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American Politics and the African
American Quest for Universal
Freedom
FOURTH EDITION
HANES WALTON JR.

UNIVERSITY O F M I C H I G A N
ROBERT C. SMITH
S A N FRANCISCO STATE UNIVERSITY
New York San Francisco Boston

London Toronto Sydney Tokyo Singapore Madrid
Mexico City Munich Paris Cape Town I Hong Kong Montreal
W e are grateful to our families-Alice, Brandon and Brent and Scottie, Blanch, Jessica
and Scottus-Charles --for their endurance and support during our years of work on this
project
Editor-in-Chief: Eric Stano

Executive Marketing Manager: Ann Stypuloski
Production Manager: Stacey Kulig
Project Coordnation, Text Design, and Electronic Page Makeup: S4 Carlisle Publishing
Cover Design Manager: Wendy A1111 Fredericks
Cover Designer: Base Art Co., Ltd.
Cover Photos: left to right: © Bettmann/CORBIS and © Kick Friedman/CORBIS
Photo Researcher: Chris Pullo
Senior Manufacturing Buyer: Dennis Para
Printer and Binder: R.K. Donnelley and Sons/Crawfordsville
Cover Printer: R.K. Donnelley and Sons/Crawfordsville
For permission to use copyrighted material, grateful acknowledgement is made to the

copyright holders on pp. xiii, which are hereby made part of this copyright page.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Walton, Hanes,
American politics and the African American quest for universal freedom / Hanes
Walton, Robert C. Smith.- 4th ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. African Americans-Politicsand government. 2. United States-Politics and
government. 3. UnitedStates-Race relations. I. Title.
E185.615 2008
320.973-dc22 2007023897
Copyright © 2008 by Pearson Education, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the
publisher. Printed in the United States.
Please visit us at www.ablongman.com
ISBN 13: 978-0-205-53639-9

ISBN 10: 0-205-53639-5
Preface ix �
About the Authors xiii
C HAPTER I Universal Freedom Declared, Universal Freedom Denied:

Racism, Slavery, a n d t h e Ideology o f W h i t e Supremacy inth e
Founding of t h e Republic 1
Freedom: A Typological Analysis 2
Freedom, Power, and Politics 3
Box 1.1 Like Humpty Dumpty Told Alice, "When I Use a Word It Means
What I Say It Means" 6
Philosophy, Politics, and Interest in Constitution Formation 7
Box 1.2 Thomas Jefferson's Notes on Virginia and the Idea o f the Inferiority o f
the African People 8
Box 1.3 Slavery and the Electoral College 73
FEATURES 1.2 James Forten (1766-1842) 17
CHAPTER 2 Federalism a n d t h e Limits of Universal Freedom 21

Federalism: Origins and Operations in the United States 22
Box 2. 1 The "Absurd Career of Jim Crow 23
Box 2.2 Federalism, Felonies, and the Right to Vote 26
Reconstruction, the New Deal, and the Civil Rights Movement:
The Triumph of National-Centered Power 27
The Fourteenth Amendment: The American Charter of Universal
Freedom 29
Abraham Lincoln at Gettysburg and Martin Luther King Jr.
at Lincoln's Memorial: Two Speeches i n the Quest for Universal
Freedom 34
FEATURES 2.2 Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962) 39
C HAPTER 3 Political Culture 44

The Concept of Political Culture and the Invisibility of African
Americans 44
iv Contents
The Literature on the African American Political Culture 45

The African American Political Culture: An Empirical Estimation 46
F EATURES 3.2 Harry Belafonte (1927-) 5 1
C HAPTER 4 Political Socialization 54

Gunnar Myrdal and the Political Socialization of
African Americans 54
The Literature on African American Political Socialization 55
Box 4. 1 African American Music as an Agent o f Political Socialization 57
African American Political Socialization: An Empirical Estimation
of Religion and the Church as Agents 59
BOX 4.2 The African American Church 59
The 2000 Election as an Agent of Political Socialization 60
Collective Memory: The Transmission Belt of African American
Political Socialization 61
C HAPTER 5 Public O p i n i o n 65
Gunnar Myrdal and African American Public Opinion 65
White Public Opinion on Race and Racism 66
African American Public Opinion: Alienation 67
Hurricane Katrina and the Racial Divide in Opinion 68
African American Ideology: Liberalism 68
African American Ideology: Black Nationalism 71
African American Ideology: Feminism 72
African American Opinion: Monolithic and Diverse 73
C HAPTER 6 African Americans and t h e M e d i a 77

Gunnar Myrdal and the African American Media 77
The African American Media and African Americans
in the Mass Media 79
Media Conglomerates and the African American Media 80
Mass Media Coverage of African Americans 82
Media Coverage of Hurricane Katrina: The Persistence
of Stereotypes 84
FEATURES 6.2 Ida B. Wells-Barnett (1862-1931) 85
PART Ill COALITIONS, MOVEMENTS, INTEREST GROUPS,

PARTIES, AND ELECTIONS
C HAPTER 7 Social Movements and a Theory o f African American
Coalition Politics 88
A Theory of African American Coalition Politics 88
Contents V
The First Rights-Based Movement: The Abolitionist Coalition 90

Abolitionism and Feminism 93
Booker T. Washington's Coalition for Limited Freedom 94
Material-Based Coalitions: From Populism to Communism 95
The Second Rights-Based Coalition: The Civil Rights Movement 100
Box 7.1 We Face a Condition, Not a Theory: W. E. B. Du Bois and the Changing
African American Quest for Universal Freedom 101
The Black Power Movement and the Transformation from
Movement to Interest Croup Politics 105
The Dual Impact of Black Power: Radicalism and Reform 105
Box 7.2 The Black Panther Party 107
FEATURES 7.2 John Brown (1800-1859) 109
CHAPTER 8 Interest Groups 115

Black Groups, the "Black Agenda," and the Problem of Resource
Constraint 115
Box 8. I The Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies 1 18
Box 8.2 The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights 120
African American Women and the Quest for Universal Freedom 121
Black Nationalist Movements 123
Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement
Association 124
Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam: The Resurgence of Black
Nationalism in the Post-Civil Rights Era 125
Box 8.3 The African American Reparation Movement 126
FEATURES 8.2 Maria W. Stewart (1803-1879) 129
CHAPTER 9 Political Parties 132

The Study of African American Party Behavior: The Group and
Systemic Dimensions 132
Box 9. I Beyond the Two-Party System? 134
African American Party Convention Behavior 138
Box 9.2 " No Two Seats" 140
African American Partisanship in a One-Party System 141
Box 9.3 The Rise and Fall of a Material-Based Coalition:
The New Deal, 1932-1968 142
Box 9.4 "The Republican Party is the Deck, All Else the Sea": The African
American Voter and the One-Party System 144
FEATURES 9.2 Barack Obama (1961- ) 145
CHAPTER 10 V o t i n g Behavior a n d Elections 149

The Historical and Systemic Dimensions of African American
Voting Behavior 149
vi Contents
Electoral Power: The Theory and Practice of the

"Balance of Power" Concept 151
African American Voting Behavior: Empirical Renderings 153
Beyond the Boundaries of Race: Blacks Running for
Governor and U.S. Senate 155
Katrina and the Reelection of the Mayor of New Orleans:
The Triumph of Racial Loyalties 162
FEATURES 10. I John Mercer Langston (1829-1897) 165
CHAPTER I I The Congress and t h e African American Quest f o r

Universal Freedom 169
The Representation of African Americans in Congress 169
Congressional Elections and African Americans 171
The Color of Representation: Does Race Matter? 173
African American Power in the House 174
African Americans in the Congressional Power Structure 175
Congressional Responsiveness to the African American Quest for
Universal Rights and Freedom 177
Box 11.1 Term Limits, Seniority, and African American Power
in the House 178
Box I 1.2 Two Massachusetts Senators and the African American Quest for
Material-Based Rights: From 40 Acres and a Mule to the
Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment Act 182
Congressional Response to Katrina 183
FEATURES I 1.2 John Lewis (1940 ) 184
CHAPTER I 2 The Presidency a n d t h e African American Quest f o r

Abraham Lincoln: The Paradigmatic President 189
Box 12.1 Executive Power, Executive Orders, and Civil Rights 197
Box 12.2 The First Thirteenth Amendment 193
The Racial Attitudes and Policies of American Presidents from
George Washington to George W. Bush 194
The Presidency and the African American Quest for
Universal Freedom: From the Revolutionary Era to the Post-Civil
Rights Era 198
Box 12.3 African Americans and Presidential Policy Making: The Case of
Affirmative Action 203
President Bush's Response to Katrina 208
Contents vii
CHAPTER 13 The Supreme Court and the African American Quest

for Universal Freedom 214
Judicial Appointments and African Americans 215
How Should the Constitution Be Interpreted?:Judicial
Restraint Versus judicial Activism and the Implications for
The Supreme Court and African Americans: Rights-Based and
Material-Based Cases 218
Box 13.1 Litigation and Social Change: The Legacy o f Brown 219
Box 13.2 To be Young, White, and Male: The Supreme Court Record on Equal
Employment Opportunity, 1972-1998 22 1
Rights-Based Cases 222
Material-Based Cases: Affirmative Action 226
FEATURES 13.2 Earl Warren (1897-1974) 23 1
CHAPTER 14 The Bureaucracy and the African American Quest for

The Nature of the Federal Bureaucracy 235
Bureaucracies with Race Missions 237
Running the Bureaucracy: African American
Political Appointees 238
Box 14.1 The Bureaucracy at Work: Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
and the FBI 239
Staffing the Bureaucracy: African American Civil Servants 242
Shaping Bureaucratic Policy: Antidiscrimination Rule Making 244
Box 14.2 The Bureaucracy and Your Race 246
Bureaucratic Implementation: Federalism and States' Rights 247
Katrina as a Case Study in Bureaucratic Failure 249
FEATURES 14.2 Arthur Fletcher (1924-2005) 250
CHAPTER I 5 Domestic Policy and the African American Quest for

Social and Economic Justice 254
The Federal Government, the Economy, and the Welfare State 254
The Failure of "Universal" Employment 255
Box 15.1 Race, Racism, and African American Unemployment 256
Consequences of the Failure of Full Employment on the African
American Community 258
African Americans and the Criminal JusticeSystem 258
Unemployment, Poverty, and the African American Family 259
Ending Welfare as We Know It 260
viii Contents
Box 15.2 African American Health and National Health Insurance 26 1

African Americans and the HIV/AIDS Epidemic 263
African Americans and Same-Sex Marriage:
A Cross-Cutting Issue 264
Race, Concentrated Poverty, Black Politics, and Katrina 265
FEATURES 15.2 Johnnie Tillmon (1926-1995) 267
CHAPTER 16 The African American Quest f o r Universal Freedom and

U.S. Foreign Policy 271
African Americans as Foreign Policy Implementors/Managers:
The Search for "Black Nationality" 272
African Americans as Foreign Policy Dissenters 274
Trans Africa: African Americans as Foreign Policy Lobbyists 278
African Americans and Citizen Diplomacy: Historical
Background and Context 279
African American Citizen Diplomats 280
African Americans and the Iraq War 282
FEATURES 16.2 Ralpha Bunche ( 1 9 0 4 - 1 9 4 1 ) 285
APPENDIX
APPENDIX 1 I n Congress, July 4,1776 The Unanimous Declaration
o f t h e Thirteen U n i t e d States o f America 290
APPENDIX 2 The Constitution o f t h e U n i t e d States o f America 294
APPENDIX 3 M a r t i n Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" Speech 309
Index 3 1 2
Overview of the Text
This book examines the institutions and processes of American government and politics
from the perspective of the African American presence and influence. We want to show
how the presence of Africans in the United States affected the founding of the Republic
and its political institutions and processes from the colonial era to the present. Blacks, for
example, took no part in the drafting of the Declaration of Independence or the design
of the Constitution; however, their presence exerted a profound influence on the shap
ing of both these seminal docuinents. So it has been throughout American history.
In structure the book follows that of standard works in political science on American
government and politics. It is unique, however, in three respects.
First, it is organized around two interrelated themes: the idea of universal freedom
and the concept of minority-majority coalitions. In their quest for their own freedom in
the United States, blacks have sought to universalize the idea of freedom. In their attack
on slavery and racial subordination, black Ainericans and their leaders have embraced
doctrines of universal freedom and equality. In doing so they have had an important in
fluence on the shaping of democratic, constitutional government and on expanding or
universalizing the idea of freedom not only for themselves but for all Americans.
But blacks have not acted alone. Indeed, given their status as a subordinate racial mi
nority they could not act alone. Rather, in their quest for freedom blacks have sought to
forge coalitions with whites-minority-inspired majority coalitions. Historically, how
ever, because of the nation's ambivalence about race, these coalitions tend to be unsta
ble and temporary, requiring that they be constantly rebuilt in what is an ongoing quest.
These two themes, the quest for universal freedom and minority-majoritycoalitions, are
pursued throughout much of the book.
The second distinctive aspect of this study is that it is historically informed. In each
chapter we trace developments historically. Relevant historical background is critical to
understanding the evolution of race and the American democracy. Such material also
brings contemporary events into a sharper focus.
Third, in the political behavior chapters (3-6, 9-10), we try to provide students not only
with the most current knowledge on the topics but also with information on how the disci
pline of political science has approached the study of the topics in general and with respect
to blacks specifically. In several of these chapters we focus on Gunnar Myrdal and the pow-
erful influence his American Dilemma has had on the study of black political behavior.
We first talked about writing this book more than a decade ago. Our principal ratio
nale for writing it is that we saw a void in the available literature. We believe that race is
the most important cleavage in American life, with enormous impact on the nation's so
ciety, culture, and politics. Indeed, as we show throughout this book, race has always
been the enduring fault line in American society and politics-thus the need for a vol
ume that treats this important topic with the seriousness it deserves. This is what we seek
to accoinplish in a study that has historical sweep and depth and is comprehensive in its
X Preface
coverage of the subject. Although this book is written so as to be readable and interesting
to undergraduate students, we have sought to maintain the highest intellectual standards.
We believe the study of the rich, varied, and critical presence of African Americans in all
areas of the political system demands nothing less.
Before closing, we would like to say a word about the intellectual tradition on which
this book is based. The scholars who are the founders and innovators in the study of African
American politics created this scholarly subfield out of nothing. Working in small African
American colleges, without major financial support or grants and with large numbers of
classes and students, these scholars launched in small steps and limited ways a new area of
academic study. They published in obscure and poorly diffused journals and little-known
presses, which resulted, in many instances, in their work being overlooked and underval
ued. Racism's manifestationsin academia allowed much valuable work to remain unseen.
Not only was the result of their research made invisible, but these scholars themselves be
came invisible in the profession. Of this unseen tradition it has been written:
The second research tradition in America's life is the unheralded, the unsung, unrecorded
but not unnoticed one. Scholars belonging to this tradition literally make something out of
nothing and typically produce scholarship at the less recognized institutionsof higher learn
ing. These are the places, to use Professor Aaron Wildavsky's apt phrase, where the schools
"habituallyrun out of stamps"and where other sources of support are nonexistent. . . . [Yet]
here ... scholars ... nevertheless scaled the heights, and produced stellar scholarship.1
They persisted and persevered. And while their work is scattered and sometimes dif
ficult to locate, it formed the basis for a new vision and perspective in political science.
Beginning in 1885, the discipline of political science emerged during an era of concern
about race relations and developed its study of race politics from this perspective. In
essence, this race relations perspective on the study of African American politics focused
on the concern of whites about stability and social peace rather than the concerns of
blacks about freedom and social justice.2
By the 1960s this perspective had become the major consensus in the discipline on
the study of race. It offered a different perspective on political reality from that of blacks,
who during this period were trying to empower themselves in American politics. Thus
African American political scientists offered a different perspective, a challenge to the
consensus.3 Instead of focusing on how the African American quest for freedom might
distress whites and disrupt stability and social peace, this new perspective focused on
how an oppressed group might achieve power so as to provide solutions to long-standing
social and economic problems. This perspective deals with freedom and power rather
than stability and social peace.
Our book is a part of this intellectual tradition. The purveyors of this tradition include
Professors Robert Brisbane and Tobe Johnson of Morehouse College, the ever-erudite
Samuel DuBois Cook at Atlanta University, and Professors Emmett Dorsey, Bernard Fall,
Harold Gosnell, Ronald Walters, Robert Martin, Vincent Browne, Nathaniel Tillman,
Brian Wienstein, Morris Levitt, and Charles Harris at Howard University.Their insight
ful ideas, cogent theories, and brilliant teaching made this book possible. When we sat
down at the Holiday Inn in Jackson, Mississippi, in March 1991 (at the annual meeting of
the National Conference of Black Political Scientists), to develop the theme for this book
and lay out its goals and structure, we were standing on the shoulders of these pioneering
Preface xi
political scientists. They built the intellectual foundation. We hope this work makes them
proud. We hope it will do the same for our children.
Finally, anote on style. We use the terms black and African American interchangeably,
having no preference for either and viewing each as a legitimate and accurate name for
persons of African descent in the United States.4
Changes to the Fourth Edition

