem can be reduced into a single feeder problem.
When a fault occurs, the circuit breaker at the primary substation of the faulted
feeder will disconnect the supply to the feeder and all loads in the feeder will stop being
supplied. If reclosing is unsuccessful, the substation breaker will stay open until the
fault is isolated. With the substation breaker open, sectionalizing breakers along the
feeder can be opened to isolate the faulted section. The substation breaker can then be
reclosed and supply can be restored to the loads upstream from the faulted section
towards the substation. If next the normally-open tie switches between feeders are
closed, the downstream feeder load can be fed from a different primary substation.
Spanning tree search schemes can be used to restore most of the load without violating
electrical constraints. The distribution system is required to maintain a radial structure
during the reconfiguration process.
Two different search schemes were tested in this work: (a) The Minimum Spanning
Tree (MST) Search, and (b) The Shortest Path Problem.
The minimum spanning tree search aims at connecting all nodes in such a way as to
achieve the least total weight in a connected graph, following Prim’s algorithm [19].
Certain edges can be weighted so as to force the structure of the tree. For example, we
can assign a higher weight to a line with normally open switches, which reduces the
possibility of electrical and operational violations.
The shortest path problem aims at finding a path between two nodes (or vertices) in
a graph such that the summation of the weights of its candidate path is minimized [20].
A Shortest Path Tree (SPT), rooted at a specific vertex, is a spanning tree T of G.

This tree ensures that the path distance from root to any other vertex in T is the shortest.
The original SPT is modified in our strategy according to the criticality of the vertices.
The nodes connected to critical infrastructures, such as hospitals, water stations, ICT-
network, etc., are defined as critical nodes. In contrast, those with low criticality, such
as most of the residential, commercial and industrial loads, are pre-defined as non-
critical nodes.
In this paper, instead of searching for all equally-weighted vertices in the shortest
fashion, the SPT searches for the critical nodes at the beginning. This presents two
advantages: it prevents the supply of the critical loads from being shed and, at the same
time, it reduces the computational time.
4 Load Shedding Schemes
During faults, load shedding schemes are needed to maintain the electrical operating
limits. There are typically two load shedding approaches: load curtailment and pruning.
Load Curtailment is characterized by the ability to alter the amount of electrical
power consumed by a specific load bus [21]. This traditional approach seeks to opti-
mize the power flow so that load and generation match precisely, and prevents elec-
trical violations (3)–(5) as well as transient voltage stability conditions. If electrical
violations occur at critical loads, non-critical loads should be curtailed. This paper adds
a fast voltage stability index from [22] to determine the sequence of curtailment of non-
critical loads. This strategy helps to preserve the critical loads and eliminate the
unstable lines.
However, this approach requires extra network reconfiguration switches, with
corresponding additional capital costs to install these breakers, and additional opera-
tions for each breaker, with a corresponding increase in breaker wear, malfunctioning,
and deceased reliability [23].
We propose a hybrid load shedding scheme that combines load curtailment and
pruning (Fig. 3). Pruning alone aims at isolating functional sections of the power
system so that a contingency does not cascade [24] and avoids violations from
reconfiguration. The required switching operations are comparatively lower than with
the load curtailment approach. However, the disadvantage is that critical load preser-
vation may not be guaranteed if there is not an adequate placement of the pruned buses.
In our proposed hybrid scheme, the system always tries to remove the leaf nodes
first (nodes with degree one) until all remaining leaf nodes are critical nodes. Then load
curtailment is performed. This results in reduced switching operations while preserving
the critical loads.
5 The Infrastructure Interdependencies Simulator (i2SIM)
i2SIM [16] is a tool for modelling interdependencies among complex critical infras-
tructures. In this work, i2SIM is used to determine the sequence in which critical loads
must be restored (if required) after the topological reconfiguration is achieved. Two
different optimization methodologies are tested, a global optimization algorithm

(GOA) and a greedy algorithm.
The GOA tries to maximize the resilience for the entire time line of the event, while
the Greedy Algorithm chooses what appears to be the optimal immediate choice at
every moment [25]. The computational complexity for GOA increases exponentially
with the number of critical loads as well as with the number of vertices and edges in the
graph. However, since there is a low possibility of there being a large number of
unsupplied critical nodes [26], and this possibility is further reduced by load recon-
figuration, it is possible to simplify the GOA algorithm as follows:
• Not all critical nodes are considered in the GOA;
• Multiple critical nodes with no faults between them are viewed as one group and
these nodes are restored simultaneously;
• Critical nodes of the same type, or nodes within a certain area, can be categorized
into one group.
6 Test Cases and Simulation Results
In this section, the proposed reconfiguration strategy is applied to two systems: (a) an
IEEE 33-bus one-feeder system to validate the reconfiguration scheme, and (b) a 70-
bus four-feeder system that illustrates the importance of infrastructure interdependen-
cies in recovering the Human Wellness Level.
Multiple line faults and multiple critical nodes are generated for each test system.
The computational tasks are performed on a personal computer with an Intel Core i5
Processor (2.66 GHz) and 8-GB of RAM.
6.1 Test System A—IEEE 33-Bus System

This test uses the IEEE 33-bus 12.66 kV radial distribution system, with 5 tie switches.
The specific data, including active loads, reactive loads, branch impedances, etc. are
identical with [27]. Two scenarios, with different fault locations and optimization
methodologies, are studied:
Scenario (1) Validation of the Proposed Reconfiguration Scheme. The proposed
reconfiguration scheme using the MST search, without a load shedding scheme and
without i2SIM, is compared with case 3) of test system A of [13]. The results, using the
methodology in this paper and the methodology of [13], present identical profiles,
including loads, branches, fault locations (line 5–6, 8–9, 3–23, and 15–16), critical load
locations (node 5, 11, 3, 15, 19, 21, 26, 28, and 29). The results are also almost
identical regarding the total weighted and supplied active load after reconfiguration:
83.62% for our result and 83.42% for [13]’s, respectively. These results validate our
basic reconfiguration scheme (Fig. 4).
Scenario (2) Validation of the Hybrid Load Shedding Scheme and the Spanning
Tree Search Algorithm. In this scenario, in order to make the results more obvious,
we assign the critical load busses (16, 17, 18, 29, 30, and 32) far away from the root
Fig. 3. Demonstration of hybrid load shedding Fig. 4. Initial configuration of IEEE

33-Bus System
Table 2. Comparison of reconfiguration solutions

Load Pruning Hybrid load Hybrid load
curtailment with MST shedding with shedding with
with MST [9] MST SPT
Critical load 100 67.9 100 100
preservation
(%)
Shed load (kW) 3027.9 1975.1 3018.7 2920.2
Number of 28 8 22 17
switch
operations*
Minimum nodal 0.9021 0.9024 0.9050 0.9099
voltage (pu)
*Every single tie, sectionalizing and curtailment switch operation accounts in the total number of
switch operations
node, we set one failure location (line 2–3) close to the root node, and we include an
extra line (line 16–17) between the critical nodes.
The results from Table 2 are based on four different reconfiguration methodologies.
For the more severe scenario, the pruning scheme with MST cannot preserve the
critical loads, although it has the lowest amount of shedded loads and switching
operations. The rest of the three methodologies are capable of preserving the critical
loads with almost the same amount of shedded loads. The hybrid load shedding with
SPT has the best performance in terms of the least number of switching operations, and
will be the strategy adopted for improving the Human Wellness Level.
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Residential Residential Residential Residential Residential Residential
11 12 18 38 58 62
ICT 1
Hospital 1 Hospital 2
ICT
Master
Water Water
Station 1 Station 2
Electricity Supply
Communication
Water Supply ICT 2
Fig. 5. Scenario (4) i2SIM interdependencies Fig. 6. 70-node radial distribution of