The basic purpose of a new edition of a textbook is to keep students current or up to date
with developments in the area of study and to incorporate the latest research. Since politics
is an inherently dynamic, ever-changingphenomenon, frequent revisionsof political science
textbooks are indispensable in modern pedagogy. In the midst of change, however, there is
continuity,and any good textbook should reflect both. In this new edition the text continues
to focus on the institution and processes of the American government from the historical
perspectiveof the African American quest to build minority-majority coalitions in a quest for
what we call universal freedom. All chapters, however, have been completely reviewed and
updated to reflect recent events, and to incorporate changes suggested by students, col
leagues, reviewers, and our editors. As always, our aim in this new edition is to provide stu
dents with a comprehensive, rigorous, and accessible understanding of how the presence of
Africans in the United States has profoundly influenced and influences American politics.
A major event-perhaps the major event-in American politics since the publication of
the last edition was Hurricane Katrina.5 Katrina destroyed almost half of New Orleans,
caused billions of dollars in damage in the Gulf, and resulted in the displacement of more
than 400,000people and the death of at least 1,500.This natural disaster also illuminated the
major theme of this text-how race profoundly shapes American politics. The horrible im
ages of black poverty and despair displayed on television around the world reflect, as Presi
dent Bush said,the historical legacies of racism and white supremacy. Katrina also once again
showed divisions in politicalculture and public opinion between white and black Americans.
The media's often heroic and courageous coverage of the sufferingof the victims and the in
competence of the government was also marked by its typical stereotypical coverage of
African Americans. The response to Katrina by President Bush, Congress, the bureaucracy,
state and city officials, and African Americans also has much to teach about the intersection
of race, class, and ideology in American politics. Although often overlooked, Hurricane
Katrina has implications for the increasingly rancorous debate about immigration, and its re-
lationship to race and class. The reelection of New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin demonstrates
how race, racial loyalties, and ideologyimpact the formation of minority-majority coalitions.
Finally, Katrina impacted America's image around the world. In almost allof the chapters of
this edition we systematically incorporate material about Katrina as an enlightening case
study in American politics and the African American quest for universal freedom.
Among other topics covered in this edition are the large number of African American
politicians seeking to move beyond the boundaries of race by running for governor or the
U.S.Senate, the decline of solidarity inthe Congressional Black Caucus, the problems and
prospects of immigration as the basis of a larger minority coalition for universal freedom,
and the conflicts and tensions in the bureaucracy over the enforcement of civil rights law.
We also examine the appointment of two new Supreine Court justices, the renewal
of the Voting Rights Act, new research and developments in the area of felony
disenfranchisement, the Bush administration's efforts to curry favor with black voters,
xii Preface
and the decline of African American enlistment in the army in the aftermath of the Iraq
War and a related increase in the enlistment of Latinos and Asian Americans.
Finally,the fourth edition includes two new features. First is "Faces and Voices in the
Struggle for Universal Freedom,"a brief boxed feature in most of the chapters highlighting
Americans who have played important roles in the African American quest for universal
freedom. This feature spotlights individuals, black and white, famous and obscure, who
impacted the foundations of the nation and helped to universalize the quest for freedom.
The second new feature is a companion website offering further resources for study
as well as links to primary sources, the African American media, and African American
interest groups. In an "In the News" section articles are periodically posted about ongo
ing issues that relate to topics in the book. The site will not only engage interested
students in research and further study, but also provide pathways to their individual
engagement in the struggle to enlarge the freedom of African Americans and thereby the
freedom of all Americans.
Acknowledgments
We are once again grateful to the anonymous reviewers of the third edition for their crit
icisms and comments that led to improvements in this edition. Eric Stano at Longman was
his usual steady hand, and Donna Garnier provided expert and timely assistance from the
beginning to the completion of this edition, Suijan Guo, Smith's good colleague and friend
at San Francisco State, went beyond the boundaries of collegiality and friendship in
preparation of the website. Finally, kudos to Scottie.
In addition to our colleagues selected by Longman Publishers-Marion Orr, Brown
University; Jeanette Mendez, University of Houston; and Sherri L. Wallace, University of
Louisville-to read and comment on the manuscript, we are also grateful to Mack Jones of
Clark-Atlanta University's political science department, Wilbur Rich of Wellesley's political
science department, and Charles Henry of the African American studies department at the
University of California, Berkeley, for reading the manuscript and their suggestions that led
to its improvement. We are especially grateful to Professor Jones for his detailed chapter-
by-chapter critique. Sekou Franklin provided research assistance for Professor Smith.
Margaret Mitchell Ilugbo typed several of the draft chapters for Walton, and Greta
Blake designed the tables and figures for the book. We appreciate their fine work.
Scottie Smith's help was indispensable in the preparation of the manuscript. Her
discerning and untiring work is deeply appreciated.
Notes
1. Hanes Walton Jr., "The Preeminent African American Legal Scholar: J. Clay Smith,"
National Political Science Review 6 (1997):289.
2. Hanes Walton Jr., Cheryl Miller, and Joseph P. McCormick, "Race and Political Science:
The Dual Traditions of Race Relations Politics and African American Politics," in John
Dryzek et al., eds., Political Science and Its History: Research Programs and Political
Traditions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994): 145-74; and Hanes Walton, Jr.,
Preface xiii
and Joseph P. McCormick, "The Study of African American Politics as Social Danger:
Clues from the Disciplinary Journals," National Political Science Review 6 (1997):22944.
3. For an intellectually critical collection of essays by African American political scientists on
race and the study of politics in the US see Wilbur Rich (ed) African American Perspec
tives on Political Science (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007).
4. For discussion of the various controversies about names in African American history-that
is, what persons of African origins in the United States should call themselves-see
W. E. B. Du Bois, "The Name Negro," The Crisis 35 (March, 1928): 96-101: Lerone Ben
nett, "What's in a Name?" Ebony, November 1967; Ben L. Martin, "From Negro to Black
to African-American:The Power of Naines and Naming,'' Political Science Quarterly 106
(1991): 83-107; Robert C. Smith, "Remaining Old Realities," San Francisco Review of
Books 25 (Summer 1990): 16-19; Ruth Grant and Marion Orr, "Language, Race and Pol
itics: From 'Black' to 'African American,"' Politics & Society 24 (1996):137-52; and Ster
ling Stuckey, Slavery Culture: Foundations of Nationalist Theory (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1987): chap. 4, "Identity and Ideology: The Names Controversy."
5. At this early point since Katrina, there are three useful books on the event. First, see dis
tinguished Tulane University historian Douglas Brinkley's The Great Deluge: Hurricane
Katrina, New Orleans and the Mississippi Gulf Coast (New York: William Morrow, 2006).
Second, see Michael Eric Dyson, the well-known African American public intellectual,
Come Hell or High Water: Hurricane Katrina and the Color of Disaster (New York:
Perseus, 2006). Finally, see the collection of papers by New Orleans area artists, social
scientists, and community activists edited by John Brown Childs, Hurricane Katrina:
Response and Responsibilities (Santa Cruz, CA: New Pacific Press, 2006).
Credits
Photo Credits
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34: AP Images; page 39: Bettmann/Corbis; page 51: Bettmann/Corbis; page 57: Bettmann/Cor
bis; page 59: The White House Press Office; page 78: Photograph by Isabel Wolseley from The
Black Press, USA, 2nd edition by Roland E . Wolseley, 1990. Ames: Iowa State University
Press/Blackwell Publishing. ISBN: 9780813804941; page 85: The Granger Collection; page 9 3
left: Getty Images; page 93 right: Frederick Douglass, 1818-1895. Unidentified photographer, af
ter c. 1847. Daguerreotype, 8 x 6.9 cm. National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution.
NPG.80.21/Art Resource, NY; page 102: The Schomburg Center/Art Resource, NY; page 107:
The San Francisco Examiner/AP Images; page 119: AP Images; page 125: Eve Amold/Magnum
Photos; page 136: Bettmann/Corbis; page 140: Bettmann/Corbis; page 145: Charlie Neiber
gall/AP Images; page 172: Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP Images; page 184: Ric Feld/AP Images;
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Text Credits
Page 309: Reprinted by arrangement with The Heirs to the Estate of Martin Luther King Jr., c/o
Writer's House, Inc. as agent for the proprietor. Copyright © 1963 by Martin Luther King
Jr. Copyright renewed 1991 by Coretta Scott King.
Hanes Walton Jr., professor of political science at the Universityof Michigan, is a grad
uate of Morehouse College. He holds a master's degree in political science from Atlanta
University and a Ph.D. from Howard. He is the author of 16 books (all except two deal
with African American politics) and more than 60 articles, essays, and reviews. His most
recent book is Relection: William Jeflerson Clinton as Native-Son Presidential Candidate.
He is a member of the editorial boards of numerous academic journals and has served as
a consultant to the National Academy of Sciences,the Educational Testing Service, and
the National Endowment for the Humanities. He has been a Ford, Kockefeller, anti
Guggenheim Fellow and holds membership in several honor societies, including Pi
Sigma Alpha, Alpha Kappa Mu, and Phi Beta Kappa. For two years, he worked on Capi
tol Hill in the office of African American congressman Mervyn Dymally of California.
Professor Walton has taught African American politics and American government at the
graduate and undergraduate levels for more than 30 years. In 1993 he was the recipient
of Howard University's Distinguished Ph.D. Alumni Award.
Robert C. Smith is professor of political science at San Francisco State University. An

honors graduate of the University of California, Berkeley, he holds a master's degree
from UCLA and a Ph.D. from Howard. He is author or coauthor of rnore than 40 articles
and essays and nine books, including Race, Class and Culture: A Study in Afro-American
Mass Opinion; Racism in the Post-Civil Rights Era: Now You See It, Now You Don't; We
Have No Leaders: African Americans in the Post-Civil Rights Era; and African American
Leadership. He is associate editor of the National Political Science Review and general
editor of the State University of New York (SUNY) Press African American Studies
series. He has taught African American politics and American government for more than
25 years. His Encyclopedia of African American Politics was published in 2003. In 1998
he was recipient of Howard University's Distinguished Ph.D. Alumni Award.
Universal Freedom Declared, Universal
Freedom Denied
Racism, Slavery, and the Ideology of White Supremacy
in the Founding of the Republic
So, what is this thing called freedom? In 1865 General Oliver O. Howard, commissioner
of the Freedmen's Bureau, asked an audience of newly freed slaves, "But what did free
dom mean? It is necessary to define it for it is apt to be misunderstood."1 William Riker
writes, "The word 'freedom' must be defined. And volumes have been written on this
subject without conspicuous success on reaching agreement."2 Orlando Patterson begins
his book Freedom in the Making of Western Culture with the observation that "Freedom,
like love and beauty, is one of those values better experienced than defined."3 Finally,
John Hope Franklin, in From Slavery to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans, writes,
It must never be overlooked that the concept of freedom that emerged in the modern
world bordered on licentiousness and created a situation that approached anarchy. As
W. E. B. Du Bois has pointed out, it was the freedom to destroy freedom, the freedom
of some to exploit the rights of others. It was, indeed, a concept of freedom with little or
no social responsibility. If, then, a man was determined to be free, who was there to tell
him that he was not entitled to enslave others.4
The idea of freedom is therefore a contested idea, with many often conflicting and
contradictory meanings. Since the idea of freedom-universal freedom-is central to
this book, in this first chapter we must attempt to define it because, as General Howard
said, it is apt to be misunderstood.
In the last two decades an important body of scholarshiphas emerged on how the idea
and practice of freedom began in Europe and the United States. These historical and
philosophical studies suggest that the idea of freedom-paradoxically-is inextricably
linked to the idea and institution of slavery.5 With respect to Europe, "it now can be said
with some confidence,"according to Patterson, "that the idea and value of freedom was
the direct product of the institution of slavery. Where there has been no slavery there has
never been any trace of freedom even as a minorvalue."6 And in the United States, "with
out the institution of slavery America in all likelihood would have had no democratic tra
dition and would not have come to enshrine freedom at the very top of the pantheon of
2 Chapter I Universal Freedom Declared, Universal Freedom Denied
values."7 In other words, the very idea of freedom in the Western world has its origins in
the struggles of the slave to become free.
While there is much of value in Patterson's studies, we are not persuaded by his ar
gument that freedom in its origins is a uniquely Western value. On the contrary, we be
lieve freedom is a fundamental, driving force of the human condition. And while slavery
was undoubtedly important in the genesis of the idea of freedom in the Western world,
it is also likely that the idea in the West stems from other sources such as the desire of
people to be free of harsh rule, treatment, or prohibitions that fall short of slavery (free
dom of religion, for example).
Freedom: A Typological Analysis

The word freedom is difficult to define. Indeed, a number of writers on the subject have
concluded that the effort to construct an objective or universal definition may be futile.
Increasingly, therefore, students of the subject have sought not to define the term in one
all-encompassing definition but rather, given the rich, varied, and conflicting meanings
of the word, have sought instead to develop typologies of freedom that are broad and var
ied enough to cover the diverse shades of meaning held by scholars as well as ordinary
women and men.
Table 1.1displays three typologies of freedom. These typologies are drawn from the
most recent scholarship on the subject. Again, these writers do not attempt to develop
one universal definition of the term but see freedom as having multiple shades of mean
ing. Patterson identifies three types of freedom. Personal freedom is defined as giving a
person the sense that, on the one hand, he or she is not coerced or restrained by another
person in doing something desired, and, on the other hand, that one can do as one pleases
within the limits of that other person's desire to do the same. Sovereignalor organic free
dom is simply the power to act as one pleases, without regard for others, or simply the
ability to impose one's will on another. Civic freedom is defined as the capacity of adult
members of a community to participate in its life and governance.8
Eric Foner discussesfour notions of freedom-he prefersthe term rights-that were part
of the political vocabulary of the nation's leaders on the eve of the Civil War. Natural rights,
those rights or freedoms inherent in one's humanity, are what Jefferson in the Declaration of
Independence referred to as life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Civil rights can be
defined as equality of treatment under law, which is seen as essential to the protection of
natural rights. Political rights involve the right to vote and participate fully in governing the
community. Social rights involve the right to freely choose personal and business associates.9
King identifies "four meanings of freedom within American/western thought that
link up with the language of freedom and the goals of the civil rights movement."10
Liberal freedom is the absence of arbitrary legal or institutional restrictions on the indi
vidual, including the idea that all citizens are to be treated equally. Freedom as autonomy
involves an internalized individual state of autonomy, self-determination, pride, and self-
respect. Participatory freedom involves the right of the individual to participate fully in
the political process. Collective deliverance is understood as the liberation of a group
from external control-from captivity, slavery,or oppression.11
Clearly, there is considerable overlap among the types of freedom addressed by
Patterson, Foner, and King, especially in the realm of politics or the right of citizens to
equal treatment under law and the right to vote and participate in the governance of the
community. However, two of the types identified have special relevance to the African
American experience and to this book's theme of universal freedom. First, throughout
their history in the United States African Americans have consistently rejected the idea
of organic or sovereignal freedom, the notion that one person or group should have the
freedom to impose their will on another without regard to the rights of others. This is
the freedom of might makes right, of the strong to oppress the weak, of the powerful to
dominate the powerless, the freedom of the slavemaster to enslave. From its beginning,
African American political thought and behavior has been centrally concerned with the
abolition of this type of freedom, and in doing so African Americans developed the idea
of universal freedom-a freedom that encompasses natural rights, civil rights, and so
cial rights. In rejecting the Patterson notion of sovereignal freedom, blacks in the
United States fully embraced King's idea of freedom as collective deliverance. As part
of a captive, oppressed, enslaved people, one could expect nothing less. However, in
fighting for their own liberation, for their freedom, blacks have had to fight for univer
sal freedom, for the freedom of all people. As Aptheker puts it, "The Negro people have
fought like tigers for their freedom, and in doing so have enhanced the freedom strug
gles of all people."12
Freedom, Power, and Politics

All the typologies of freedom listed in Table 1.1 are related in one way or another to
power or the lack of power, and power is central to politics and political science. As Lass-
well and Kaplan write in their classic study Power and Society, "The concept of power is
perhaps the most fundamental in the whole of political science: The political process is
the shaping, distribution and exercise of power."13 The definition of power, like freedom,
however, also has an ambiguous, elusive quality.14 At a minimum, scholars agree that A
has power over B to the extent that A can affect B's behavior or get B to do something
B otherwise would not do. Max Weber, one of the founders of modern sociology and
political science, writes, "In general, we understand by 'power' the chance of a man or a
number of men to realize their own will in a communal action against the resistance of
others who are participating in the action."15 Political scientists generally analyze power
in terms of (1) its bases, (2) its exercise, and (3) the skill of its exercise in particular
circumstances, situations, or contexts. With respect to African American politics, Jones
writes that it is "essentially a power struggle between blacks and whites, with the latter
trying to maintain their superordinate position vis-à-vis the former."16 In analyzing
African American politics as a quest for universal freedom we need to think in terms of
blacks seeking to alter their subordinate status vis-à-vis whites in American society, and
the bases of power they have and may choose to use, skillfully or not, in the power strug
gle, during any given time, place, and context.
Thomas Jefferson and the Writing of the Declaration

After voting to declare independence, the Continental Congress appointed a committee
to draft a document setting forth the reasons for the revolution. The committee was com
posed of Robert Livingston, Roger Sherman, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and
Thomas Jefferson. The other members turned the task of drafting to Adams and Jeffer
son, and according to Adams, Jefferson was asked to actually write the document because
his writings were characterized by a "peculiar felicitousness of expression."17 The Decla
ration, however, is not the creation of one man. Rather, "eighty-six substantive revisions
were made in Jefferson's draft, most of them by members of the Continental Congress
who also excised about one fourth of the original text."18 Jefferson was said to be ex
tremely displeased by the changes in his draft and for the remaining 50 years of his life
was angry, arguing that the Congress had "mangled his manuscript.19
The majority of the substantive changes or deletions in Jefferson's draft-including
the most famous-focused on the long list of charges against King George III. Most his
torians say that the charges against the King as listed in the Declaration are exaggerated,
and in any event they are misplaced since many of the actions complained of were deci
sions of the Parliament rather than the King. The King, however, made a more conve
nient target than the anonymous, amorphous Parliament.
The most famous of the changes deleted from Jefferson's draft was the condemna
tion of the King for engaging in the African slave trade. Jefferson had written:
He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating the most sacred rights of life
and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating and car
rying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their trans
portation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of
the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market when MEN
should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative
attempt to prohibit or restrain this execrable commerce; and this assemblage of horrors
might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting these very people to rise among
us, and to purchase that liberty of which lie deprived them, by murdering the people upon
whom he also obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the liber
ties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of others.20
This passage, which was to be the climax of the charges against the King, was obviously
an exaggeration and an especially disingenuous one; the colonists themselves (including
Jefferson) had enthusiastically engaged in slave trading and, as was made clear to
Jefferson, had no intention of abandoning it after independence. Jefferson recalls that
"the clause too, reprobating the enslaving of the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in
compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the im
portation of slaves and who still wished to continue it."21 Not only was there opposition
to the passage from the southern slave owners, but more tellingly, as Jefferson went on
to say, "our northern brethren also I believe felt a little tender under these censures; for
tho' their people have few slaves themselves yet they have been pretty considerable car
riers of them."22 In other words, virtually all the leading white men in America, North
erner and Southerner, slave owner and non-slave owner, had economic interests in the
perpetuation of slavery. A good part of the new nation's wealth and prosperity was based
on the plantation economy. To be consistent, one might have thought that the Continen
tal Congress would also have deleted the phrase on the equality of men and their inher
ent right to liberty. They did not, apparently seeing no inconsistency since the words did
not mean what they said (see Box 1.1on page 6).
The magnificent words of the Declaration of Independence declaring freedom and
equality as universal rights of all "men" were, however, fatally flawed, compromised in
that the men who wrote them denied freedom to almost one-fourth of the men in Amer
ica. To understand how the idea of universal freedom was fundamentally compromised,
one needs to see Thomas Jefferson as the paradigmatic figure: author of the Declaration,
preeminent intellectual, acquaintance through correspondence of eminent African
American intellectual Benjamin Banneker-and also a racist, a white supremacist, and a
slave owner.23
Racism and White Supremacy Defined

We have described Jefferson-one of the great men of American history and one of the
most enlightened men of his day-as a racist and white supremacist; therefore, we should
define these terms since they are key distinguishing features of the African American ex
perience in the United States.24 They are also central to the analysis presented through
out this book. Racism and the ideology of white supremacy are fundamental to an
understanding of certain crucial features in the development of the American democracy
as well as the different treatment of black and white Americans.
Racism as a scientific concept is not an easy one for the social scientist. It is difficult
to define with precision and objectivity; also, the word is often used indiscriminately and
in an inflammatory way. We start by distinguishing between racism and the set of ideas
used in the United States to justify it. The latter we refer to as the ideology of white su
premacy or black inferiority. In the United States, racism was and to some extent still is
justified on the basis of the institutionalized belief that Africans are inherently an infe
rior people. We refer to an individual who holds such beliefs as a white supremacist.
By racism we mean, following the definition of Carmichael and Hamilton in Black
Power, "the prediction of decisions and policies on considerations of race for the purpose
of subordinatinga racial group and maintaining control over it."25 The definition says noth
ing about why this is done, about racism's purposes or rationales; thus it does not imply any
thing about superiority or inferiority of the groups involved. It does not say, as many
definitions and concepts of racism do, that racism involves the belief in the superiority, in
herent or otherwise, of a particular group and that on this basis policies are implemented to
subordinate and control it. Rather, the definition simply indicates that whenever one ob
serves policies that have the intent or effect of subordinating a racial group, the phenome
non is properly identified as racism, whatever, if any, the justificatory ideology may be.
Before the ink was dry on Jefferson's Declaration, there was controversy about what was
meant by the words "all men are created equal." Rufus Choate, speaking in 1776 for South
erners embarrassed by Jefferson's words, said Jeffersondid not mean what he said. Rather,
the word men referred only to nobles and Englishmen who were no better than ordinary
American freemen. "If he meant more," Choate said, itwas because Jefferson was "unduly
influenced by the French school of thought."a (Jefferson was frequently accused of being in-
fluenced by JeanJacques Rousseau's writings, a charge that he denied.) On the eve of the
Civil War, Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, in his opinion in the Dred Scott (1857) case, said
that on the surface the words "all men are created equal" applied to blacks. Yet he con-
cluded, "It is too clear for dispute that the enslaved African race were not intended to be
included, and formed no part of the people who framed and adopted the Declaration." Sim
ilarly, during his famous debates with Abraham Lincoln, Stephen Douglas argued that the
phrase simply meant that Americans were not inferior to Englishmen as citizens. It was Lin-
coln's genius at Gettysburgin his famous address t o fundamentally repudiate Choate, Taney,
and Douglas in what Garry Wills calls an "audacious" and "clever assault." Lincoln accom
plished this by claiming that the Civil War had given rise t o a "new birth of freedom" that
had been conceived by Jefferson "four score and seven years ago" when he wrote the
Declaration.b Conservative scholars have long attacked Lincoln's "radical" redefinition of
the meaning of the Declaration. Wilmore Kendal, writing a century after Gettysburg, argued
that the word men in the Declaration referred t o property holders or t o the nations of the
world but not men as such, writing blatantly that "the Declaration of lndependence does
not commit us t o equality as a national goal."c As Daniel Boorstin, the former Librarian of
Congress and author of the celebrated The Americans: The Democratic Experience (New
York: Vintage Books, 1974), writes, "We have repeated that 'all men are created equal'
without daring to discover what it meant and without realizing that probably to none of the
men who spoke it did it mean what we would like it to mean."d
a Quotedin Carl Becker, The Declaration of lndependence: A Study in the History of an Idea (New York: Vintage Books, 1922,
1970): 27.
b Garry Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg:The Words Thot RemadeAmerica (New York: Touchstone, 1992).
c
Wilmore Kendal, Basic Symbols of the American Political Trodition (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1970). as
cited in M. E. Bradford, "How to Read the Declaration of Independence: Reconsidering the Kendal Thesis," The Intercolle
giate Review (Fall 1992): 47.
d lbid., p. 46.
Carmichael and Hamilton's definition is particularly useful to political scientists be

cause it focuses on power as an integral aspect of the phenomenon. For racism to exist, one
racial group (orindividual) must have the relative power-the capacity to impose its will in
terms of policies-over another relatively less powerful group or individual. Without this
relative power relationship, racism is a mere sentiment: Although group A may wish to sub
ordinate group B, if it lacks the effective power to do so, the desire remains simply a wish.
Philosophy, Politics, and lnterest in Constitution Formation 7
Carmichael and Hamilton also write that racism may take two forms: individual and
institutional.26 Individual racism occurs when one person takes into consideration the
race of another to subordinate, control, or otherwise discriminate against an individual;
institutional racism exists when the normal and accepted patterns and practices of a so
ciety's institutions have the effect or consequence of subordinating or discriminating
against an individual or group on the basis of race.27
It is in this sense that we refer to Thomas Jefferson as a white supremacist and a
racist. He believed that blacks were inherently inferior to whites, stating in his Notes on
Virginia that they were "inferior by nature, not condition" (see Box 1.2). H e was also a
racist, individually and institutionally, in that he took the race of individual blacks into
consideration so as to discriminate against them, and he supported, although ambiva-
lently, the institution of slavery that subordinated blacks as a group.
Philosophy, Politics, and lnterest in Constitution Formation

The framers of the Constitution were influenced in their work by their readings in
philosophy and history. But the framers were also practical politicians and men of af
fairs, and, as in all politics, they were men with distinct interests. In what is gener
ally a sympathetic portrayal of the framers, historian William Freehling writes, "If
the Founding Fathers unquestionably dreamed of universal freedom, their ideolog
ical posture was weighed down equally with conceptions of priorities, profits, and
prejudices that would long make the dream utopian."28 The first or principal priority
of the framers was the formation and preservation of the union of the United States.
This priority was thought indispensable to the priority of profit-that is, to the eco
nomic and commercial success of the nation. And as Freehling notes, their concern
with profits grew out of their preoccupation with property, and slaves as property
were crucial; thus, "it made the slaves' right to freedom no more 'natural' than the
master's right to property."29 It was this crucial nexus between profits, property, and
slavery that led the men at Philadelphia to turn the idea of universal freedom into a
utopian dream.
African Americans in the Constitution

As far as we can tell from the records of the federal convention, slavery was not the sub
ject of much debate at that gathering. Certainly its morality was never at issue, although
there were several passionate opponents of slavery present, including the venerable
Benjamin Franklin, president of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition
of Slavery. But neither Franklin nor any other delegate proposed abolition at Philadel
phia, knowing that to do so would destroy any possibility of union. Hence, slavery was
simply just another of the issues (such as how the small and large states were to be rep
resented in the Congress) that had to be compromised to accomplish the objective of
forming the union.
Slavery is dealt with explicitly in four places in the Constitution, although the words
slave and slavery are never used. It was James Madison, generally considered the
"Father of the Constitution," who insisted that all explicit references to slavery be ex-
cluded.30 It is worth noting, as Joe R. Feagin does, that while the Constitution's racist
provisions relating to slavery have been overridden by amendments, they have not been
In the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson engaged in a kind of moral reasoning to reach

his conclusions as to the self-evident equality of men. In his Notes on Virginia written several
years later, he engaged in a more scientific approach t o the analysis of the problem of racial
inequality.a In doing so, Jefferson the slaveholder made an eloquent condemnation of slav-
ery, proposing his view of a just and equitableway to end slavery in the United States while
simultaneously offering what he took t o be scientific proof of the inferiority of the African
people. Understanding Jefferson's views on race is therefore critical to an appreciation of
how racism fundamentally compromised the idea of universal freedom at the very creation
of the American Republic.b
In 1780 Francois Barbe-Marbois, the
secretary of the French delegation in
Philadelphia, sent a letter to each of the
state governors requesting that they an
swer questions on particular customs and
conditions in their states. Jefferson de
layed his response until after he left the
governor's office. Although Jefferson of
fered a general assessment of conditions
in the state, his Notes are best known for
what he said about slavery, the African
people, and Virginia society.
While defending the institution of
slavery Jefferson nevertheless saw it as
evil and unjust, writing, "There must
doubtless be an unhappy influence on
the manners of our people produced by
the existence of slavery among us. The
whole commerce between master and Thomas Jefferson is the embodiment of the
slave i s perpetual exercise of the most contradiction in the American democracy
boisterous passions, the most unremit- between its declaration of universal freedom
ting despotism on the one part, and de- and equality and its practice of slavery.
grading submission on the other."c In a famous passage that would be echoed by
Abraham Lincoln during the Civil War, Jefferson suggested that God would surely pun
ish America: "Indeed, I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that his
justice cannot sleep forever. . . . The almighty has no attribute which can take side with
us in such a contest."d
Since slavery was an evil, but a necessary one given the need for labor in the plantation
economy, Jefferson proposed a revision in Virginia law that would gradually free the slaves;
train them; provide tools, seeds, and animals; and then transport them t o a new land as a
(Continued)
BOX 1.2 Continued
"free and independent people" while simultaneously sending ships "to other parts of the
world for an equal number of white inhabitants" to replace them. e
Jefferson anticipated that the inevitable question would be why not simply free the
slaves and integrate them into Virginia society, thereby saving the money involved in colo-
nialization of the slaves and the transportation of the whites. His response was first that
"deep rooted prejudices entertained by whites, ten thousand recollections by the blacks
of injuries they have sustained, the real distinctions which nature has made and many
other circumstances "made impossible the integration of the black and white populations
on the basis of freedom and equality.f Indeed, Jefferson believed that if the races were not
separated, "convulsions" would occur, probably ending the in "extermination of one or
the other race."g
Jefferson was not satisfied to base his argument for racial separation on these essentially
practical arguments. Rather, he wanted to be "scientific," to base his conclusions on the
"facts," on his "empirical observations. "Thus, in the Notes he advocated what was one of the
first of many "scientific proofs " of black inferiority as justification for black subordination.
First, he argued that blacks compared t o whites were less beautiful, had a "strong and
disagreeable odor," and were more "ardent after their female." Ultimately, however, for
Jefferson the basis of black inferiority was his "suspicion" that blacks were "inferior in facul
ties of reason and imagination."h Noting that the differences he observed between blacks and
whites might be explained by the different conditions under which they lived, Jefferson
rejected this explanation, concluding it was not their "condition" but their "nature" that
produced the difference!
a Thisdistinction between Jefferson's moral reasoning in the Declaration and hs i scientific approach in the Notes is the cen-
tral theme of JeanYarbrough, "Race and the Moral Foundation of the American Republic: Another Look at the Declaration
and the Notes on Virginia," Journol of Politics 53 (February 1991): 90-105. Yarbrough argues that "the self-evident truths of
the Declaration rest on a kind of moral reasoning which is morally superior t o and incompatiblewith the so called scientific
approach Jeffersonadopts in the Notes" (p. 90).
b Acomprehensivetreatment of Jefferson's views on race is in Winthrop Jordan. White over Black American Attitudes Toward
the Negro, 1550-1812 (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1969): chap. 12. "Thomas Jefferson:Self and Society."
c ThomasJefferson. Notes on the State of Virginia, edited by William Peden (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,
1954): 162-63.
e lbid., pp. 138-39.