Scenario (3)
6.2 Test System B - 70-Node System

This system is an 11-kV radial distribution system with two substations, 4 feeders, 70
nodes, and 78 branches (including 11 normally open tie switches) [28], as shown in
Fig. 6. In this case, we assume there are 6 critical nodes (12, 18, 27, 38, 58, and 62) and
that a severe natural disaster causes 30 failure locations on different lines selected
randomly. We consider two cases: (a) Without i2SIM (Scenario 3), and (b) With i2SIM
(Scenario 4). The scenario without i2SIM corresponds to the “standard” reconfiguration
strategies. The result is that not all critical loads get reconnected, that is, no tie switches
can help the restoration of some of the critical loads. The scenario with i2SIM includes
6 critical interdependent nodes, including 2 hospitals, 2 water stations, 2 ICT agents, 1
ICT master agent, and 6 residential loads. With respect to Table 1, yn represents the
availability of each infrastructure. This system is shown in Fig. 5.
Two optimization methodologies (Global and Greedy) are tested.
In the GOA methodology, the electricity supply is set as the only input (binary) to
i2SIM, i.e. the status of each supply node is 1 or 0, and a binary number can be used for
the node status. For example, given five critical nodes 01000 indicates that the second
critical node has service “on”.
Each binary status of the node supplying electricity is transferred into a decimal
number before implementing the shortest path algorithm to find the global optimal
operation sequences. The simplified scheme is as described in Sect. 4, that is, the
adjacent critical nodes (11, 12) are regarded as one variable. Figure 7 gives the repair
sequence (2–3–4–5–1) for each failure location to prioritize the post-contingency
response when emergency crews are limited.
3 11011
11111
1
11010
11110 GOA
2
01011
0.8 Greedy Algorithm

01010 01111
11001
01110
1 11101
11000 10011
10010
11100 10111 0.6
01001
0
10110
HWL
01101
01000 00011
01100 00111
0.4
-1 10001 00010
10000 00110
10101
-2
10100
0.2
00001
00101
00000
-3 00100
0
0 1 2 3 4
-4 Time (hour)
-4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4
Fig. 7. Results of simplified critical-node Fig. 8. HWL results for GOA and
repairing sequence from i2SIM based on greedy algorithm
GOA
For comparison, a greedy algorithm was also implemented to find the local optimal
solution. The outputs from the HWL in i2SIM are shown in Fig. 8 throughout the
recovery process. The global optimized repair sequence with i2SIM has the highest
overall resilience index, which validates our proposed strategy (Fig. 8).
50 40
Results from Greedy Algorithm
40
30
Results from GOA
30
20
20
10
10
0 0
0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2
Distribution of Resilience Indices Distribution of Resilience Indices
Fig. 9. Results of objective R from two optimization algorithms
Randomly Distributed Failure Locations. To test the effect of the fault location on
the optimization results, the failure locations are randomly selected for 200 different
cases. The Gaussian distribution results of the resilience objective R are shown in
Fig. 9. The mean values for the GOA and Greedy Algorithms are 0.7211 and 0.6439,
respectively. This result validates that for the interdependent DSR, the GOA enhances
the resilience of the HWL better than the greedy algorithm.
7 Conclusion and Future Work
The proposed strategy for Human Well-being Level based Distribution System
Restoration (HWL-DSR) combines a shortest path tree search algorithm and a priority-
load load-shedding scheme, scheduled by i2SIM, to find an optimal distribution
reconfiguration and restoration sequence that maximizes the availability of the most
critical loads without electrical system violations. By using the HWL table, the pro-
posed solution maximizes the Human Well-being resilience. The proposed framework
can be applied both for long term planning and for optimal fast response during
extreme contingencies.
The study cases assume radiality of the distribution system network, which is the
most common scheme in current electrical distribution systems (DS). As technology
improves, smart DS of the future will incorporate islanded sub-regions and mesh
schemes. Further work is needed to extend this work for more complex interdependent
schemes.
The paper assumes that the load demand and the generation are constant during the
restoration period. A more accurate scenario will have to consider the variability of the
load during the daily cycle, as well as the effect of the intermittence of the renewable
energy sources (e.g., wind and solar).
In current electrical distribution systems, not all load nodes are equipped with
remotely-controlled disconnect switches, and many of these switches have to be
operated manually. This brings about the additional dimension of optimizing the repair
crew transportation time needed to open or close the disconnect switches.
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Public Tolerance Levels of Transportation
Resilience: A Focus on the Oresund Region
Within the IMPROVER Project
Laura Petersen1(&), Laure Fallou1, Elisabete Carreira2,

and Andrei Utkin2
1
EMSC, Arpajon, France
{petersen,fallou}@emsc-csem.com
2
INOV, Lisbon, Portugal
[email protected]
Abstract. Maintaining a minimum level of service and recovering quickly after

a crisis event are key components of infrastructure resilience. While no con-
sensus exists on the precise meaning of these two terms, one way to measure
them is to examine public tolerances of service levels and recovery time.
However, few studies have empirically investigated public tolerance levels. This
paper sets out to address this gap by examining Swedish public tolerance levels
of the transportation sector through the use of an online questionnaire and
comparing the results to the change in habits following the change in service of
the Oresund Crossing due to the implementation of border controls in 2016 in
response to the migrant crisis. The findings suggest that the public are willing to
tolerate service reductions. Furthermore, declared expectations are well reflected
in the habits of Oresund Crossing users, demonstrating the resilience of citizens
in crisis situations.
Keywords: Resilience Infrastructure Public tolerance
1 Introduction
Maintaining a minimum level of service and recovering quickly after a crisis event are
key components of infrastructure resilience. While no consensus exists on the precise
meaning of these two terms, one way to measure them is to examine public expecta-
tions of service levels and recovery time. While research often points to an “expectation
gap” between what the public expect and what operators are capable of [1, 2], few
studies have empirically investigated these aspects. The EU Horizon 2020 project
IMPROVER (Improved risk evaluation and implementation of resilience concepts to
critical infrastructure), makes use of Living Labs, or clustered regions of different types
of infrastructure which provide specific services to a city or region. One such Living
Lab is the Oresund region. This paper discusses the above expectation gap by exam-
ining Swedish public tolerance levels of the transportation sector through the use of an
online questionnaire. The obtained results were then compared to the changes in
population habits caused by an alternation in the Oresund Crossing service due to the

G. D’Agostino and A. Scala (Eds.): CRITIS 2017, LNCS 10707, pp. 13–24, 2018.
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99843-5_2
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No doubt Aziru preferred to keep his peace with the Hittites the
most secure, for it was obvious that they were the rising people; but
at the same time he did not yet dare to show any hostility to Egypt,
whose armies might at any moment be launched across the
Mediterranean. Unable to hold a position of independence, he now
thought it most prudent to allow the northmen to swarm southwards
through his dominions, from Amki over and around the Lebanon to
Kadesh, where their ally Itakama dwelt. In return for this assistance
he seems to have been allowed a free hand in the forwarding of his
own interests, and we now find him turning his attention to the sea-
coast cities of Simyra and Byblos, which nestled at the western foot
of the Lebanon. Here, however, he received a check, and failed to
obtain a footing. He therefore marched eastwards to the city of Niy,
which he captured, slaying its king; and both to the Hittites and to
the Egyptians he seems to have pretended that he had taken this
step in their interests.
On hearing of the fall of this city the governor of Tunip wrote a
pathetic appeal to Akhnaton, asking for help; for he was now quite
isolated, and he knew that Aziru was a free-lance who cared not a
jot for any but his own welfare.
“To the King of Egypt, my lord,” runs the letter. “The inhabitants of
Tunip, thy servant. May it be well with thee, and at the feet of our lord we
fall. My lord, Tunip, thy servant, speaks, saying: Who formerly could have
plundered Tunip without being plundered by Thothmes III.? The gods ...
of the King of Egypt, my lord, dwell in Tunip. May our lord ask his old men
[if it be not so.] Now, however, we belong no more to our lord, the King of
Egypt.... If his soldiers and chariots come too late, Aziru will make us like
the city of Niy. If, however, we have to mourn, then the King of Egypt will
mourn over these things which Aziru has done, for he will turn his hand
against our lord. And when Aziru enters Simyra Aziru will do to us as he
pleases, in the territory of our lord the King, and on account of these
things our lord will have to lament. And now Tunip, thy city, weeps, and
her tears are flowing, and there is no help for us. For twenty years we
have been sending to our lord the King, the King of Egypt, but there has
not come to us a word—no, not one.”
Several points become apparent from this letter. One sees that in the
more distant cities of Syria the significance of Akhnaton’s new
religion was not understood. The governor of Tunip refers to the old
gods of Egypt worshipped in that town, and he knows not, or cannot
be brought to believe, that Akhnaton has become a monotheist. One
sees that the memory of the terrible Thothmes III. and his victorious
armies was still in men’s minds, and was probably one of the main
causes of the long-continued peace in Syria. Akhnaton’s father,
Amonhotep III., had not concerned himself greatly with regard to his
foreign dominions, and, as the people of Tunip had been asking for
assistance for twenty years, it would seem that the danger which
now beset them was already feared before that Pharaoh’s death.
Letter from Ribaddi to the King of Egypt, reporting the progress of the rebellion
under Aziru.
(British Museum, No. 29,801.)
How, one asks, could Akhnaton read such a letter as this, and yet
refuse to send a relieving army to Syria? Byblos and Simyra were still
loyally holding out; and troops disembarked at these ports could
speedily be marched inland to Tunip, could crush Hakama at Kadesh,
and could frighten Aziru into giving real assistance to Dushratta and
other loyal kings in holding the Hittites back behind the Amanus
Mountains. But this was Akhnaton’s Gethsemane, if one may say so
with reverence; and like that greater Teacher who, thirteen hundred
years later, was to preach the self-same doctrine of personal
sacrifice, one may suppose that the Pharaoh suffered a very Agony
as he realised that his principles were leading him to the loss of all
his dearest possessions. His restless generals in Egypt, eager to
march into Syria, must have brought every argument to bear upon
him; but the boy would not now turn back. “Put up thy sword into
his place,” he seems to have said; “for all they that take the sword
shall perish with the sword.”
4. THE FIGHTING IN SYRIA BECOMES GENERAL.
At this time the King of Byblos was one named Ribaddi, a fine old
soldier who was loyal to Egypt in his every thought and deed. He
wrote to Akhnaton urging him to send troops to relieve the garrison
of Simyra, upon which Aziru was again pressing close; for if Simyra
fell, he knew that Byblos could not for long hold out. Presently we
find that Zimrida, the king of the neighbouring port of Sidon, has
opened his gates to Aziru, and has marched with him against Tyre.
Abimilki, the King of Tyre, at once wrote to Akhnaton asking for
assistance; but on receiving no reply he, too, appears to have
thrown in his lot with Aziru. Ribaddi was now quite isolated at
Byblos; and from the beleaguered city he wrote to the Pharaoh
telling him that “Simyra is like a bird in a snare.” Akhnaton made no
reply; and in a short time Ribaddi wrote again, saying, “Simyra, your
fortress, is now in the power of the Khabiri.”
These Khabiri were the Beduin from behind Palestine, who were
being used as mercenaries by Aziru, and who themselves were
making small conquest in the south on their own behalf. Thus the
southern cities of Megiddo, Askalon, Gezer, and others, write to the
Pharaoh asking for aid against them. Exasperated, however, by
Akhnaton’s inaction, Askalon and Gezer, together with the city of
Lachish, threw off the Egyptian yoke and attacked Jerusalem, which
was still loyal to Egypt, being held by an officer named Abdkhiba.
This loyal soldier at once sent a despatch to Akhnaton, part of which
read as follows:—
The King’s whole land, which has begun hostilities with me, will be lost.
Behold the territory of Seir, as far as Carmel, its princes are wholly lost;
and hostility prevails against me.... As long as ships were upon the sea
the strong arm of the King occupied Naharin and Kash, but now the
Khabiri are occupying the King’s cities. There remains not one prince to
my lord, the King; every one is ruined.... Let the King take care of his
land, and ... let him send troops.... For if no troops come in this year, the
whole territory of my lord the King will perish.... If there are no troops in
this year, let the King send his officer to fetch me and my brothers, that
we may die with our lord, the King.
To this letter the writer added a postscript addressed to

Akhnaton’s secretary, with whom he was evidently acquainted.
“Bring these words plainly before my lord the King,” runs this
pathetic appeal. “The whole land of my lord, the King, is going to
ruin.”
The letters sent to Akhnaton from the few princes who remained
loyal form a collection which even now moves the reader. To
Akhnaton they must have been so many sword-thrusts, and one may
picture him praying passionately for strength to set them aside. Soon
it would seem that the secretaries hardly troubled to show them to
him; and ultimately they were so effectually pigeon-holed that they
have only recently been discovered. The Pharaoh permitted himself
to answer some of them, and seems to have asked questions as to
the state of affairs; but never does he offer any encouragement.
Lapaya, one of the princes of the south, who had evidently received
a communication from Akhnaton in which his fidelity was
questioned, wrote saying that if the Pharaoh ordered him to drive a
sword of bronze into his heart he would do so. It is a commentary
upon the veracity of the Oriental that in subsequent letters this
prince is stated to have attacked Megiddo, and ultimately to have
been slain while fighting against the Egyptian loyalists.
Addudaian, a king of some unknown city of south Judea,
acknowledges the receipt of a letter from Akhnaton in which he was
asked to remain loyal; and he complains, in reply, of the loss of
various possessions. Dagantakala, the king of another city, writes
imploring the Pharaoh to rescue him from the Khabiri. Ninur, a queen
of a part of Judea, who calls herself Akhnaton’s handmaid, entreats
the Pharaoh to save her, and records the capture of one of her cities
by the Khabiri.
And so the letters run on, each telling of some disaster to the
Egyptian cause, and each voicing the bitter complaint of those who
were being sacrificed to the principles of a king who had grasped the
meaning of civilisation too soon.
5. AZIRU AND RIBADDI FIGHT TO A FINISH.
Meanwhile Ribaddi was holding Byblos valiantly against Aziru’s