f lbid., p. 138. This was also the view of Abraham Lincoln (see chap. 14). In Democracy in America(New York: Knopf, 1945)
probably the single most importantand influentialbook ever written on the subject-Alexis de Tocquevillealso reached the
same pessimistic conclusion that blacks and whites could not live together on the basis of freedom and equality. Tocqueville
thought that whites would either subjugate the blacks or exterminate them. See Democracy in America, vol. I, edited by
Phillips Bradley (New York: Vintage Books. 1945): chap. 18.
g Notes on the State of Virginia, pp. 138-39.
h lbid.
deleted. This is because, as Feagin writes, "At no point has a new Constitutional Convention
been held to replace this document with one created by representatives of all the people, in-
cluding the great majority of the population not represented at the 1787 Convention."31
The Three-Fifths Clause, the Slave Power, and the Degradation of the
American Democracy
Before the Sixteenth Amendment was adopted (permitting Congress to tax income
directly), Congress could impose and collect taxes only on the basis of a state's popu
lation. The larger a state's population, the greater its tax burden. For this reason the
southern states insisted that the slaves not be counted, as, like horses and cows, they
were property. However, for purposes of representation in the House (where each
state is allocated seats on the basis of the size of its population), the South wished to
count the slaves as persons, although they of course could not vote. This would
enhance the South's power not only in the House but also in choosing the president,
since the number of votes a state may cast for president in the electoral college is
equal to the total of its representation in the House and Senate. The northern states,
on the other hand, wished to count the slaves for purposes of taxation but not repre
sentation. Hence, the great compromise-the Three-Fifths Clause. In Article I,
Section 2, paragraph 3:
Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states that
may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers which shall
be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound
to service for a Term of years and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other
persons.
In attempting to justify or explain this compromise, Madison (in The Federalist
Papers No. 54) disingenuously puts his words in the mouth of a fictional Southerner:
The Federal Constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our
slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property. . . . Let the
slaves be considered, as it is in truth a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of
the Constitution be mutually adopted which regards them as inhabitants, but as
debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave
as divested as of two fifths of the man.32
But as Professor Donald Robinson so astutely observes,
It bears repeating . . . that Madison's formula did not make blacks three-fifths of a
human being. It was much worse than that. It gave slave owners a bonus in representa
tion for their human property, while doing nothing for the status of blacks as nonper
sons under the law.33
For the first time in this textbook we are able to precisely and comprehensively doc
ument the extent of this bonus overtime with the specific number and percentage of
House seats provided by the Three-Fifths Clause to the slaveholding states. In Figures 1.1
and 1.2 we see the number and percentage of additional House seats gained by southern
and borders states as a consequence of the clause. In the first congressional election in
1788 five states (Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia) gained
14 seats or a bonus of 48 percent, allowing them to reach near parity in the number of
House seats (47-53) with the eight larger northern states. This bonus in numbers in
creased until 1830 and in percentages until 1860, when the numbers began to decline
somewhat. Over the nine censuses and reapportionments of House seats from 1878 until
1860 (the Clause was abolished during the 1860s as a result of the Civil War), the mean
or average bonus percentage of seats was 25.
Similarly, Figure 1.3 shows the percentage of additional electoral votes going to the
slave states as a result of the Three-Fifths Clause, ranging from a low of 8 percent in 1792
to a high of 19 percent in most presidential elections between 1788 and 1860 (the mean
over these 19 elections was a 17 percent bonus).This helped the southern states to elect
four of the first five presidents.
This is the essence of the slave power and how it degraded the American democracy
even among white men. It gave, for example, a white man in Virginia who owned a hun
dred slaves the equivalent of 60 votes compared to a Pennsylvania white man who owned
no slaves having 1 vote.
The slave power was so pervasive and corrupting that Timothy Pickering, George
Washington, and John Adams's secretary of state coined the term "Negro President"
and "Negro Congressmen" to refer to those presidents and members of Congress
elected on the basis of the three-fifths bonus.34 Not only did this slave power elect
"Negro Presidents" and "Negro Congressmen," it also resulted in "Negros" serving as
speakers of the House, and chairs of the Ways and Means Committee (79 and 92 per
cent of the time, respectively, until 1824), then and now the most powerful House
committee.35
Figure 1.1 The Number of Additional Seats Given by the Three-Fifths Clause to the Slave
States in the House of Representatives
25
Mean = 18
1788 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860

Year
Sources: Thepopulation estimates used by the 1787 Constitutional Convention to apportion the first House of
Representativeswere taken from Merrill Jensen and Robert Becker (eds.), TheDocumentary History of the First
FederalElections 17788-7790 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976): xxiv. The apportionment ratio and
seats for each decade from 1790 to 1860 were taken from Department of Commerce, Congressional District
Data Book 93rd Congress (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1973):Appendix A, 548. Data on the
African American slave and free population for 1790 to 1915 were taken from Department of Commerce, Negro
Population 1790-1915 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1918): 57. Data on the African American
and white populations in each state from 1790 to 1860 were taken from Department of Commerce, Negroes in
the United States 1920-1932 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1935): 10-1 1. Calculations for each
seat or fraction of a seat for each decade were done by the authors.
Figure 1.2 The Percentage of Additional Seats Given by the Three-Fifths Clause to the
Slave States in the House of Representatives
I I I I I I I I
1788 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860
Year
Sources: The population estimates used by the 1787 Constitutional Convention t o apportion the first House of
Representatives were taken from Merrill Jensen and Robert Becker (eds.), The DocumentaryHistory o f the First
Federal Elections 1788-1790 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976): xxiv. The apportionment ratio and
seats for each decade from 1790 t o 1860 were taken from Department of Commerce, Congressional District
Data Book 93rd Congress (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1973): Appendix A, 548. Data on the
African American slave and free population for 1790 to 1915 were taken from Department of Commerce, Negro
Population 1790-1915 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1918): 57. Data on the African American
and white populations i n each state from 1790 to 1860 were taken from Department of Commerce, Negroes i n
the United States 1920-1932 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1935): 10-1 1. Calculations for each
seat or fraction of a seat for each decade were done by the authors.
Figure 1.3 The Percentage of Additional Electoral Votes Given by the Three-Fifths Clause
to the Slave States in Presidential Elections
- - - - - - - - -
Mean = 17
1788 1792 1796 1800 1804 1808 1812 1816 1820 1824 1828 1832 1836 1840 1844 1848 1852 1856 1860
Year
Source: The total number of additional House of Representatives seats for each state i n the slave bloc were
taken from the analyses derived t o develop the summary for Figure 1.1 and treated as additional electoral votes
for that state. The total number of electoral votes for each state that were advantaged by the Three-Fifths
Clause were taken from Congressional Quarterly's Guide t o U.S. Elections, 4th ed., vol. 1 (Washington, DC:
Congressional Quarterly, 2001): 817-836. Calculations were prepared by the authors.
The Three-Fifths Clause was effectively repealed with the adoption of the Thir
teenth Amendment. Ironically, however, this resulted in an increase in the power of
southern racists and white supremacists. This is because the emancipated slaves were
now counted as whole persons, but from the 1870s to the 1970s most of these whole
black persons were denied the right to vote. The authors of the Fourteenth Amendment
had anticipated that the former slave owners would attempt to deny the vote to blacks.
Therefore, they included in it a provision (Section 2 ) providing that those states that de
prived blacks (actually black men) of the right to vote would be deprived of the propor
tionate number of seats in the House. But this provision was never enforced.36 So, in
effect the slave power of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries became the segrega
tion power of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Whether slave power or segrega
tion, however, it continued to degrade the democracy and deny African Americans
universal freedom.
The electoral college i s the mechanism used t o elect the president of the United States. In
the American democracy a person is elected president not on the basis of winning a major
ity of the votes of the people, but rather on the basis of winning a majority of votes in the
electoral college. The electoral college is actually 51 electoral colleges representing the
states and the District of Columbia. Each state is granted as many electoral college votes as
it has members of Congress, which means that each state and the District of Columbia has
at least three electors (based on two senators and a minimum of one member of the
House). In all states except Maine and Nebraska the electoral college votes are based on
the principle of winner take all. The candidate who wins most of the votes of the people
(even if this is less than a majority in a multicandidate race) receives all the state's electoral
votes. Thus, a hypothetical candidate running in California who receives 39 percent of the
vote in a four-person race would receive 100 percent of the state's 55 electoral votes.This
system of choosing the president means that a loser can become the winner. That is-as in
the 2000 election of George W. Bush-a person can lose a majority of the votes of the peo-
ple but nevertheless become president by winning a majority of the electoral votes. This un-
democratic system of choosing the president is rooted partly in slavery and was part of
several compromises the framers of the Constitution made to accommodate the interests
of slaveholders, which undermined the interests of blacks and compromised the principle
of democracy.
The framers of the Constitution confronted three alternatives in considering how the
president might be elected. The first was election by the Congress.This alternative was re-
jected because it violates the principle of the separation of powers. The second alternative
was election by the legislatures of the states. It was rejected because it would have violated
the principle of an independent federal government. The last-and most obvious and most
democratic-method was election by the people. This alternative was rejected because
some of the framers said the people would not be educated or informed enough to make
(Continued)
BOX 1.3 Continued
a good choice. However, election by the people would also have disadvantaged the slave
holding southern states. James Madison, who at first favored election by the people, changed
his mind in favor of the electoral college because he said election by the people would dis
advantage the South since their slaves could not vote. The electoral college compromise did
not disadvantagethe southern states; it gave them a bonus by allowing them t o count their
slaves in determining electoral votes on the basis of the Three-Fifths Clause used t o allo
cate seats in the House of Representatives. In its earliest years of operation the electoral
college did work t o the advantage of the South, as four of the first five presidents elected
in the first 30 years were slave owners from Virginia.
The electoral college also represented other compromises that undermined democra
tic principles. While it gave the states with the largest population the larger share of elec
toral votes, it gave the smaller states a two-seat bonus based on their senators. It left the
manner of choosing the electors up t o the states except that they were prohibited from
holdingany federal office (including being members of Congress) and from meeting together
as a group (the electors meet separately on the same day in each state's capital). The elec
tors may be chosen in any manner a state's legislature determines-by the legislature itself,
by appointment of the governor, or by the voters. (It was not until the 1840s that all states
allowed the people t o choose the electors in direct elections.) Once selected, the electors
are free to vote for anyone they wish (as long asthe person meets the constitutional qual-
ifications of age, native-born citizenship, and residency), even if the person did not run in
the first place. The states are also free to determine the allocation ofthe electoral votes-
whether winner take all on a statewide basis or proportionally by congressional districts.
Four times the electoral college has resulted in a loser becoming the winner. In 1828
Andrew Jackson won most of the votes of the people and most (but not a majority) of the
electoral college votes in a four-man race, but lost the presidency to John Q. Adams. In 1876
Samuel J. Tilden won the popular vote majority but in the so-called "Compromise of 1877"
Rutherford B. Hayes won by a one-vote margin in the electoral college. In 1888 Grover
Cleveland narrowly won the popular vote but Benjamin Harrison won the electoral college
by a large margin. In 2000, Albert Gore won the election by a margin of a half million votes
but lost the electoral college by a one-vote margin to George W. Bush. In three ironies of
history, the elections of 1876, 1888, and 2000 all involved allegations of suppression of the
black vote in Florida and other southern states.
Although the electoral college is partly rooted in slavery, it is unclear whether i t s abo
lition in favor of choice by direct vote of the people would advantage or disadvantage
African Americans in presidential elections. Although the small states where few blacks live
have a bonus in the electoral college, it is the large states of the Northeast and Midwest that
decide presidential elections. African Americans are disproportionately represented in
these states. Therefore, in close elections African Americans can sometimes constitute the
balance of power in determining the winner.
The other clauses dealing explicitly with slavery include Article I, Section 9, para
graph 1, prohibiting Congress from stopping the slave trade before 1808 and limiting
any tax on imported slaves to ten dollars; Article V prohibiting any amendment to the
Philosophy, Politics,and Interest in Constitution Formation 15
Constitution that would alter the 1808 date or rate of taxation on imported slaves; and
Article IV, Section 2, paragraph 2, requiring the northern states to return slaves who
escaped to freedom back to their bondage in the South. As far as we know, none of
these provisions caused much controversy at the convention, although the fugitive
slave clause in Article IV initially would have required that escaped slaves be "deliv-
ered up as criminals"; this, however, was modified to relieve states of the obligation.37
The framers, while committed to freedom, had a limited, nonuniversal vision of it.
Freedom was for some-the some who were white men with property, including prop
erty in other men, women, and children. Professor Robinson cautions us, "One wants to
be fair to the framers, and above all to avoid blaming them as individuals for the sins of
the culture, in which we all share. We must be careful not to imply that they should have
done better unless we are prepared to show how better provisions might have been
achieved politically." Fair enough. But Robinson continues, "At the same time, we must
be lucid in recognizing the terrible mistakes made at the founding. In the end the framers
f'ailed on their own terms."38 Or as Thurgood Marshall, the first African American justice
of the Supreme Court, said in a speech in 1987 marking the 200th anniversary of the
Constitution, ". . . nor do I find the wisdom, foresight, and sense of justice exhibited by
the framers particularly profound. To the contrary, the government they devised was de
fective from the start, requiring several amendments, a civil war, and momentous social
transformations to attain the system of constitutional government, and its respect for the
individual freedoms and human rights, we hold as fundamental today. When contempo
rary Americans cite 'The Constitution,' they invoke a concept that is vastly different from
what the framers began to construct two centuries ago."39
Constitutional Principles and Design

In designing the Constitution the framers were guided by two overarching and interre
lated principles. First, the primary object of government was the protection of private
property, and second, the power of government had to be limited to avoid tyranny. These
two principles are interrelated because a government of unlimited powers could itself
become a threat to private property, thereby undermining one of its core purposes.
These two principles gave rise to what are the two most important contributions of the
framers to the art and practice of government: the idea of the separation of powers of the
government into distinct parts or branches, and federalism.
In The Federalist Papers No. 10, James Madison, a man of little property himself,
wrote, "The diversities in the faculties of men from which the rights of property origi
nates is not less an insuperable obstacle to uniformity of interests. The protection of these
faculties is the first object of government" (emphasis added).40 How does government
carry out its first object in a democratic society? The problem confronting the framers,
stated simply, was this: In a democratic, capitalist society where only a minority has prop-
erty but a majority has the right to vote, it is likely the majority will use its voting rights
to threaten the property rights of the minority. To avoid this danger while preserving
what Madison called the "spirit and form" of democracy was the principal objective of
the framers in designing the Constitution.
How is this objective attained? The principal means is through the separation of
powers. Again, we quote Madison. Writing in The Federalist Papers No. 47 he argued,
"No political truth is certainly of greater intrinsic value or stamped with the authority
of more enlightened patrons of liberty than that . . . the accumulation of all powers,
legislative, executive and judiciary, in the same hands . . . may justly be pronounced the
very definition of tyranny."41 It was not, however, the mere separation of powers of the
government into four distinct parts (including the two parts of the Congress); in addi
tion, the Constitution allowed the people-the voters-to elect directly only one of the
four parts: the House of Representatives, arguably the least powerful of the four.
The second major principle of constitutional design was federalism, a system of gov
ernment in which powers are shared between a national (federal) government and the
governments of the several states. The last of the Bill of Rights, the Tenth Amendment,
establishes this federal system by delegating some powers to the federal government,
prohibiting both the states and federal government from exercising certain powers, and
reserving all others to the states. The major powers of the federal government were
limited to regulating commerce and the currency, conducting diplomacy, and waging
war. Everything else done by the government was to be done by the states.
As Robinson writes, when this system of government was being devised, "tensions
about slavery were prominent among the forces that maintained the resolve to develop
the country without strong direction from Washington."42 In limiting the power of the
federal government in Washington, the framers simultaneously limited the possibility of
universal freedom. Again, to quote from Robinson's Slavery in the Structure of Ameri
can Politics:
Therefore, in the United States a political system "exquisitely" sensitive to elements of
which it was composed and whose structure, both formal and informal, was geared to
frustrate and facilitate public action at the national level could not be expected to pro
duce action to end slavery, particularly when the group with the most immediate inter
est in overthrowingslavery was itself completely unrepresented.43
African Americans, however, given their status first as slaves and subsequently as a poor,
oppressed minority, have always found the status quo unacceptable. They favored-and
favor today-rapid, indeed radical, change in the status quo. They have also favored
action by the federal government rather than the states. Historically,African Americans
and their allies have made an important contribution to universalizing freedom through
their support for a powerful federal government. The power of the federal government
has increased markedly during three periods in American history: the Reconstruction
Era in the 1860s, the New Deal Era in the 1930s, and the civil rights-Great Society Era
of the 1960s. In two of these periods the black quest for freedom was central to the
expansion of federal power (see Chapter 2 for more detailed discussion of these three
periods of expanding federal power). As we show in the chapter on public opinion,
Chapter 5, African Americans remain the most distinctively and persistently liberal of all
the various groups of the American population, strongly supporting an activist, interven
tionist federal government.
Summary 17
James Forten contributed t o universal freedom by working t o make the principles of