armies, and many were the despatches which he sent to Akhnaton
asking for assistance against Aziru. Nothing could have been easier
than the despatch of a few hundred men across the Mediterranean
to the beleaguered port, and the number which Ribaddi asks for is
absurdly small. Akhnaton, however, would not send a single man,
but instead wrote a letter of gentle rebuke to Aziru, telling him to
come to the City of the Horizon to explain his conduct. Aziru wrote
at once to one of Akhnaton’s courtiers who was his friend, telling
him to speak to the Pharaoh and to set matters right.
He explained that he could not leave Syria at that time, for he
must remain to defend Tunip against the Hittites. The reader, who
has seen the letter written by the governor of Tunip asking for help
against Aziru, will realise the perfidy of this Amorite, who was now,
no doubt, preparing to capture Tunip for the sake of its riches, and,
having done so, would tell Akhnaton that he had entered it to hold it
against the Hittites.
Akhnaton then wrote to Aziru insisting that he should rebuild the
city of Simyra, which he had destroyed; but Aziru again replied that
he was too busy in defending Egyptian interests against the inroads
of the Hittites to give his attention to this matter for at least a year.
To this Akhnaton sent a mild reply; but Aziru, fearing that the letter
might contain some matter which it would be better for him not to
hear, contrived to evade the messenger, and the despatch was
brought back to Egypt. He wrote to the Pharaoh, however, saying
that he would see to it that the cities captured by him should
continue to pay tribute as usual to Egypt.
The tribute seems to have reached the City of the Horizon in
correct manner until the last years of the reign,[77] though probably
it was much less in quantity than had been customary. There was
general confusion in Syria, as we have seen; but, as in the case of
the struggle between Aziru and Ribaddi, where both professed their
loyalty to Egypt, so, in all the chaos, there was a make-believe
fidelity to the Pharaoh. The tribute was thus paid each year by a
large number of cities, and it was probably not till the seventeenth
and last year of Akhnaton’s reign that this pretence of loyalty was
altogether discarded.
In desperate straits at Byblos, Ribaddi made a perilous journey to
the neighbouring city of Beyrût in order to attempt to collect
reinforcements. No sooner had he left, however, than an insurrection
occurred at Byblos, and Ribaddi paid for his loyalty to Egypt by
losing the support of his own subjects. Presently Beyrût surrendered
to Aziru, and Ribaddi was forced to fly. After many an adventure the
stout old king managed to regain control of Byblos, and to set about
the further defence of the city.
Meanwhile Aziru had paid a rapid visit to Egypt, partly to justify his
conduct and partly, no doubt, to ascertain the condition of affairs on
the Nile. With Oriental cunning he managed to satisfy Akhnaton that
his intentions were not hostile to Egypt, and so returned to the
Lebanon. Ribaddi, hearing of this, at once sent his son to the City of
the Horizon to expose Aziru’s perfidy and to plead for assistance
against him. At the same time he wrote to Akhnaton a pathetic
account of his misfortunes. Four members of his family had been
taken prisoners; his brother was constantly conspiring against him;
old age and disease pressed heavily upon him. All his possessions
had been taken from him, all his lands devastated; he had been
reduced by famine and the privations of a long siege to a state of
utter destitution, and he could not much longer hold out. “The gods
of Byblos,” he writes, “are angry with me and sore displeased; for I
have sinned against the gods, and therefore I do not come before
my lord the King.” Was his sin, one wonders, the adoption for a
while of Akhnaton’s faith? To this communication Akhnaton seems to
have made no reply.
6. AKHNATON CONTINUES TO REFUSE TO SEND HELP.
The messengers who arrived at the City of the Horizon of Aton,

dusty and travel-stained, to deliver the many letters asking for help,
must have despaired indeed when they observed the manner in
which the news was received. Hateful to these hardy soldiers of the
empire were the fine quays at which their galleys moored; hateful
the fair villas and shaded avenues of the city; and thrice hateful the
rolling hymns to the Aton which came to them from the temple halls
as they hurried to the Pharaoh’s palace. The townspeople smiled at
their haste in this city of dreams; the court officials delayed the
delivery of their letters, scoffing at the idea of urgency in the affairs
of Asia; and finally these wretched documents, written—if ever
letters were so written—with blood and with tears, were pigeon-
holed in the city archives and utterly forgotten save by Akhnaton
himself. Instead of the brave music of the drums and bugles of the
relieving army which these messengers had hoped to muster, there
rang in their maddened ears only the ceaseless chants of the priestly
ceremonies and the pattering love-songs of private festivals. Newly
come from the sweat and the labour of the road, their brains still
racked with the horror of war and yet burning with the vast hopes of
empire, they looked with scorn at the luxury of Egypt’s new capital,
and heard with disgust the dainty tales of the flowers. The lean, sad-
eyed Pharaoh, with his crooked head and his stooping shoulders,
would speak only of his God; and, clad in simple clothes unrelieved
by a single jewel, there was nothing martial in his appearance to
give them hope. From the beleaguered cities which they had so
lately left there came to them the bitter cry for succour; and it was
not possible to drown that cry in words of peace, nor in the jangle of
the systrum or the warbling of the pipes. Who, thought the waiting
messengers, could resist that piteous call: “Thy city weeps, and her
tears are flowing”? Who could sit idle in the City of the Horizon when
the proud empire, won with the blood of the noblest soldiers of the
great Thothmes, was breaking up before their eyes? What mattered
all the philosophies in the world, and all the gods in heaven, when
Egypt’s great dominions were being wrested from her? The splendid
Lebanon, the white kingdoms of the sea, Askalon and Ashdod, Tyre
and Sidon, Simyra and Byblos, the hills of Jerusalem, Kadesh and the
great Orontes, the fair Jordan, Tunip, Aleppo, the distant
Euphrates.... What counted a creed against these? God? The truth?
The only god was He of the Battles, who had led Egypt into Syria;
the only truth the doctrine of the sword, which had held her there
for so many years.
Looking back across these thirty-two centuries, can one yet say
whether the Pharaoh was in the right, or whether his soldiers were
the better minded? On the one hand there is culture, refinement,
love, thought, prayer, goodwill, and peace; on the other hand,
power, might, health, hardihood, bravery, and struggle. One knows
that Akhnaton’s theories were the more civilised, the more ideal; but
is there not a pulse which stirs in sympathy with those who were
holding the citadels of Asia? We can give our approval to the ideals
of the young king, but we cannot see his empire fall without bitterly
blaming him for the disaster. Yet in passing judgment, in calling the
boy to account for the loss of Syria, there is the consciousness that
above our tribunal sits a judge to whom war must assuredly be
abhorrent, and in whose eyes the struggle of the nations must
utterly lack its drama. Thus, even now, Akhnaton eludes our
criticism, and but raises once more that eternal question which as
yet has no answer.
7. AKHNATON’S HEALTH GIVES WAY.
It is possible that the Pharaoh now realised his position, and one
may suppose that he tried as best he could to pacify the turbulent
princes by all the arts of diplomacy. It does not seem, however, that
he yet fully appreciated the catastrophe which was now almost
inevitable—the complete loss of Syria. He could not bring himself to
believe that the princes of that country would play him false; and he
could have had no idea that he was being so entirely fooled by such
men as Aziru. But when at last the tribute ceased to come in
regularly, then, too late, he knew that disaster was upon him.
The thoughts which now must have held sway in his mind could
not have failed to carry him down the dark steps of depression to
the very pit of despair, and one may picture him daily cast prone
upon the floor before the high altar of the Aton, and nightly tossing
sleepless upon his royal bed. It seems that he had placed great
reliance upon a certain official, named Bikhuru, who was acting as
Egyptian commissioner in Palestine; but now it is probable that he
received news of that unfortunate personage’s flight, and later of his
murder.[78] Then came the report that Byblos had fallen, and one is
led to suppose that that truly noble soldier Ribaddi did not survive
the fall of the city which he had so tenaciously held. The news of the
surrender of other important Egyptian strongholds followed rapidly,
and still there came the pathetic appeal for help from the minor
posts which yet held out.
Akhnaton was now about twenty-eight years of age, and already
the cares of the whole world seemed to rest upon his shoulders.
Lean and lank was his body; his face was thin and lined with worry;
and in his eye one might, perhaps, have seen that hunted look
which comes to those who are dogged by disaster. It is probable
that he now suffered acutely from the distressing malady to which
he was a victim, and there must have been times when he felt
himself upon the verge of madness. His misshapen skull came nigh
to bursting with the full thoughts of his aching brain, and the sad
knowledge that he had failed must have pressed upon his mind like
some unrelenting finger. The invocations to the Aton which rang in
his head made confusion with the cry of Syria. Now he listened to
the voices of his choirs lauding the sweetness of life; and now,
breaking in upon the chant, did he not hear the solemn voices of his
fathers calling to him from the Hills of the West to give account of
his stewardship? Could he then find solace in trees and in flowers?
Could he cry “Peace” when there was red tumult in his brain?
His moods at this time must have given cause for the greatest
alarm, and his behaviour was, no doubt, sufficiently erratic to render
even those nobles who had so blindly followed him mistrustful of
their leader. In a frenzy of zeal in the adoration of the Aton,
Akhnaton now gave orders that the name of all other gods should
suffer the same fate as that of Amon, and should be erased from
every inscription throughout the land. This order was never fully
carried out; but one may still see in the temples of Karnak, Medinet
Habu, and elsewhere, and upon many lesser monuments, the chisel
marks which have partially blurred out the names of Ptah, Hathor,
and other deities, and have obliterated the offending word “gods.”
The consternation which this action must have caused was almost
sufficient to bring about a revolution in the provinces, where the old
gods were still dearly loved by the people. The erasing of the name
of Amon had been, after all, a direct war upon a certain priesthood,
and did not very materially affect any other localities than that of
Thebes. But the suppression of the numerous priesthoods of the
many deities who held sway throughout Egypt threw into disorder
the whole country, and struck at the heart not of one but of a
hundred cities. Was the kindly old artificer Ptah, with his hammer
and his chisel, to be tumbled into empty space? Was the beautiful,
the gracious Hathor—the Venus of the Nile—to be thrown down from
her celestial seat? Was it possible to banish Khnum, the goat-headed
potter who lived in the caves of the Cataract, from the life of the city
of Elephantine; the mysterious jackal Wepwat from the hearts of the
men of Abydos; or the ancient crocodile Sebek from the ships and
the fields of Ombos? Every town had its local god, and every god its
priesthood; and surely the Pharaoh was mad who attempted to
make war upon these legions of heaven. This Aton, whom the king
called upon them to worship, was so remote, so infinitely above their
heads. Aton did not sit with them at their hearth-side to watch the
kettle boil; Aton did not play a sweet-toned flute amongst the reeds
of the river; Aton did not bring a fairy gift to the new-born babe.
Where was the sacred tree in whose branches one might hope to
see him seated?—where was the eddy of the Nile in which he loved
to bathe?—and where was the rock at whose foot one might place,
as a fond offering, a bowl of milk? The people loved their old gods,
whose simple ways, kind hearts, and quick tempers made them
understandable to mortal minds. But a god who reigned alone in
solitary isolation, who, more remote even than the Jehovah of the
Hebrews, rode not upon the clouds nor moved upon the wings of
the wind, was hardly a deity to whom they could open their hearts.
True, the sunrise and the sunset were the visible signs of the
godhead; but let the reader ask any modern Egyptian peasant
whether there is aught to stir the pulses in these two great
phenomena, and he will realise that the glory of the skies could not
have appealed particularly to the lesser subjects of Akhnaton, who,
moreover, were not permitted to bow the knee to the flaming orb
itself. When the Christian religion took hold of these peasants, and
presented for their acceptance the same idea of a remote though
loving and considerate God, it was only by the elevation of saints
and devils, angels and powers of darkness, almost to the rank of
demigods, that the faith prospered. But Akhnaton allowed no such
tampering with the primary doctrine, and St George and all the
saints would have suffered the erasure of their very names.
8. AKHNATON’S LAST DAYS AND DEATH.