equality expressed by Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence real for all persons.
Forten was part of the founding generation of Americans. Born in Philadelphia to a family
of free black persons, as a boy he fought in the American Revolution and by the time o f his
death in 1842 he was among the wealthiest men in the United States. A master sail maker,
Forten employed an integrated workforce and used his wealth t o organize and finance the
abolitionist movement. In 1813 he published A Series of Letters by a Man of Color. In this
pamphlet Forten argued that freedom was universal. Anticipating Frederick Douglass's
famous 1852 "Fourth of July Address" and Martin Luther King Jr.'s famous 1963 "I Have a
Dream" speech, Forten wrote:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that God creates all men equal, is one of
the most prominent features in the Declaration of Independence, and in the glori
ous fabric o f collected wisdom, our noble Constitution. This idea embraces the
Indian and the European, the savage and the saint, the Peruvian and the Laplander,
the white man and the African, and whatever measures are adopted subversive of
this inestimable privilege, are in direct violation ofthe letter and sprit of our Consti-
tution, and become subject to the anim adversion of all.
Forten defied the odds, and his life, work, and writings demonstrated that African
Americans were equal t o the white men of his generation who founded the Republic.*
*Julie Winch, A Gentleman of Color. The Life of James Forten (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
Summary
Freedom is a major value in Western and American culture. Yet freedom as a value in
the West and in the United States has its origins partly in the struggles of slaves for
freedom. While espousing the value of freedom, many Western philosophers and
many of the founders of the American republic embraced racism and the ideology of
white supremacy, which gave them the freedom to deprive others of their freedom.
Thus, in writing the social contract-the Constitution-that established the United
States, African Americans were left out, thereby setting in motion the centuries-long
African American freedom struggle. Power-the central concept in politics and polit
ical science-is intimately related to freedom. Whites with power used it to fashion a
notion of their freedom that allowed them to destroy freedom for Africans and African
Americans. African Americans, o n t h e other hand, with relatively little power, devel
oped the idea of universal freedom as part of their ongoing struggles t o reclaim their
own freedom.
T h e American Constitution is a remarkable document, widely admired around the
world as one of freedom's great charters. However, from the outset it was a terribly
flawed document that compromised the Declaration of Independence's promise of
universal freedom and equality. From Thomas Jefferson's Declaration to the writing of
the Constitution at Philadelphia, the founders of America compromised the idea of
universal freedom in pursuit of a union based on property, profits, slavery, and t h e ide
ology of white supremacy. As a result, they created a government of limited powers,
one that would act cautiously and slowly. T h e African American freedom struggle,
however, has always required a government that could act decisively-whether t o abol
ish slavery and segregation o r to secure social and economic justice. T h e Constitution
itself therefore is o ne of the factors that has limited and continues t o limit their quest
for universal freedom.
Selected Bibliography
Beard, Charles. An Economic Interpretation o f the Constitution. New York: Free Press, 1913,
1965. The classic, controversialbook suggesting that the framers of the Constitution wrote an
undemocratic document in order to protect their economic interests.
Becker, Carl. The Declaration of Independence:A Study in the History of an Idea. New York: Vin
tage Books, 1922, 1970. The classic study of the writing of the Declaration.
Brown, Robert. Charles Beard and the Constitution: A Critical Analysis of an Economic Interpre
tation of the Constitution. New York: Norton, 1965. Acomprehensive critique of Beard's con
troversial book.
Davis, David Brion. The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1966. An early, groundbreaking study of the interrelationship between slavery and the
emergence of freedom as a value in the Western world.
Farrand, Max. The Framing of the Constitution of the United States. New Haven, CT: Yale Uni
versity Press, 1913. Ashort, readable account of the writing of the Constitution by the scholar
who prepared the four-volume documentary record of the proceedings of the Philadelphia
convention.
Fehrenbacher, Don, and Ward McAfree. The Slaveholding Republic: An Account of the United
StatesGovernment's Relationsto Slavery. New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 2001. The most
recent and the most detailed study of the subject.
Freehling, William. "The Founding Fathers and Slavery." American Historical Review 77 (1972):
81-93. A generally sympathetic account of how slavery influenced the framers' work on the
Constitution.
Harding, Vincent. There Is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America. New York: Har
court Brace Jovanovich, 1981. A lyrical, poetic, inspiring narrative.
Jordan, Winthrop. White over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812. Balti
more: Penguin,1968. A monumental study tracing the origin and development of white atti
tudes toward Africans and African Americans from the sixteenth century through the early
historyof the United States.
Patterson, Orlando. Freedom in the Making of Western Culture. New York: Basic Books, 1991.
The most recent study of how freedbm in the West emerges out of the experience of
slavery.
Notes 19
Robinson, Donald. Slavery in the Structure of American Politics. New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1971. The best book on the role slavery played in the debates and compromises
that shaped the writing of the Constitution.
The Federalist Papers. Introduction by Clinton Rossiter. New York: New American Library, 1961. The
authoritative interpretation of the Constitution written during the debate on ratification by James
Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay. It is also a classic in American political thought.
Notes
1. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (New York:
Harper & Row, 1988): 77.
2. William Riker, Federalism: Origins, Operation and Significance (Boston: Little, Brown,
1964):140.
3. Orlando Patterson, Freedom in the Making of Western Culture (New York: Basic
Books, 1991): 1.
4. John Hope Franklin, From Slaveryto Freedom: A History of Negro Americans (NewYork:
Knopf, 1980): 31.
5. See Patterson, Freedom in the Making of Western Culture and his "The Unholy Trinity:
Freedom, Slavery and the American Constitution," Social Problems 54 (Autumn 1987):
543-77. See also Edmund Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of
Colonial Virginia (New York: Norton, 1975); David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery
in Western Culture (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1966),and his The Problem of
Slavery in the Age of Revolution (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975).
6. Patterson,"The Unholy Trinity," pp. 559-60. Patterson, in Freedom in the Making o f West
ern Culture, contends that freedom is a uniquely Western value and that "almost never out
side the context of western culture and its influence, has it [non-Western culture] included
freedom. Indeed, non-Western peoples have thought so little about freedom that most hu
man languages did not even possess a word for the concept until contact with the West" (p.x).
7. Patterson, "The Unholy Trinity,"p. 545.
8. Patterson, Freedom in the Making of Western Culture, pp. 3-5.
9. Foner, Reconstruction, p. 231.
10. Richard King, Civil Rights and the Idea of Freedom (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1992): 26.
11. Ibid., pp. 26-28.
12. Herbert Aptheker, A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States,
vol. 1 (New York: Citadel Press, 1967): 1.
13. Harold Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan, Power and Society: A Framework for Political
Inquiry (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1950): 26.
14. Robert Dahl, "The Concept of Power," Behavioral Science 2 (July1957): 201-15.
15. Max Weber, "Class, Status and Party," in H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, From Max
Weber (New York: Oxford, 1958): 180.
16. Mack Jones, "A Frame of Reference for Black Politics," in Lenneal Henderson, ed., Black
Political Life in the United States (New York: Chandler Publishing, 1972): 9.
17. Carl Becker, The Declaration of Independence: A Study in the History of an Idea (New
York: Vintage Rooks, 1922, 1970):320.
18. Joseph Ellis, "Editing the Declaration," Civilization (July/August 1995): 60. See Becker's
The Declaration of Independence for a detailed analysis of the various changes made in
Jefferson's original draft.
19. Ellis,"Editing the Declaration."
20. Becker, The Declaration of Independence, pp. 212-13.
Other documents randomly have
different content
hyväksemme ja laskea merelle. Salama tekee tehtävänsä millaisessa
ilmassa hyvänsä, kun vain ei ole liian kovasti lastattu."
"Minä luotan teidän sanoihinne ja kokemukseenne ja päätän siis

mennä
Viipuriin", sanoi katteini.
Sovitulla ajalla kävi katteini överstin luokse.
"Suostun ehdotukseenne ja vien 10,000 ruplan maksusta Viipuriin

sen lastin, josta puhuitte", sanoi katteini.
Venäläinen ojensi hänelle kätensä ja puristi katteinin kättä

kiihkeästi.
"Te olette rohkea mies, katteini, sen sanon vieläkin. Jo

huomispäivänä saatte ruveta lastamaan", sanoi översti. "Minä
kirjoitan teistä sotaministerille ja toimitan teille ritarimerkin."
"Kun laiva on lastattu, otan minä mieluummin rahdiksi luvatut

10,000 ruplaa", vastasi katteini.
"Rahat antaa teille kenraali Streboff Viipurin komentantti", vastasi

översti, "sellaiset ovat minulle sotahallinnosta annetut ohjeet. Minun
on vain nimelläni vahvistettava sopimuksemme."
Tuohon selitykseen tyytyi katteini; hän ei voinut aavistaakaan

mitään petosta siinä. Postissa, joka silloin kulki Haaparannan kautta,
hän lähetti ne vekselit, mitkä oli saanut Lovisassa myymästänsä
lastista, jota varovaisuuttansa hänen ei tarvinnut katua, niinkuin
myöhemmin saamme nähdä.
Jo seuraavana päivänä rupesi Salama lastaamaan kieltotavaraa.
Kanuunat ja kuulat sijoitettiin suuremman lastiruuman pohjaan,
muut tavarat ja ruutitynnyrit pienempään. Huolellisesti jaettiin lasti
niin tasan kuin mahdollista. Kun Salaman perä oli vaipunut 8 jalan
syvälle, kielsi katteini lastaamisen, vaikka sitä kuinkakin vastusteli
översti, joka tahtoi ruumat täyteen pantavaksi.
"Nyt ei enää panna myttyäkään lastiruumaan", vastasi katteini.

"Laivani nopeudesta riippuu pääsemmekö takaa-ajajoistamme ja jos
Salama enemmän lastataan, ei se enään ole kyllin pikakulkuinen."
Siihen sai översti tyytyä. Kun hän vain sai lähetetyksi pois ne
tavarat, mitkä sotaministeri oli käskenyt, oli hänestä yhden tekevä,
tulivatko ne onnellisesti perille vai ei. Hän vain tahtoi päästä koko
toimesta mitä pikemmin.
Salama oli jo lastissa eikä katteini muuta odottanut kuin että sää
muuttuisi luotsin ennustuksen mukaan, jolloin hän koettaisi lähteä
satamasta. Laivan toimettomana ollessa olivat koneen kaikki osat
puhdistetut ja hiilisäilöt täytetyt hiilillä. Heinäkuun 16 päivän illalla
näkyi vihdoin uuden kuun kapea kannikka. Samaan aikaan nousi
vieno tuulenhenki, pilvet ja ilma ennustivat myrskyä.
Seuraavana aamuna puhalsi jo melkoisen kova tuuli. Kirkon

tornista näki, miten meren aallot kävivät korkeina vaahtoharjoina;
vartijalaiva, joka ennen oli ollut purjeittensa varoilla, oli nyt ottanut
höyryn avuksensa kestääksensä tuulen ja aallot, jott'ei ajeltuisi
merelle. Pekka Nord oli ollut tornissa tähystämässä merta. Laivalle
tultuansa sanoi hän katteinille: "Huomenna tähän aikaan on
vartijalaiva ajettu merille ja satama vartioimatta; silloin lähdetään
heti ulos."
"Olkoon niin", sanoi katteini. "Minä tahdon pois vaikka mikä olisi.
Paperini ovat täysikuntoiset ja minä käsken koneenkäyttäjän pitää
höyryn valmiina aamun hämärtyessä."
SEITSEMÄS LUKU.
Salaperäinen nainen. — Onnettomalta kaunottarelta ei voi

pyyntöänsä kieltää. — Myrsky. — Luotsi, osaatteko nyt pelastaa
laivan? — Kun hätä on pahin, on apu lähin.
Päivän kuluessa yltyi myrsky raivoisaksi. Mirandaa ja Dragonia ei

enää näkynyt kirkon tornista, ne olivat ajeltuneet pois rannalta,
minnekä, sitä ei tietänyt kukaan. Salama tuskin saattoi pysyä
satamalaiturilla; peräpuolelta oli tarvis laskea vielä yksi ankkuri sekä
vahvistaa kiinnitystouvit vahvoilla rautakettingeillä.
Veripunaisena laski aurinko länteen ja hämärän tullessa kiihtyi

luonnon raivo. Salonkipöydällä seisovan lampun valossa istui Milenius
kirjottamassa kirjettä Mimmille. Tuo rohkea merimies kertoeli
koruttomilla, mutta sievillä sanoilla rakkautensa ja toivonsa. Ei hän
sanallakaan antanut rakastettunsa ymmärtää niitä vaaroja ja
ponnistuksia, joita hänen nykyinen toimensa kysyi eikä niitä uusia,
jotka epäilemättä uhkasivat häntä. Hän oli niin omissa ajatuksissaan,
ettei ensinkään huomannut, miten salongin ovi avattiin ja sisään
astui nainen, jonka kasvot olivat kokonaan hunnun peitossa. Hän
seisahtui varjoon salongin alipäähän.
Mitähän asiaa oli tuolla naisella, mikä pakoitti häntä myrskystä ja
sen kauhuista huolimatta pimeässä käymään rantaan ja huojuvaa
porrasta myöten astumaan oudolle laivalle?
Paksu huntu peitti hänen kasvojansa, jättäen ainoastaan silmät

näkyviin. Silmät olivat suuret ja lempeät; niistä ilmeni murhetta ja
kärsimystä. Hän oli solakka, jäsenet ja vartalo somasti
sopusoinnussa. Hänen sinertävän mustat hiuksensa olivat otsalla
kiertyneet kiharoiksi ja tekivät hänen kalpeat kasvonsa melkein
kolkon näköisiksi.
Kului hetkinen ennenkuin katteini nosti päätänsä. Hän säpsähti

huomatessaan kolkon haahmon ovella. Mutta Milenius oli rohkea,
hän nousi ja lähestyi paikkaa, missä nainen seisoi liikkumatonna.
Olihan se nainen, mitä tarvitsi hänen siis pelätä?
"Ketä haette ja mitä varten olette tänne tullut?" kysyi katteini.
"Minä haen uljasta miestä, semmoista, joka on kyllin jalomielinen

ja hyväluontoinen auttamaan onnetonta, kun se hänen apuansa
rukoilee", vastasi tuntematon vienolla surullisella äänellä.
"Siitäkö syystä olette minua hakenut?"
"Aivan niin, sillä minä toivon ja uskon teidän olevan semmoisen",

vastasi hän. "Minä ajattelen näin: se, joka voittaaksensa maallista
tavaraa uljaasti panee alttiiksi oman ja laivamiestensä hengen,
laivansa ja tavaransa ja rohkeasti murtaa vihollisten vartijain rivin, ei
se kieltäydy auttamasta ja pelastamaan onnetonta, kovasti koetetulle
puolisolle se hankkii onnen, antamalla hänelle puolisonsa ja
turvansa."
Yhä enemmin kummasteli katteini ja puhuttelijan äänikin miellytti
häntä. Hän pyysi naista pöydän luokse istumaan ja istui itse likelle
häntä.
"Miten voin minä olla teille avuksi?" kysyi katteini. "Siitä saatte olla
vakuutettu, että minä säälin onnetonta, sillä merimiehenä olen minä
monta kertaa tarvinnut ja saanut apua ja sääliväisyyttä. Sanokaa siis
mitä haluatte ja jos minun voimassani on, en ole tekemättä, mitä
tunto ja velvollisuus käskevät."
"Nämä teidän jalomieliset sananne ovat takauksena siitä, etten

pettynyt, kun päätin hakea teidät ja uskoa kohtaloni teidän
käsiinne", sanoi nainen. "Noin kymmenen vuotta sitten syntyi
Pietarissa kapina. Se oli seuraus salaliitosta, jonka tarkoitus oli
karkoittaa istuimelta nykyinen keisari Nikolai ja antaa valtikka
perintöruhtinaalle lempeälle Aleksanderille. Kapinan syttyessä olin
minä ollut kaksi vuotta onnellisissa naimisissa; itse olin silloin
ainoastaan 20 vuoden vanha. Puolisoni, ruhtinas Barinsky palveli
kaartin katteinina. Hän oli Venäjän rikkaimpia ja mahtavimpia sukuja,
hänellä oli suuria maahoveja, hän oli luonnoltansa jalo ja ritarillinen,
rakasti vapautta, vihasi väkivaltaa ja sortoa. Mieheni määrättiin
kaartin kanssa kukistamaan kapinaa. Tultuansa tapahtumapaikalle
näki hän miten hevosväki ja sotamiehet miekalla, painetilla ja luodilla
surmasivat joukottain aseettomia katselijoita. Puolisoni veri kiehahti;
hänen oikeustuntonsa heräsi nähdessään tämmöistä turvattomain
surmaamista. Hän esteli ja hillitsi raivoisaa joukkoa ja pelasti siten
monen hengen. Mutta hänen käytöksensä kerrottiin Nikolai-keisarille,
joka sanoi miestäni kapinan edistäjäksi, miltei yhdeksi sen
osanottajiksi.
"Keisarin käskystä tuomitsi sotaoikeus mieheni 20 vuodeksi
maanpakolaisuuteen Uralin vuorikaivoksiin. Hän vangittiin heti ja
hänen maatilansa ryöstettiin kruunulle. Meidän onnemme oli tuhottu,
murheeni ja tuskani oli rajaton."
"Minä rukoilin keisaria kyynelsilmin ja anoin armoa miehelleni. Hän