The troubles which Akhnaton by such actions gathered around
himself, while disturbing to his adherents, must have given some
degree of pleasure to those nobles who saw in the king’s downfall
the only hope of Egypt. Horemheb, the commander-in-chief of the
inactive armies, could now begin to prepare himself against the time
when he should lead a force into Syria to restore Egyptian prestige.
Tutankhaton, betrothed to Akhnaton’s third daughter, could dream of
the days when he would make himself Pharaoh, and carry the court
back to glorious Thebes. Even Meryra, the High Priest of Aton,
seems to have allowed his thoughts to drift away from the City of
the Horizon wherein the sun of Egypt’s glory had set, for it does not
seem that he ever made use of the tomb there prepared for him.
These last stages of Akhnaton’s life must thus have been embittered
by a doubt of the sincerity of his closest friends, and by the
knowledge that, in spite of all their protestations, he had failed to
plant “the truth” in their hearts.
The queen had borne him no son to succeed to the throne, and
there appeared to be nobody to whom he could impart what he felt
to be his last instructions. There can be no question that he was still
greatly loved by those who surrounded his person, but there were
few who hoped that his religion, so disastrous to Egypt, would
survive him. In this extremity Akhnaton turned to a certain noble,
probably not of royal blood, whose name seems to have been
Smenkhkara, though some have read it Saakara.[79] Nothing is
known regarding his previous career, but one may suppose that he
appeared to Akhnaton to be the least unreliable of his followers. To
him the king imparted his instructions, revealing all that words could
draw from his teeming brain. The little Princess Merytaton, now but
twelve years of age, was called from her games, and with pomp and
ceremony was married to this Smenkhkara, thus making him the
legitimate heir to the throne, Merytaton being the eldest daughter
and sole heiress of the Pharaoh.
Feeling that his days were numbered, Akhnaton then associated
Smenkhkara upon the throne with him as co-ruler, and was thus able
to familiarise the people with their future lord. In later years, after
Akhnaton’s death, Smenkhkara was wont to write after his name the
words “beloved of Akhnaton,” as though to indicate that his claim to
the throne was due to Akhnaton’s affection for him, as well as to the
rights derived from his wife.
But what mattered the securing of the succession to the throne
when that throne had been shaken to its very foundations, and now
seemed to be upon the verge of utter wreck? Akhnaton could no
longer stave off the impending crash, and from all sides there
gathered the forces which were to overwhelm him. His government
was chaotic. The plotting and scheming of the priests of Amon
showed signs of coming to a successful issue. The anger of the
priesthoods of the other gods of Egypt hung over the palace like
some menacing storm-cloud. The soldiers, eager to march upon
Syria as in the days of the great Thothmes III., chafed at their
enforced idleness, and watched with increasing restlessness the
wreck of the empire.
Now through the streets of the city there passed the weary
messengers of Asia hurrying to the palace, no longer bearing the
appeals of kings and generals for support, but announcing the fall of
the last cities of Syria and the slaughter of the last left of their
rulers. The scattered remnants of the garrisons staggered back to
the Nile at the heels of these messengers, pursued to the very
frontiers of Egypt by the triumphant Asiatics. From the north the
Hittites poured into Syria; from the south the Khabiri swarmed over
the land. As the curtain is rung down on the turbulent scene, one
catches a glimpse of the wily Aziru, his hands still stained with the
blood of Ribaddi and of many another loyal prince, snatching at this
city and trampling on that. At last he has cast aside his mask, and
with the tribute which had been promised to Egypt he now, no
doubt, placates the ascending Hittites, whose suzerainty alone he
admits.
The tribute having ceased, the Egyptian treasury soon stood
empty, for the government of the country was too confused to
permit of the proper gathering of the taxes, and the working of the
gold-mines could not be organised. Much had been expended on the
building of the City of the Horizon, and now the king knew not
where to turn for money. In the space of a few years Egypt had
been reduced from a world power to the position of a petty state,
from the richest country known to man to the humiliating condition
of a bankrupt kingdom.
Surely one may picture Akhnaton now in his last hours, his jaw
fallen, his sunken eyes widely staring, as the full realisation of the
utter failure of all his hopes came to him. He had sacrificed Syria to
his principles; but the sacrifice was of no avail, since his doctrines
had not taken root even in Egypt. He knew now that the religion of
the Aton would not outlive him, that the knowledge of the love of
God was not yet to be made known to the world. Even at this
moment the psalms of the Aton were beating upon his ears, the
hymns to the God who had forsaken him were drifting into his
palace with the scent of the flowers; and the birds which he loved
were singing as merrily in the luxuriant gardens as ever they sang
when they had inspired a line in the king’s great poem. But upon
him now there had fallen the blackness of despair, and already the
darkness of coming death was closing around him. The misery of
failure must have ground him down as beneath the very mountains
of the west themselves, and the weight of the knowledge of all that
he had lost could not be borne by his enfeebled frame.
History tells us only that, simultaneously with the fall of his
empire, Akhnaton died; and the doctors who have examined his
body report that death may well have been due to some form of
stroke or fit. But in the imagination there seems to ring across the
years a cry of complete despair, and one can picture the emaciated
figure of this “beautiful child of the Aton” fall forward upon the
painted palace-floor and lie still amidst the red poppies and the
dainty butterflies there depicted.
VIII.
THE FALL OF THE RELIGION OF AKHNATON.
“Thus disappeared the most remarkable figure in early Oriental

history.... There died with him such a spirit as the world had never seen
before.”—Breasted: ‘History of Egypt.’
1. THE BURIAL OF AKHNATON.
The body of Akhnaton was embalmed in the city which he had

founded; and while these mortal parts of the great idealist were
undergoing the lengthy process of mummification, the new Pharaoh
Smenkhkara made a feeble attempt to retain the spirit of his
predecessor in the new régime. Practically nothing is known of his
brief reign, but it is apparent from subsequent events that he
entirely failed to carry on the work of Akhnaton, and the period of
his sovereignty is marked by a general tendency to abandon the
religion of the Aton. Smenkhkara had dated the first year of his reign
from the day of his accession as co-ruler with Akhnaton, and thus it
is that there are no inscriptions found which record his first year,
although there are many references to his second year. The main
event must have occurred some three months after the
commencement of his sole reign, when the body of Akhnaton was
carried in solemn state through the streets of the city and across the
desert to the tomb which had been made for him in the distant cliffs.
Death Mask of Akhnaton.
The mummy had been wrapped, as was usual, in endless strips of

linen; and amongst these there was placed upon the royal breast a
necklace of gold, and over the face an ornament cut in flat gold foil
representing a vulture with wings outstretched—a Pharaonic symbol
of divine protection. In many burials of this dynasty a vulture such
as this was placed upon the mummy; and representations of an
exactly similar ornament are shown in the tombs of Sennefer and
others at Thebes. It is somewhat surprising that the body of
Akhnaton, who was so averse to all old customs, should thus have
this royal talisman upon it; and it would seem that some of the strict
rules of the Aton worshipper had already been relaxed by his
successor. Akhnaton had retained but three of the ancient divine
symbols, so far as one can tell from the reliefs and paintings—
namely, the uræus or cobra, the sphinx, and the hawk, which were
often used as ornaments. But one may ask whether the vulture had
really been dispensed with by him. It is true that he banned the
vulture-hieroglyph in the inscriptions, as we have already seen on
the outer coffin of Queen Tiy;[80] but his reason for so doing was
that by such a hieroglyph the name of the goddess Mut was called
to mind, and that goddess, being the consort of Amon, was not to
be tolerated. The vulture which was laid upon the mummy, however,
had nothing to do with Mut, nor had it any likeness to the
hieroglyph. It was originally a representation of the presiding genius
of Upper Egypt, and corresponded to the uræus, which primarily
represented the power of Lower Egypt. It is true, again, that it was
the custom for the Pharaohs to be shown in the sculptures and
paintings with this vulture hovering in protection over their heads,
and that Akhnaton seems to have dispensed with such a symbol. But
this was perhaps due to the fact that the disk and rays, symbolic of
Aton, had taken its place above the royal figure. There is no reason,
after all, to suppose that this form of vulture was absolutely banned,
since the uræus and the hawk were retained;[81] and though, as will
presently be seen, it will be natural to think that it was placed on
Akhnaton’s mummy at his successor’s suggestion, there is nothing to
show that Akhnaton himself did not desire it to be laid there.
Over the linen bandages on the body there were placed ribbons of
gold foil encircling the mummy—probably around the shoulders, the
middle, and the knees,—joined to other ribbons running the length
of the body at the back and front. These ribbons were inscribed with
Akhnaton’s name and titles, and thus recorded for all time the
identity of the mummy to which they adhered. Money being
somehow found, the body was wrapped in sheets of pure gold,
sufficiently thin to be flexible, and was placed in a splendid coffin,
designed in the usual form of a recumbent figure, and inlaid in a
dazzling manner with rare stones and coloured glass. Down the front
of this coffin ran a simple inscription, the hieroglyphs of which were
also inlaid. It read: “The beautiful prince, The Chosen One of Ra, the
King of Upper and Lower Egypt, living in Truth, Lord of the Two
Lands, Akhnaton, the beautiful child of the living Aton, whose name
shall live for ever and ever.”[82] There is one curious feature about
this inscription. When Akhnaton made the outer coffin for his
mother, in or about the twelfth year of his reign, he was particularly
careful not to use the hieroglyph representing the goddess Maat
when writing the word maat, “truth.” But this sign is employed now
upon his own coffin; and one can only presume, therefore, that the
coffin was made after Akhnaton’s death, and that the new Pharaoh
Smenkhkara had not the same objection to the representation of the
goddess as had his predecessor. We may now better understand the
presence of the vulture symbol also; for it is obvious that before
Akhnaton’s funeral had taken place his strict régime had been
relaxed.
The royal mummy was now carried to its tomb and there
deposited, together with such funeral furniture and offerings as were
considered necessary. The four alabaster canopic jars, always
conspicuous in an Egyptian burial, were here not wanting. The
stopper of each jar was exquisitely carved to represent the head of
Akhnaton, wearing the usual male wig of the period, and having the
royal cobra upon the forehead. From these heads one sees that the
art of Akhnaton was modified immediately after his death, and its
more pronounced characteristics were already being toned down.
This slackening in the rules which Akhnaton had made shows us how
entirely dependent the movement had been upon its leader; and we
realise the more clearly how strong a character was his. Ere even
the king’s burial had taken place the death of his religion was
assured.
2. THE COURT RETURNS TO THEBES.
Smenkhkara died, or was deposed, about a year after Akhnaton’s

death. He was succeeded by another noble, Tutankhaton,[83] who,
in order to legitimise his accession, obtained in marriage Akhnaton’s
second daughter Ankhsenpaaton, a girl barely twelve years old. Thus
Smenkhkara’s wife, Merytaton, became a dowager-queen at the age
of thirteen or so, and her little sister took her place upon the throne.
By this time the priests of Amon had begun to hold up their heads
once more, and to scheme for the downfall of Aton with renewed
energy. Pressure was soon brought to bear on Tutankhaton, and he
had not been upon the throne more than a year or so when he was
persuaded to consider the abandonment of the City of the Horizon
and his return to Thebes. He did not yet turn entirely from the
religion of the Aton, but attempted to take a middle course between
the two factions, giving full licence both to the worshippers of the
Aton and to those of Amon. Horemheb, the commander-in-chief of
the idle army, seems to have been one of the leaders of the
reactionary movement. He did not concern himself so much with the
religious aspect of the question: there was as much to be said on
the one side as on the other. But it was he who knocked at the doors
of the heart of Egypt and urged the nation to awake to the danger in
Asia. For him there were no scruples as to warfare, and the doctrine
of the sword found favour in his sight. An expedition was fitted out,
and the reigning Pharaoh was persuaded to lead it. Thus we read
that Horemheb was “the companion of his Lord upon the battlefield
on that day of the slaying of the Asiatics.”[84] Akhnaton had
dreamed of the universal peace which still is a far-off wraith to
mankind; but Horemheb was a practical man in whom that dream
would have been but weakness which was such mighty strength in
the dead king.
The new Pharaoh now changed his name from Tutankhaton to
Tutankhamon, and, to the sound of martial music, returned to
Thebes. The City of the Horizon was left to its fate, and it was not
long before the palaces and the villas became the home of the
jackals and the owls, while the temples were partly pulled down to
provide stone for other works. However much the reigning Pharaoh
differed in views from Akhnaton, it would not have been possible to
leave the royal body lying in sight of this wreck of all the hopes that
had been his. Akhnaton, moreover, was Tutankhamon’s father-in-law,
and it was only through the rights of Akhnaton’s daughter that the
Pharaoh held the throne. His memory was still regarded with
reverence by many of his late followers, and there could be no
question of leaving his body in the deserted city. It was therefore
carried to Thebes in its coffin, together with the four canopic jars,
and was placed, for want of a proper sepulchre, in the tomb of
Queen Tiy, which had been reopened for the purpose.
Tutankhamon showed the trend of his policy by both restoring the
temple of the Aton at Karnak and at the same time repairing the
damage done by Akhnaton to the works of Amon. The style of art
which he favoured was a modified form of Akhnaton’s method, and
the influence of his movement is still apparent in the new king’s
work. He did not reign long enough, however, to display much
originality, and after a few years he disappears, almost unnoticed,
from the stage. On his death the question of inviting Horemheb to
fill the vacant throne must have been seriously considered, but there
was another candidate in the field. This was Akhnaton’s father-in-
law, Ay, who had been one of the most important nobles in the
group of courtiers at the City of the Horizon. It was he who had
sheltered Queen Nefertiti before she had passed into Akhnaton’s
palace, and it was in his tomb that the great hymn to the Aton was
inscribed. He had been loudest in the praises of the preacher king
and of his doctrines, and he still retained the title “Father-in-law” as
his most cherished designation.
Religious feeling at this time was running high, for the partisans of
Amon and those of Aton seem still to have been struggling for the
supremacy, and Ay appeared to have been regarded as the most
likely man to bridge the gulf between the two factions. A favourite of
Akhnaton, and still tolerant of all that was connected with the late
movement, he was not averse to the cult of Amon, and by
conciliating both parties he managed to obtain the throne for
himself. His power, however, did not last for long, and as the priests
of Amon regained the confidence of the nation at the expense of the
worshippers of the Aton, so the prestige of Ay declined. His past
relationship to Akhnaton, which even as king be carefully recorded
within his cartouche, now told against him rather than for him, and
about eight years after the death of Akhnaton he disappeared like
his predecessors.
3. THE REIGN OF HOREMHEB.