katsoi minuun ankarin silmin ja vastasi äreästi, ettei mitään armoa
ollut sille, joka unohti velvollisuutensa ja puolusti kapinoitsevia.
Barinskyn rikkaat sukulaiset puolustivat häntä ja rangaistus
helpotettiin, huomatkaa, se helpotettiin 20 vuoden vankeudeksi
Viipurin linnassa."
"Parhaimmalla iällänsä, juuri silloin kuin elämä olisi voinut tarjota

joitakuita harvalukuisista iloistansa, temmattiin ruhtinas Barinsky
puolisolta, sukulaisilta ja ystäviltä 20:ksi vuodeksi kitumaan
vankeuden yksinäisyydessä. Onhan se kauheaa, se on vitkaan
murhata rehellinen ja syytön mies. Kymmenen vuotta on mieheni jo
ollut vankina eräässä Viipurin linnan tornissa, Korsaaren karilla. Se
on vanha kaunis torni, jonka katto jo on rusentunut, mutta
pohjakerrosta käytetään vankilaksi. Siinä kituu ja kärsii mieheni."
Ruhtinattaren näitä puhuessa, oli musta huntunsa siirtynyt
silmiltänsä ja katteini näki kalpean, mutta ihmeen ihanat kasvot
joissa ilmestyi syvää kärsimistä ja raskasmielisyyttä. Nuo kasvot
suurine mustine silmineen teki merimieheen valtavan vaikutuksen ja
kunnioittaen pyysi hän ruhtinatarta pitkittämään kertomustaan,
lisäten kuuntelevansa häntä yhtä suurella surkuttelulla kuin
mielihalulla.
"Mitä minulla vielä on sanomista, se on pian kerrottu", jatkoi

ruhtinatar. "Näitten kymmenen vuoden kuluessa, joina ruhtinas on
ollut vankina, olen minä turhaan koettanut kaikkia keinoja
saadakseni hänet vapautetuksi. Ruhtinaan tilukset kun ryöstettiin, ei
minulla ollut varoja hankkia apulaisia ja puolustajia, sillä ainoastaan
lahjomisilla oli mahdollista saada keisaria läheisten mahtavain apua.
Vihdoin sain Barinskyn sukulaisilta kootuksi niin suuren summan,
että muuan Viipurin linnan vartijamiehistä suostui auttamaan
ruhtinaan pakoa. Valepuvussa olin minä äskeisin Viipurissa.
Onnistuin päästä linnaankin, saamatta kuitenkaan nähdä miestäni,
mutta tein tuttavuutta erään Gregorius Bestysjeff-nimisen Ukrainassa
syntyneen vanginvartijan kanssa. Jos hän saa 4,000 ruplaa
kultarahassa, suostuu hän auttamaan ruhtinaan karkaamista. Ne
rahat ovat tässä, lunnaiksi koottuina puolisoni vapauttamiseksi."
Ruhtinatar laski kultarahalla täytetyn nahkaisen kukkaron pöydälle.
"Oi, miten noitten katalain rahain hankkiminen on maksanut

minulle paljon kyyneleitä ja rukouksia", sanoi hän. "Ei ollut helppo
asia saada niitä Barinskyn ahnailta sukulaisilta, se maksoi
vuosikausia kestäneitä vaivoja. Jokainen satarupla, jonka sain
summani jatkoksi, lisäsi toivoani, rakkaus mieheeni kannatti
rohkeuttani ja minä uskalsin toivoa."
"Ennenkuin erosin Gregorius Bestysjeffistä, sovimme siitä, että

ruhtinaan pako oli tapahtuva meren puolelta. Sitä tarkoitusta varten
oli hankittava laiva ja pidettävä se valmiina, jotta pakolainen pääsisi
siihen. Sittekun Bestysjeff oli suostunut laivan päällikön kanssa ja
tarkemmat määräykset tehty, olisi vene ja soutomiehiä lähetettävä
rannalle tornin luokse. Bestysjeff saattaisi ruhtinaan sinne ja kun
tämä oli päässyt veneesen, saisi vanginvartija vaatimansa 4,000
ruplaa. Tietysti vene heti soutaisi laivalle, joka sitte purjehtisi
Ruotsiin tai johonkin Itämeren satamaan, missä ruhtinas olisi
turvassa."
"Mutta laivan saaminen ei ollut helppo. Kun kaikki Suomen ja
Venäjän satamat olivat suljetut, oli siitä se haitta, että vaikka
saataisiinkin laiva, se ei pääsisi ankarasti vartioittuun satamaan
sisälle eikä siitä ulos. Viipurista tulin minä tänne Lovisaan, yhä siinä
toivossa, että löytäisin tarkoitukselleni sopivan laivan. Mutta
sellaistapa ei ollut saatavissa. Minua alkoi tuskastuttaa. Silloin kuulin
kerrottavan, miten teidän oli onnistunut pettää vartijat ja päästä
satamaan; minussa heräsi se toivo, että te ehkä rupeisitte ruhtinaan
pelastajaksi ja kun vielä sain kuulla, että te lähdette Viipuriin, juuri
sinne, missä ruhtinas Barinsky on kitumassa, silloin myrskystä ja
pimeydestä huolimatta hain teidät ja tulin rukoilemaan teiltä apua ja
tointa puolisoni vapauttamiseksi."
Ruhtinatar loi nöyrän ja rukoilevan katseen katteiniin. Hänen

kalpeilta murheellisilta kasvoiltansa valui kyyneliä. Hän oli pannut
käteensä ristiin niinkuin rukoileva ja odotti levottomana sekä
tuskastuneena katteinin vastausta.
Katteini olikin nähtävästi liikutettu. Onnettomuudella, ja

ihanuudella on aina puoleensa vetävä voima ja etenkin nyt kun tässä
oli vääryyttä kostettava ja pelastettava jalokuntoinen mies, joka
toisia puolustaessaan itse oli joutunut onnettomuuteen. Milenius oli
nuori, rohkea ja teki päätöksensä pikaisesti. Hän kurotti
ruhtinattarelle kätensä.
"Jos minä sen toimeen saan ja jos Bestysjeff lupauksensa pitää,

vapautan minä ruhtinas Barinskyn", sanoi hän. "Mutta kaikki riippuu
siitä, pääsenkö minä laivoineni Viipuriin, sotalaivojen minua kiinni
saamatta. Elkää kiittäkö minua, sillä lupaukseni annoin siitä syystä,
että kunnioitan alttiiksi panevaa rakkauttanne puolisoonne samalla
kun surkuttelen hänen onnettomuuttansa. Jos minä vain Viipuriin
pääsen, lienee ruhtinaan vapauttaminen varma."
"Minä rukoilen hartaasti Jumalaa, että se teille onnistuisi", sanoi

ruhtinatar, puristaen katteinin kättä. "Minä jään tänne Lovisaan
odottamaan, miten teidän jalo yrityksenne menestyy. Tässä ovat ne
rahat, mitkä Bestysjeff vaatii, ja pyydän teitä antamaan ne hänelle
ruhtinaan vapauden hinnaksi."
"Olen lupaukseni antanut ja tahdon toimia parhaan ymmärrykseni

mukaan", vastasi katteini. "Ette saa yksinään lähteä laivasta, minä
tulen saattamaan teitä asuntoonne. Myrsky on raivoisa, jos ei se
vähän helpota, en huomenna pääsekään satamasta, niinkuin
aikomukseni oli."
Katteini ja ruhtinatar lähtivät salongista ja astuivat maalle. Kovat

tuulenpuuskat ajelivat toisiansa, sade valui virtana ja ilta oli niin
pimeä, että katteini ja hänen seuralaisensa vaivoin saattoivat päästä
eteenpäin. Ilmassa lenteli kattolaudan pätkiä ja muita kaikenlaisia
niin, että kävelijät joka hetki olivat hengen vaarassa.
Vihdoin saavuttiin ruhtinattaren asunnolle.
"Varjelkoon ja suojelkoon teitä Jumala", sanoi hän katteinille.

"Minulla ei ole teille muuta annettava kuin sydämeni koko kiitollisuus.
Tuskalla levottomuudella ja toivollakin odotan tietoja teiltä ja
teistä."
"Niitä saattekin; niin pian kuin vain saan ruhtinaan pelastetuksi,

saatte siitä tiedon. Nyt jääkää hyvästi!"
Hän kiiruhti pois ja pääsi ilman vaikeuksia laivaansa. Salonkiin
tultuansa jatkoi hän kirjettään Mimmille, sulki sen ja sanoi
itseksensä:
"Onnistukoon minulle tehdä hyvä työ, saada vapautetuksi

kovaonninen ruhtinas ja saattaa hänet oivallisen puolisonsa luokse.
Itse olen niin monella ihmeellisellä tavalla saanut kokea Jumalan
apua, että velvollisuuteni on auttaa toisia apua tarvitsevia."
Sydänyön aikana oli myrsky yltynyt hurjimmilleen; aamulla oli sen

raivo masentunut. Samalla oli höyrylaiva varuillaan, ja kun
ensimäinen auringon säde pilkisti idän pilvistä, höyrysi laiva pois
satamasta. Suotuisissa oloissa olisi sen 8 tai 9 tunnin kuluttua
pitänyt saapua Viipuriin, jonne Lovisasta oli noin 15 penikulman
matka.
Väljemmille vesille päästyä nostettiin Salamaan vauhdin

lisäämiseksi muutamia purjeita, mutta pysyttiin mahdollisimman
lähellä rantaa. Pian tuli näkyviin Haminan kaupunki, jossa on
rappiolle joutunut linnoitus; samoin Suursaari, missä enimmästi asuu
luotseja ja kalastajia. Sen luona oli v. 1788 merkillinen meritappelu
ruotsalaisten ja venäläisten välillä.
Sydänpäivän aikoina alkoi aurinko näkyä myrskyn repimistä

pilvistä. Vieläkin lainehtii meri valtavasti, mutta kova itäinen tuuli on
kääntynyt vahvaksi lounaiseksi. Näkyviin tulee Viipurin saaristo, jossa
ovat suuret Piispansaari, Torsaari ja Koiviston saaret Muutama tunti
vielä, jopa alkaa näkyä Uuraan- ja Ravansaari, jotka suojelevat
Viipurin avaraa satamaa. Hurraa, ponnistelkaa ja puhkukaa
höyryhevot, silloin pääsee Salama Viipurin linnoituksen suojaan,
jonka kanuunilla varustetut muurit ovat ihan meren rannalla.
Katteini hieroo hyvillä mielin käsiänsä, tyytyväisenä pistää luotsi
suuhunsa uuden tupakkamällin kirkkaasta messinkirasiastansa. Pian
on kaikki pelko ja vaara vältetty; parin tunnin kuluttua ollaan
turvassa.
"Kuten arvelen, niin kävi; vihollisemme ovat ajaantuneet merelle

tai saaristossa hakeneet satamaa", sanoi luotsi, "tälläkin erällä
petimme heidät kelpotavalla."
Pekka Nord oli tuskin saanut tuon sanoneeksi kun suuri höyrylaiva
Uuranasaaren etelänokasta ilmestyi kulkuväylään. Samaan aikaan
nähtiin toinen höyrylaiva tulevan Koiviston salmesta ja; pyrkivän
pohjoista suuntaa suoraan satamaa kohden. Katteini nosti kiikarin
silmälleen, katseli tarkoin noita kahta laivaa ja sanoi sitte luotsille
kylmäverisesti ja tyynesti.
"Ne ovat molemmat vihollisemme Miranda ja Dragon. Nyt saamme

panna parastamme hengen ja laivan pelastamiseksi."
"Vai niin, minä luulin niitten olevan kaukana Suomenlahdella",

vastasi luotsi ja rupesi sitte tähystelemään näkyalaa kaikilta puolin.
Vasemmalla puolella oli Viipurin ranta ja satamasta läheni Miranda

täydellä höyryllä ja purjeet auki. Oikealla oli saaristo, sen
lukemattomat saaret, luodot ja siltä puolelta tuli Dragon. Pekka Nord
muutti tyynimielisenä tupakkamällinsä oikeasta poskesta vasempaan
ja sanoi sitte katteinille:
"Mahdollisimman suuri höyrypaine, raskauttakaa venttiilit, kaikki

purjeet leveälle, parhaimmat miehet peräsintä pitämään. Minä
kiipeen etumastoon, josta johdan luotsausta. Te, katteini,
komentosillalle johtamaan laivan liikkeitä ja peränpitäjälle
kertoomaan minun käskyjäni — minä vien laivan saaristoon."
"Oikein sanotte, muulla tavoin emme pääse pulasta", vastasi

katteini. "Miranda estää meitä pääsemästä satamaan ja Dragon
kääntymästä takaisin; meidän täytyy mennä saaristoon."
Pekka Nord nousi nopeasti mastoon, missä istui suuren mustan

linnun muotoisena. Kaikki purjeet jotka saattoivat olla avuksi avattiin.
Tuokion kuluttua pisti koneenkäyttäjä päänsä koneluukusta ja huusi
katteinille:
"Kymmenen astetta yli korkeimman höyrypaineen."
"Lisää 30:een asteesen", käski katteini. "Carlsund antaa aina

lahjaksi jonkun tusinan hevosvoimia yli sen, minkä sopimus säätää.
Lämmittäkää lisää!"
"Se tehdään."
Koneenkäyttäjä sukelsi koneruumaan takaisin. Siellä alkoi

kuumuus tulla kauheaksi, pistoonit lensivät ylös ja alas niinkuin
hurjat paholaiset. Venttiilistä, putkista ja viemäreistä pihisi höyryä.
Konemiehet olivat riisuneet vaatteensa ja kuumuus oli niin kova, että
kun uunin luukut avattiin, hiilien lisäämistä varten, heidän täytyi
kääriä märkiä hurstia ympärilleen kestääkseen kuumuutta.
Purakallinen vähän rommilla sekoitettua vettä oli asetettu
koneruumaan miesten virkistykseksi. Aina tavan takaa täytyi miesten
muutamaksi minuutiksi juosta kannelle saadaksensa raikasta ilmaa
keuhkoihinsa.
Katteini käski ensimäisen varamiehensä heittää lokiköyden.

"Vauhti runsaasti 12 solmuväliä", antoi hän tiedoksi.
"Se on liian vähän", jupisi katteini, "takaa-ajajaimme suuret

purjeet auttavat heidän koneittensa voimaa niin, että he voittavat
meidät. Willner hoi!"
"Herra katteini!"
"Ota miehiä, menkää lastiruumaan ja sovittakaa painoa laivan

keskelle, niin paljon kuin suinkin saatte sitä sinne sopimaan."
"Se tehdään, katteini."
Miranda ja Dragon ajoivat nyt takaa Salamaa sekä purjeilla että

höyryllä. Ne huomasivat sen tarkoituksen olevan paeta saaristoon,
vaan kun molemmilla sotalaivoilla oli luotsi Suursaaresta, ne eivät
arkailleet tehdä samoin. Nämä luotsit olivat väkisin otettuja
suomalaisia, joita pakotettiin johtamaan vihollisia sillä uhkauksella,
että he heti hirtetään mastoon, jos eivät rehellisesti tee, mitä
käsketään.
Miranda antoi Dragonille merkin ja heti muutti korvetti suuntansa.

Dragon käänsi, suuntasi lounaista kohden ja katosi pian näkyvistä,
Miranda yksin pitkitti takaa-ajamista, päästäen silloin tällöin
laukauksen vaikka liian pitkän välin takia kuulat putosivat veteen
tekemättä mitään vahinkoa.
Luotsin tarkka silmä huomasi kaikki. Hän näki Dragonin

suuntaavan saaristoon ja arvasi sen aikovan päästä Salaman eteen
estääksensä tätä pakoon pääsemästä. Pekka Nord hymyili; tämä
kunnon merikarhu oli nyt raitis ja hilpeä kuin nuorukainen. Hän
tunsi, mikä suuri vastuunalaisuus hänellä oli. Laivan hyvä tai paha
kohtalo oli kokonaan hänen käsissänsä, hänen taitonsa, tarkka
silmänsä ja tyyni mielensä oli tässä oleva kaiken ja kaikkien pelastus.
Salama kiiti saaristoon, missä lukemattomia saaria, luotoja ja karia

oli kaikkialla ja kaikilla puolin. Näytti niin sokkeloiselta, ettei siinä
luullut kulkuväylää olevankaan eikä kenenkään sieltä osaavan ulos.
Vielä lainehtiva meri ja aallot pauhasivat ruskeakivisiä rantoja ja
vedenalaisia salakaria vastaan, joitten osotteena oli vaahtoava
vedenpinta. Hyrsky nousi rannalla kasvavien puitten latvaan asti.
Parvittain kalalokkia lensi kirkuen ympäri. Laiva pujahteli niin lähellä
kareja, että rohkeimmatkin miehet ehdottomasti ummistelivat
silmänsä, mutta luotsin ilmeinen jäykkyys rohkaisi katteinia, joka
tähän asti ei ollut mokomaa retkeä yritellyt. Myötänsä; kuului Pekka
Nordin huuto: "Oikealle" tai "vasemmalle." Miranda pääsi Salamaa
yhä lähemmäksi. Höyrypaineen lisääminen olisi saanut pannut
räjähtämään. Paino lastiruumassa oli parhaimmin tavoin sovitettu
keskelle ja se oli lisännyt vauhtia puolen solmun väliä.
Silloin nähtiin luotsin ensimäisen kerran vaalenevan. Mitä hän oli

nähnyt? Dragonin, joka tuli vastaan keulapuolesta ihan kohtisuoraan.
Se oli mennyt erään kapean salmen lävitse ja esti nyt Salamaa
pääsemästä edemmäksi. Uhkapurjehtija oli hukassa. Pekka Nordin
silmät leimuivat ja jyrisevällä äänellä huusi hän:
"Peräsin vasemalle, tiukimmasti vasemmalle, tulisesti! Vallan niin

se on oikein. Ei tuumaakaan ylemmäksi; vauhti kiukkuisin, minkä
voimme saada; haljetkoot vaikka pannut, meidän täytyy päästä
väistymään, sen minä sanon."
Katteini toisti luotsin käskyt. Silmänräpäyksessä väistyi Salama ja

pujahti purjein höyryin kapeaan merisolaan kulkuväylän vasemmalle
puolelle. Dragonista vastaiseen suuntaan. Salaman höyrypannut
puhkuivat raivoisasti ja hurjana lensi laiva eteenpäin. Saaret, luodot
ja karit pyörivät katselijan silmissä. Vieläkin korotti luotsi äänensä:
"Olkaa varuillamme miehet kannella, ja pitäkää kiinni, sillä nyt

koetellaan Salaman kestävyyttä. Sillä on vedenpitävät vararuumat ja
Ruotsin rautaa kupeissansa. Katteini, minä ajan yli tuon matalikon,
joka sulkee meiltä tien. Siinä on kahdeksan jalkaa vettä ja Salama
makaa keulassa yhdeksän jalkaa. Niin nytpä koetellaan Ruotsin
rautaa."
Kaikki miehet kannella loivat katseensa eteenpäin. He vaalenivat.

Valkeavahtoinen matalikko tai salakari näkyi suoraan edessä vain
muutaman sadan sylen päässä laivasta ja ihan sitä kohti kiiti nyt
Salama. Meri ajaa suoraan sinne päin ja heittää laivaa
kahdenkertaisella voimalla. Se lentää oikein hirvittävää vauhtia.
Ratkaiseva hetki on tullut. Jättiläisaallon harjalla viskautuu Salama yli
tyrskyn. Vauhti on niin väkevä, aaltojen kuohu, koneen rätinä niin
huumaava, ettei huomatakaan laivan emäpuun koskevan karia,
tuntuu vain, että laiva ikäänkuin horjahtaa ja vavahtaa. Matalikon yli
on onnellisesti päästy ja nyt ollaan puhtaassa vedessä. Luotsi oli
nerokkaasti laskenut kaikki ja nyt hän hymyili anteeksiannettavasta
ylvästelystä. Dragonin on kääntyminen takaisin sama tietä kuin
tulikin, se ei rohkene seurata Salaman jälkiä. Itse Froubrigde ei voi,
olla ihmettelemättä uhkapurjehtijan rohkeutta. Hän jupisi: hyvin
tehty, all right, mutta sen täytyy upota.
Froubrigde ei tietänyt, miten oivakuntoista Ruotsin rauta on ja

kuinka
verraton laivanrakentaja Carlsund. Katteini; käski peilata pumppuja;
Willner ilmoittaa, ettei vettä ole pisaraakaan enempää kuin ennen.
Salama on ihan eheä, vaikka puoli sen irtoanturasta jäi karille.
Kun Salama pääsi väljempään veteen, käski luotsi vähän muuttaa
suuntaa, niin että se teki kolme neljännestä ympyrän kaaresta ja ajoi
laivan Piispasaaren ja Torsaaren väliseen salmeen. Siitä päästyä
suunnattiin koilliseen ja pohjoiskoilliseen. Tuo yhtä nerokas kuin
taitava johto saaristossa ajoi laivan suoraan kohti Viipurin satamaa ja
saaristo jäi tykkänään sen taakse.
Nyt astui luotsi alas etumastosta ja meni katteinin luokse

komentosillalle. Miehet katsoivat hetken ajan terävästi toisiansa,
sitten yhtyivät heidän kätensä rehelliseen kädenlyöntiin.
"Hyvin tehty, luotsi!"
"Hyvin tehty, katteini!"
He eivät sanaakaan sen enempää haastelleet tuosta tapauksesta.

He nyt jo perinpohjin tunsivat toinentoisensa, he kunnioittivat!
toinentoistensa jaloa rohkeutta, merimieskuntoa ja jäykkää
mielentyvenyyttä vaarassa. Pekka Nord pyyhkäsi nuttunsa hihalla
muutaman suuren hikipisaran otsaltaan.
"Käskekää stevartin tehdä minulle virkistysjuoma, katteini; kuten

tiedätte, minä en rakasta väkeviä juomia, mutta nyt on virkistävä
naukku paikallaan", sanoi Pekka Nord.
Katteini suostui heti hänen pyyntöönsä.
Salaman molemmista takaa-ajajista näkyi nyt vaan Miranda

tulevan saaristosta. Nähtävästi Dragon ei enää tietänyt minne
Salama oli mennyt ja haki sitä vielä saaristossa. Tuo Salama, joka jo
kaksi kertaa perinpohjin oli pettänyt Mirandan, onnistuisiko se vielä
kolmannenkin kerran, johan se olisi kuulumatonta. Yritettiin kaikkia
mitä purjeet ja höyry aikaan saivat, jotta saavutettaisiin Viipuria
kohti pakeneva Salama, ja Mirandan miesten iloksi vähenikin
vähenemistään näitten laivojen välimatka. Asia oli näet sellainen,
että kun Salaman irtoantura oli särkynyt, sen vauhti väheni 9:ksi tai
9,5:ksi solmun väliksi, siis vähemmäksi kuin Mirandan, jonka
kanuunat rupesivat tähtäämään kuulia Salamaan. Uhkapurjehtijan
tila alkoi käydä arveluttavaksi. Painon keventämiseksi heitettiin pois
ankkurit ja kettingit, vesiastiat työnnettiin mereen ja samoin veneet,
paitsi yksi. Se kevensi laivaa ja vauhti lisääntyi vähän. Nyt oltiin jo
niin lähellä satamaa, että linnoituksen ampumareiät olivat paljain
silmin nähtävissä. Yksinäisellä karilla näkyi se vanha torni, jonka
holveissa kitui ruhtinas Daniel Barinsky, hän, jonka katteini oli
luvannut pelastaa. Milenius ajatteli sitä ja hymyili katkerasti. Oma ja
laivansa pelastus oli enemmän kuin epätietoinen. Mirandan kuulat
putoilivat jo aivan lähellä Salamaa. Pian ei enää ollut muuta tehtävää
kuin antaa ampua itsensä upoksiin taikka antautua viholliselle. Äkkiä
jouhtui katteinille tuuma mieleen.
"Luotsi", sanoi hän, "minä lasken suoraan Ravansaarelle ja laiva

ajautukoon rantaan, se on ainoa keino välttääksemme nuoraa, sillä
varmaan meidät hirtetään, jos joudumme vainoojiemme käsiin. Me
ehkä saavutamme rannan ennenkuin sotalaivan kanuunat upottavat
meidät syvyyteen."
Tyvenmielisenä siirsi luotsi tupakka mällin toisesta poskesta

toiseen ja kääntyi perää kohden vieläkin katselemaan Mirandaa.
"Suunnataan suoraan Viipuriin, minne ei nyt enää ole muuta kuin

18 virstaa", sanoi hän tyhjentäen lasinsa pohjaan. "Teidän maljanne,
katteini! Kun hätä on pahin, on apu lähin."
Katteini katsoi kummastellen luotsia. "Mitä tarkoitatte?" kysyi hän.
Luotsi osotti kädellänsä Mirandaa. "Meille tuli ihan odottamaton
apu", vastasi hän. "Näettekö, Miranda on pysähtynyt, miehet ovat
köysissä kiinnittämässä sen purjeita, sen veneet ovat lasketut vesille,
ja se kaikki tietää sitä, että korvetti on tarttunut vedenalaiseen
helvetinkoneesen, jommoisia on laskettu sinne tänne tähdellisimpäin
satamain suihin turmelemaan niihin pyrkiviä laivoja. Nyt saamme
mennä vallan mukavasti loppumatkamme."
Totta olikin mitä luotsi sanoi. Miranda oli arvaamatta törmähtänyt

torpedoon. Korvetti sai kovan tärähdyksen niin että osa
kannenpäällisiä rakennuksia särkeytyi, kuulat poukkoivat kehistänsä
ja itse laiva sai tuntuvan reiän, josta se rupesi vuotamaan. Väestä ei
kukaan vahingoittunut. Veneet laskettiin vesille, jotta jos mahdollista
torpeedo saataisiin ylös.
KAHDEKSAS LUKU.
Salaman tulo Viipuriin. — Kenraali Streboff. — Santta Annan torni. —

Salaman katteini ei saakaan luvattuja kymmentätuhatta ruplaa,
mutta rahtinsa maksuksi ottaa hän valtiovangin.
Siitä hetkestä kuin Salama tällä viimeisellä erällä nähtiin merellä,

oli Mirandan päällikkö ja upseerit, mutta eteenkin luutnantti Cutler
ankaran innokkaasti ajaneet uhkapurjehtijata. Koston hetki oli lyönyt
ja Cutler oli takaa-ajossa oikein kiihkoisa. Ilkeä pursuri herra Jones
oli saanut tietää syyn, minkä vuoksi luutnantti vihasi uhkapurjehtijaa,
ja hän käytti kaikkia tilaisuuksia ivataksensa Cutleria ja saadaksensa
hänet raivoon. Jones ynnä tohtori ja vanhin aliupseeri herra Studart
olivat asettuneet laivan perään katsellaksensa ajoa.
"Kylläkai Cutler nyt antaa höyrypannujen haljeta kun hänellä on

toivo saada otetuksi se mies joka on tehnyt hänelle hauskimman
kepposen minkä eläissäni olen kuullut", sanoi Jones
seurakumppaneillensa. "Minun olisi pitänyt saada nähdä hänet silloin
kuin hän silmittömästi rakastuneena suuteli merimiehen kättä. Ha,
ha, ha, minä oikein pakahdun naurusta joka kerta kuin sitä ajattelen.
Oikein oiva mies, tuo Cutler; hän on hankkinut minulle hyvin monta
naurujuhlaa. Mieleni tekisi päästä sen hauskan uhkapurjehtijan
tuttavuuteen."
"Toivonne käynee kylläkin toteen", vastasi lääkäri, Farnham. "Hän

kai saaristossa juoksi uuvuksiin ja on nyt väsyksissä. Tällainen kilpa-
ajo on täysin yhtä hauska ja viehättävä kuin kilpa-ajot Epsonissa tai
Derbyssä. Kymmenen puntaa lyön vetoa, Jones, että uhkapurjehtija
tunnin kuluttua on vankimme."
"Cutler on syntynyt huono-onniseksi ja minä panen vastaisen

vedon" vastasi pursuri. "Uhkapurjehtija ei ole väsynyt, hän vain
juonittelee. Sen saatte nähdä, että hän vieläkin näyttää ystävälleni
Cutlerille pitkää nenää."
Jones oli tuskin ennättänyt lausua tämän salaisen toivonsa, kun jo

Miranda tarttui torpeedoon, sillä seurauksella kuin vasta kerrottiin.
Osa miehiä kaatui kynsillensä laivan kannelle. Aliupseerin koivet
nousivat pystyyn ja lääkäri poukahti Joneksen syliin.
"Mitä tuhattulimaista tämä on?" huusi lääkäri säikähtyneenä.
"Se nyhjäys siirsi teidän kymmenen puntaa minun taskuuni",

vastasi Jones, silittäen punottavaa nenäänsä. "Sanoinhan minä että
Cutler'illa on huono onni. Ei hän tällä kertaa sitä huvia saa, että
pääsisi kostamaan uhkapurjehtijaa käden suutelemisesta."
Tapahtumasta oli säikähdys laivassa yleinen. Kone pysäytettiin heti

paikalla ja veneitä pantiin varovasti koettamaan saada torpeedo ylös.
Varovaisuutta siinä tarvittiinkin, se tiedettiin jo siitä
onnettomuudesta, minkä samanlainen torpeedo oli tehnyt Exmouth
nimiselle englantilaiselle laivalle. Mainittu laiva oli näette Kronstadtin
vesillä tarttunut samanlaiseen helvetinkoneesen. Torpeedo oli tuotu
kannelle, muuan merimies nosti sen ja piti sen käsissänsä, joll'aikaa
amiraali Seymoyr tarkasti sitä, mutta miten hän pitelikin tätä
salaperäistä konetta, tuli hän sulkeneeksi jonkun putken ja koko
kummitus räjähti heidän keskellänsä. Amiraali pääsi palohaavoilla
kasvoissa ja toisen silmän vahingoittumisella, mutta eräälle toiselle
kävi pahemmin. Erään upseerin molemmat kädet paloivat pahasti ja
hänen toinen jalkansa repäistiin pois. Ihmeellistä oli, että ensin
mainittu merimies, joka piti konetta, ei saanut pienintäkään
vammaa.
Se torpeedo, johon Miranda tarttui, saatiin onnellisesti ylös ja sitä

katseltiin tarkoin.
Miranda laivalla oltiin iloisia, kun oli päästy kovemmasta pahasta.