There was now no question who should succeed. All eyes were
turned to Horemheb, who had already almost as much power as the
Pharaoh. The commander-in-chief at once ascended the throne, and
was received by the populace with the utmost rejoicings. At this time
there was living at Thebes the Princess Nezemmut, the sister of
Akhnaton’s Queen Nefertiti, and hence the daughter of Dushratta,
King of Mitanni. Owing to previous inter-marriages between the royal
house of Egypt and that of Mitanni, both Nefertiti and Nezemmut
were descendants of Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty.
Nezemmut had come to Egypt early in the reign of Akhnaton, and
later had perhaps married some Egyptian nobleman; but she was
now a widow, and had recently been appointed to the post of
“Divine Consort,”—that is to say, High Priestess—of Amon. As she
was probably the younger sister of Nefertiti, she may have been
about six years of age when Nefertiti was married to Akhnaton at
the age of eight. Hence she would have been about twenty-three at
his death, and would now be just over thirty.
To this princess, as representing both the rights of the old line of
Pharaohs and those of the god Amon, without the now condemning
close relationship to Akhnaton which characterised the other existing
royal princesses, Horemheb was at once married. The religion of the
Aton was now fast disappearing. In a tomb dating from the third
year of Horemheb’s reign, the words “Ra whose body is Aton” occur;
but this is the last mention of the Aton, and henceforth Amon-Ra is
unquestionably supreme. A certain Pa-atonemheb, who had been
one of Akhnaton’s favourites, was at about this time appointed High
Priest of Ra-Horakhti at Heliopolis, and thus the last traces of the
religion of the Aton were merged into the Heliopolitan theology, from
which that religion at the beginning had emanated.
The Temple at Luxor.
The neglected shrines of the old gods once more echoed with the
chants of the priests throughout the whole land of Egypt.
Inscriptions tell us that Horemheb “restored the temples from the
pools of the Delta marshes to Nubia. He fashioned a hundred images
... with all splendid and costly stones. He established for them daily
offerings every day. All the vessels of their temples were wrought of
silver and gold. He equipped them with priests and with ritual
priests, and with the choicest of the army. He transferred to them
lands and cattle, supplied with all necessary equipment.” By these
gifts to the neglected gods Horemheb was striving to bring Egypt
back to its natural condition; and with a strong hand he was guiding
the country from chaos to order, from fantastic Utopia to the solid
old Egypt of the past. He was, in fact, the preacher of sanity, the
very apostle of the Normal.
He led his armies into the Sudan, and returned with a procession
of captive chieftains roped before him. He had none of Akhnaton’s
qualms regarding human suffering, and these unfortunate prisoners
are seen to have their arms bound in the most cruel manner. Finding
the country to be lawless he drafted a number of stern laws, and
with sound justice administered his kingdom. Knowing that Syria
could not long remain quiet, he organised the Egyptian troops, and
so prepared them that, but a few years after his death, the soldiers
of the reigning Pharaoh were swarming once more over the lands
which Akhnaton had lost.
4. THE PERSECUTION OF AKHNATON’S MEMORY.
The priests of Amon-Ra had now begun openly to denounce

Akhnaton as a villain and a heretic, and as they restored the name
of their god where it had been erased, so they hammered out the
name and figure of Akhnaton wherever they saw it. Presently they
pulled down the Aton temple at Karnak, and used the blocks of
stone in the building of a pylon for Amon-Ra. Soon it was felt that
Akhnaton’s body could no longer lie in state, together with that of
Queen Tiy, in the Valley of the Tombs of the Kings. The sepulchre
was therefore opened once more and the name “Akhnaton” was
everywhere erased from the inscriptions, as was his figure from the
scenes upon the shrine of Queen Tiy. The mummy was lifted from its
coffin and the royal name was cut out of the gold ribbons which
passed round it, both at the back and the front. It was then replaced
in the coffin, and from this the name was also erased.
The question may be asked why it was that the body was not torn
to pieces and scattered to the four winds, since the king was now so
fiercely hated. The Egyptians, however, entertained a peculiar
reverence for the bodies of their dead, and it would have been a
sacrilege to destroy the mummy even of this heretic. No thought
could be entertained of breaking up the body upon which the divine
touch of kingship had fallen: that would have been against all the
sentiments which we know the Egyptians to have held. The cutting
out of the name of the mummy was sufficient punishment: for
thereby the soul of the king was debarred from all the benefits of
the earthly prayers of his descendants, and became a nameless
outcast, wandering unrecognised and unpitied through the vast
underworld. It was the name “Akhnaton” which was hated so
fiercely; and one may perhaps suppose that the priests would have
been willing to substitute the king’s earlier name, Amonhotep, upon
the mummy had they been pressed to do so. His name and figure as
Amonhotep IV. is not damaged upon the monuments; but only the
representations of him after the adoption of the name Akhnaton
have been attacked.
The tomb, polluted by the presence of the heretic, was no longer
fit for Tiy to rest in; and the body of the queen was therefore carried
elsewhere, perhaps to the sepulchre of her husband Amonhotep III.
The shrine, or outer coffin, in which her mummy had lain was pulled
to pieces, and an attempt was made to carry it out of the tomb to its
owner’s new resting-place, but this arduous task was presently
abandoned, and one portion of the shrine was left in the passage,
while the rest remained in sections in the burial-chamber. Some of
the queen’s toilet utensils which had been buried with her were also
left, probably by mistake. The body of Akhnaton, his name taken
from him, was now the sole occupant of the tomb. The coffin in
which it lay rested upon a four-legged bier some two feet or so from
the ground, and in a niche in the wall above it stood the four
canopic jars. And thus, with a curse, the priests left their great
enemy. The entrance of the tomb was blocked with stones, and
sealed with the seal of the necropolis; and all traces of its mouth
were hidden by rocks and débris.
The priests would not now permit the name of Akhnaton to pass a
man’s lips, and by the end of the reign of Horemheb, the
unfortunate boy was spoken of in official documents as “that
criminal.” Not forty years had passed since Akhnaton’s death, yet the
priesthood of Amon was as powerful as it had ever been at any
period of its existence. There were still living men who had been old
enough at the time of the Aton power to grasp its doctrines; and

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ISSN 0302-9743 ISSN 1611-3349 (electronic)

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© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2018

The conference was organized by NetONets, a nonproﬁt organization fostering the

November 2017 Gregorio D’Agostino

Gabriele Oliva University Campus Biomedico of Rome, Italy

Resilience of Electrical Distribution Systems with Critical

Public Tolerance Levels of Transportation Resilience: A Focus

Towards a Common Vocabulary for Crisis Management Scenarios . . . . . . . . 25

Analysis and Classification of Adaptation Tools for Transport Sector

Timing-Based Anomaly Detection in SCADA Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

Operational Resilience Metrics for a Complex Electrical Network . . . . . . . . . 60

The Influence of Load Characteristics on Early Warning Signs

DMA Optimal Layout for Protection of Water Distribution Networks

Role of Urban Interactions and Damage in Seismic Resilience

Towards Blockchain-Based Collaborative Intrusion Detection Systems. . . . . . 107

Analysis of Cybersecurity Threats in Industry 4.0: The Case

De-Synchronisation Attack Modelling in Real-Time Protocols Using Queue

Assessing Urban Rail Transit Systems Vulnerability:

Automatically Generating Security Models from System Models

A Gamified Approach to Participatory Modelling of Water System Risks. . . . 168

Managing Gas and Electric Power Network Dependencies to secure

What the Stack? On Memory Exploitation and Protection in Resource

Dealing with Functional Safety Requirements for Automotive Systems:

Side-Channel Based Intrusion Detection for Industrial Control Systems . . . . . 207

Security Evaluation of Cyber-Physical Systems Using Automatically

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One Step More: Automatic ICS Protocol Field Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241

Motion Magnification for Urban Buildings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

Reputation Systems to Mitigate DoS Attack in Vehicular Network . . . . . . . . 261

On the Security of Aircraft Communication Networks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266

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Zejun Yang and Jose R. Marti(&)

The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada

Abstract. In the highly interdependent environment of a large city, failures in

Keywords: Electrical distribution system restoration i2SIM

Society is strongly dependent on a resilient electricity supply to maintain its Human

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2018

A number of solutions including mixed integer non-linear programming [5, 6] and

Table 1. Human Well-being Table.

Human Well-being Table (HWT)

yn ¼ minðxn1 ; xn2 ; . . .; xnmax Þ ð1Þ

Vimin \Vi \Vimin ; i 2 I ð3Þ

R Resilience of the HWL for the N Total number of independent eigenvectors

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Reconfiguration & Find Optimal

Check the I2Sim

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