Salamaa ei nyt enää kannattanut ajaa takaa ja Cutler sai
sanomattomaksi
harmiksensa nähdä miten hänen vihollisensa liehuvine lippuineen
höyrysi
Viipurin satamaan.
"Toivotan parempaa onnea toisten, herra Cutler", sanoi

lohduttaen, katteini Hall ensimäiselle luutnantillensa. "Eihän
helvetinkoneita aina apuna ole. Luotetaan me Jumalan apuun ja
siihen, että tuo rohkea uhkapurjehtija kerran joutuu käsiimme ja saa
rangaistuksensa Englannin lipun pilkkaamisesta."
"Amen, niin tapahtukoon", ajatteli Cutler, vieläkin kerran luoden

silmäyksen viholliseensa päin, jonka runko nyt näkyi vaan pienenä
mustana pilkkuna syvällä satamassa.
Viipurin kaupunki on 12 virstan paikoilla satamasta ja siellä

käydään vilkasta puutavara kauppaa. Kaupungin asukkaat
tervehtivät uhkapurjehtijaa yhtä suurella, milt'ei suuremmalla
riemulla kuin helsinkiläiset tai lovisalaiset. Vaino, jota se oli kärsinyt,
se nero, millä katteini oli pelastanut laivansa ja se huono onni, mikä
oli kohdannut Mirandaa, tuota vihattua englantilaista, kaikki tuo
kiihotti väestön riemua oikeaksi raivoksi. Katselijat ihan piirittivät
Salaman ja missä vain tavattiin joku sen miehistä, oli se kadulla tai
muulla, osotettiin sille suosiota. Linnoituksen komentaja kenraali
Streboff lähetti yhden ajutanteistansa onnittelemaan Salaman
katteinia ja kutsumaan häntä seuraavaksi päiväksi kenraalin luokse
päivälliselle.
Sotapäällikkö asui linnassa. Kun katteini oli kutsua noudattaen

sinne saapunut, vastaanotti kenraali rouvinensa hänet hyvin
kohteliaasti. Pieni joukko vieraita, enimmäkseen sotaherroja, oli
niinikään kutsuttu vieraiksi ja isäntä ylisti katteinia siitä että oli
päässyt vainoojittensa käsistä. Hän sanoi saaneensa kirjeen eversti
Sudoroff'ilta Lovisasta, joka oli hänelle antanut tiedon Salaman
tulosta ja mitä lastia sillä oli.
"Te olette monipuolisesti tervetullut tänne", sanoi kenraali, "sillä

linnan varat ovat kovasti kuluneet niin että lisäys oli tarpeellinen. Sitä
paitsi odotamme joka päivä liittolaisten laivaston ryhtyvän
rynnäkköön. Hekin ovat tervetulleet ja me otamme heidät parhaalla
tavalla vastaan. Vihollistemme raakalaistapainen käytös useammissa
Suomen varustamattomissa rantakaupungeissa, missä he ovat
polttaneet ja ryöstäneet yksityisten tavaraa, on suuresti yllyttänyt
Suomen asukkaita. Muun muassa ovat he polttaneet turvattoman
Raahen, Oulussa panneet tulta laivarakennusaineisiin ja tervaan. He
ovat, kuten sanoin rosvoja ja murhapolttajia."
Kenraali puhui äreästi ja hätäisesti. Hän oli pitkä ja laiha mies,
lyhyttukkainen ja pienet viiksensä kuin harjakset. Päivällisateria oli
herkullinen; kenraali ja rouvansa olivat vieraanvaraiset. Pöydästä
noustua viittasi kenraali katteinille seuraamaan häntä erityiseen
huoneeseen. Sinne tultuaan lausui kenraali:
"Huomenna lähetän väkeä purkamaan lastinne, ettehän sitä

vastustele."
"Enpä suinkaan, kun vain te, herra kenraali, ensin suoritatte

minulle luvatun rahdin 10 tuhatta ruplaa."
Tämän kuultuansa venäläinen näytti ujostelevan.
"Juuri tuosta rahdista tahdoin teitä puhutella" sanoi kenraali

hetkisen vaiettuansa. "Nykyhetkellä ei ole sotahallinnolla selvää
rahaa maksuksi. Minä en siis voi teille maksaa toisin tavoin kuin
velkakirjalla, joka lunastetaan sodan loputtua. Venäjä on rikas ja sen
varat äärettömät teille ei tule muuta vahinkoa kuin odottaminen."
"Siihen en voi suostua, sillä minun on laivan omistajille

vastaaminen rahdista ja kaikesta, jos nyt ottaisin arvottoman paperin
niin suuresta summasta menettelisin petollisesti häntä kohtaan",
vastasi katteini. "Lasti jää laivaan, kunnes minä saan rahdin joko
puhtaasta rahassa taikka sen sijaan kelvollisen vekselin."
Venäläisen silmät salamoivat kiukusta. Tuo halpa-arvoinen katteini

rohkeni puhua "arvottomasta paperista"; hän epäili mahtavan
Venäjän rehellisyyttä ja hyvää tahtoa maksaa rahat. Olihan se
hävytöntä ja tarvitsi rangaistusta.
"Teidän täytyy vastaiseksi ottaa velkakirja", sanoi kenraali kuivasti.
"Teidän lastinne oli odotettu ja me tarvitsemme sen; ymmärrättekö
minua?"
"Ymmärrän kyllä ja toivon teidänkin, herra kenraali, ymmärtävän

minua", vastasi katteini. "Lastia ei pureta, jos en saa suoritusta
selvässä rahassa."
"Onko tämä teidän viimeinen sananne?"
"On", vastasi Milenius.
Pilkallinen hymy näkyi venäläisen huulilla, mutta hän hillitsi

kiukkunsa. Tätä virnailemista Milenius ei huomannut. Hänen olisi
kuitenkin pitänyt olla varuillansa, sillä hän oli tekemisissä venäläisen
virkamiehen kanssa, joka pitää kaikkea luvallisena, kun hän vain
luulee toimellisesti palvelevansa keisaria.
"Minun sitte kai täytyy hankkia rahaa, vaikkapa se minulle käykin

vaikeaksi", sanoi kenraali. "Viipurin pankin on annettava laina. Olkaa
hyvä, viipykää muutama minuutti, minä tulen heti takasin."
Kenraali meni taas vierastensa luokse ja jätti katteinin yksinänsä.

Vierashuoneesen tultuansa viittasi hän kahdelle ajutantillensa
tulemaan lähemmäksi. Näitten herrain kanssa puheli kenraali hiljaa,
sen jälkeen menivät molemmat ajutantit ulos. Kenraali tuli takaisin
huoneesensa.
"Käskin valjastaa hevoseni, tullakseni teidän seurassa pankkiin

tiedustelemaan voiko se antaa sen summan", mikä teille tulee
rahdista, sanoi kenraali iloisesti. "Muussa tapauksessa saavat Viipurin
kauppamiehet osottaa isänmaallista mieltänsä ja koota sen summan.
Tottahan te seuraatte minua, katteini?"
"Vallan mielelläni, sillä mitä pikemmin saadaan tämä asia selväksi,

sitä parempi minulle", vastasi katteini. "Muistanettehan, herra
kenraali, minun uskaltaneen laivani ja henkeni päästäkseni tänne
Viipuriin. Työmies on palkkansa ansainnut."
"Niinpä niinkin ja minä vakuutan, että te saatte palkkanne, eikä

ole aikomus suinkaan pidättää ainoatakaan kopeekkaa rahdista",
vastasi kenraali. "Mutta kuulen vaunujen jo olevan rappujen edessä.
Kun pankista tullaan, pyydän teidät luokseni kahville."
Katteini kumarsi, kenraali oli itse kohteliaisuus. Yhdessä mentiin

etehiseen ja puettiin päällysvaatteet sitte astui kenraali ja hänen
vieraansa pihalle. Umpinaisten vaunujen eteen oli valjastettu pari
virkkua hevosta. Kenraali ja katteini astuivat vaunuihin. Samaan
aikaan tuli toiselta puolelta kenraalin kaksi ajutanttia, jotka istuivat
takaistuimelle katteinia vastaan, jonka oikealla puolella oli kenraali.
Kuski sulki vaunujen oven ulkoa ja heti lähtivät hevoset täyttä
vauhtia linnasta.
Katteini alkoi tuntea vähän levottomuutta ja hänessä syntyi

epäluulo, ettei tuo matka ollut oikein, rehellistä. Hän tunsi etteivät
vaunut liikkuneetkaan, kaupungin kivikaduilla, vaan pehmeämmällä
tiellä, arvattavasti maantiellä. Vaunujen ikkunasta näki hän puita
vilkahtelevan ja korvansa kuulivat meren kuohun.
"Minnekä viette minut?" kysyi hän kenraalilta.
"Pankkiin", vastattiin hänelle.

"Eiköhän se ole kaupungissa?"
"Ei, me olemme siirtäneet sen pois kaupungista; varovaisuudesta,

peläten että viholliset ehkä rupeavat pommittamaan kaupunkia."
"Omituinen varovaisuus, kun te, herra kenraali, epäilette, ett'ei

siinä muka olisi tuota mitätöntä 10 tuhannen ruplan summaa",
vastasi katteini.
"Älkää olko millännekään, siellä on jotain muuta, jota kyllä

kannattaa varoa ja varjella; pian saatte nähdä meillä olevan
arvaamattomia aarteita", vastasi kenraali hymyillen.
Ajutantitkin nauroivat. Katteinin levottomuus ja epäluulo kasvoivat.

"Minnehän häntä vietiin?"
"Minä tahdon astua ulos, käskekää vaunujen pysähtyä", sanoi

katteini laskien kätensä vaunujen ovelle. Mutta samassa
silmänräpäyksessä näki katteini kummankin ajutantin kurottavan
pistoolin hänen päätänsä vastaan.
"Elkää liikkuko paikastanne, muuten ammumme kumpikin kuulan

kallonne lävitse", sanoi toinen upseerista.
Katteini huomasi joutuneensa ansaan.
"Teidän on siis aikomus murhata minut", sanoi hän tyvenmielisenä,

"näinkö Venäjällä kohdellaan vieraan valtakunnan alamaisia?"
"Niin kohdellaan esivallan käskyille tottelemattomia henkilöitä",

vastasi kenraali. "Teidän uppiniskaisuuttanne rahdin suorittamiseen
nähden on rankaistava."
Katteinin oli aikomus vastata, mutta samassa huusi vartijamies
ajajille ja hän kuuli portin avautuvan. Vaunut vierivät kivitetyllä tiellä
tai pihalla ja seisahtivat jonkun minuutin kuluttua.
"Olemme perillä", sanoi kenraali, "astukaa ulos, hyvät herrat."
Vaunujen ovet avattiin ja herrat astuivat ulos. Katteini huudahti

kauhusta. Hän oli saman linnan sisäpihalla, minkä korkeita muuria ja
kanuunain reikiä hän vähä ennen oli katsellut meren puolelta.
Samain muurien sisällä kitui onneton Barinsky ruhtinas. Mitähän
aiottiin hänelle itselle?
"Mitä tarkoitatte tällä koiranleikillä?" kysyi hän kenraalilta.
"Saada teidät masennetuksi", vastasi venäläinen äreästi. "Te jäätte

tänne vangiksi kunnes laivanne on purettu. Kun lastiruumat ovat
tyhjennetyt, pääsette te vapaaksi ja saatte mennä, minne tahdotte."
"Teidän käytöksenne on inhottavan ilkeä ja häpäisee sitä maata ja

hallitsijaa, jota palvelette", vastasi katteini säikähtyneenä, "mutta se
tietäkää, ett'ette suinkaan rankaisemalta saa näin kohdella vieraan
vallan alamaista."
Tähän ei kenraali huolinut mitään vastata. Hän lähetti noutamaan

linnan päällikköä, joka pian tulikin, vanha harmaapartainen upseeri.
Osottaen katteinia, sanoi kenraali upseerille: "Tämä herra tulee

olemaan täällä muutaman päivän. Antakaa hänelle joku
parhaimmista suojista; ruokaa ja juomaa lähetän hänelle omalta
pöydältäni, hän saa liikkua linnan sisäpihalla, mutta te vastaatte
siitä, ettei hän pääse tornista."
"Minuun saatte huoleti luottaa", vastasi vanhus. "Kolmekymmentä
ajastaikaa olen vartioinut tämän linnan vankeja eikä yksikään vielä
ole päässyt karkuun eikä saanut vanhaa Petrovits Augustoffia
petetyksi. Tänne tullaan, mutta täältä ei lähdetä ilman keisarin
armollista lupaa."
"Minä panen vastalauseen tällaista kavalaa menettelyä vastaan,

jota minulle osotetaan", sanoi katteini ähkyen vihasta. "Vapaaksi
tultuani valitan hallitsijallenne. Näin julkeaa mielivaltaa ei toki
sallittane, kenraali Streboff."
"Uhkauksistanne en ole millänikään, minulla on tarpeeksi valtaa,

jotten tarvitse pelätä häviäväni", vastasi kenraali, joka uudesti
kääntyi Petrovits Augustoffin puoleen.
"Onko teillä mitään muuta sanottava?"
"Ei muuta kuin että Barinsky on sairastunut ja että minä lääkärin

neuvosta olen antanut hänen joka päivä jonkun hetken nauttia
raikasta ilmaa täällä linnan sisäpihalla", vastasi päällikkö.
"Vankihuoneen ilma tekee hänelle pahaa."
"Hänen pitäisi jo olla siihen tottunut", vastasi kenraali nauraen.

"Hyvästi, katteini, hyvästi vanha Petrovits, tulkoon teistä hyvät
ystävät."
Kenraali ajutanttinensa astui vaunuihin, jotka heti vierivät pois.

Katteini oli kuin kiveksi muuttunut. Hänelle oli tapahtunut jotain,
mitä hän ei olisi voinut aavistaa eikä uneksiakaan. Petrovitsin ääni
herätti hänet unelmistaan.
"Tulkaa muassani, suojanne on valmis", sanoi linnan päällikkö
käskevällä äänellä. "Te olette varmaan suuri pahantekijä, koska teille
annetaan yksi parhaimmista suojista ja saatte milloin hyvänsä
mennä pihalle. Sano, veljeni, mikä on pahatekosi?"
"Se että luotin venäläisen rehellisyyteen ja kunniaan", vastasi

katteini saksaksi, jota kieltä hän oli kuullut vartijansa ymmärtävän ja
puhuvan. "Mutta malttakaa", ajatteli katteini itsekseen,
"vastentahtoinen vankeuteni täällä on hyödyttävä ja auttava toisia.
Minäpä vapautan Barinskyn ja nuo kymmenentuhatta ruplaa saatte
kuin saattekin vielä maksaa."
Katteini ja tuo vanha upseeri menivät torniin.
Tuo vanha rakennus, joka nyt jo oli puoliksi rauniona, osotti vielä
sellaisenakin entistä komeutta ja uljuutta. Katto oli pudonnut sisään
ja tuulet humisivat esteettömästi tyhjien salien särkyneissä
ikkunarei'issä. Tällaisen tornin alikerrokseen meni nyt katteini ja
hänen seuralaisensa. Hänelle annettiin avara suoja, jonka toinen
ikkuna oli merta kohti, toinen linnan pihaanpäin. Tässä muka
paremmassa suojassa ei ollut muita huonekaluja kuin sänky, pöytä ja
muutama tuoli. Kalkituilla, vanhuudesta harmaantuneilla seinillä oli
lukemattomia hämähäkin verkkoja. Jos tuo nyt oli parempia suojia,
millaiset olivat sitte huonommat ja huonoimmat? Katteinia väristyttä
ajatellessaan Barinskya, joka jo kymmenen vuotta oli nääntynyt
mokomassa luolassa. Katteinin rohkeutta ylläpiti se toivo, että voisi
pelastaa ruhtinaan ja siten kostaa Streboffille.
"Minä jätän sinut nyt, veljeni, mutta lähetän Bestysjeffin, yhden

vanginvartijoistani tuomaan sinulle vettä ja viinaa. Kun sinä taas
jätät rakkaan tornini ja pääset vapaaksi, tottahan silloin muistat
ystävääsi Augustoffia", sanoi tuo vanha upseeri.

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HANES WALTON JR.

New York San Francisco Boston

Editor-in-Chief: Eric Stano

For permission to use copyrighted material, grateful acknowledgement is made to the

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Copyright © 2008 by Pearson Education, Inc.

Please visit us at www.ablongman.com

ISBN 13: 978-0-205-53639-9

C HAPTER I Universal Freedom Declared, Universal Freedom Denied:

CHAPTER 2 Federalism a n d t h e Limits of Universal Freedom 21

C HAPTER 3 Political Culture 44

The Literature on the African American Political Culture 45

C HAPTER 4 Political Socialization 54

C HAPTER 6 African Americans and t h e M e d i a 77

PART Ill COALITIONS, MOVEMENTS, INTEREST GROUPS,

The First Rights-Based Movement: The Abolitionist Coalition 90

CHAPTER 8 Interest Groups 115

CHAPTER 9 Political Parties 132

CHAPTER 10 V o t i n g Behavior a n d Elections 149

Electoral Power: The Theory and Practice of the

CHAPTER I I The Congress and t h e African American Quest f o r

CHAPTER I 2 The Presidency a n d t h e African American Quest f o r

CHAPTER 13 The Supreme Court and the African American Quest

CHAPTER 14 The Bureaucracy and the African American Quest for

CHAPTER I 5 Domestic Policy and the African American Quest for

Box 15.2 African American Health and National Health Insurance 26 1

CHAPTER 16 The African American Quest f o r Universal Freedom and

APPENDIX 2 The Constitution o f t h e U n i t e d States o f America 294

APPENDIX 3 M a r t i n Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" Speech 309

Changes to the Fourth Edition

Robert C. Smith is professor of political science at San Francisco State University. An

Freedom: A Typological Analysis

Freedom, Power, and Politics

Thomas Jefferson and the Writing of the Declaration

Racism and White Supremacy Defined

Carmichael and Hamilton's definition is particularly useful to political scientists be­

Philosophy, Politics, and lnterest in Constitution Formation

African Americans in the Constitution

In the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson engaged in a kind of moral reasoning to reach

BOX 1.2 Continued

e lbid., pp. 138-39.

1788 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860

BOX 1.3 Continued

Constitutional Principles and Design

James Forten contributed t o universal freedom by working t o make the principles of

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Sovitulla ajalla kävi katteini överstin luokse.

"Suostun ehdotukseenne ja vien 10,000 ruplan maksusta Viipuriin

Carmichael and Hamilton's definition is particularly useful to political scientists be