Migration and Community Formation under Conditions of Globalization

Author(s): Stephen Castles

Source: The International Migration Review , Winter, 2002, Vol. 36, No. 4, Host Societies
and the Reception of Immigrants: Institutions, Markets and Policies (Winter, 2002), pp.
1143-1168
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of the Center for Migration Studies of
New York, Inc.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4149495

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Sage Publications, Inc. and Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. are collaborating
with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The International Migration Review

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Migration and Community Formation
under Conditions of Globalization
Stephen Castles
University of Oxford

This article sets out to rethink the dynamics of the migratory process
under conditions of globalization. Two main models of migration and
incorporation dominated academic and policy approaches in the late
twentieth century: first, the settler model, according to which immi-
grants gradually integrated into economic and social relations, re-united
or formed families and eventually became assimilated into the host soci-
ety (sometimes over two or three generations); second, the temporary
migration model, according to which migrant workers stayed in the host
country for a limited period, and maintained their affiliation with their
country of origin. Globalization, defined as a proliferation of cross-bor-
der flows and transnational networks, has changed the context for migra-
tion. New technologies of communication and transport allow frequent
and multi-directional flows of people, ideas and cultural symbols. The
erosion of nation-state sovereignty and autonomy weakens systems of
border-control and migrant assimilation. The result is the transformation
of the material and cultural practices associated with migration and com-
munity formation, and the blurring of boundaries between different cat-
egories of migrants. These trends will be illustrated through case-studies
of a number of Asian and European immigration countries. It is impor-
tant to re-think our understanding of the migratory process, to under-
stand new forms of mobility and incorporation, particularly the emer-
gence of transnational communities, multiple identities and multi-lay-
ered citizenship.

International migration suddenly became a key issue in international politics

at the beginning of the 1990s, when the breakdown of the bi-polar power
constellation of the Cold War seemed to have opened the floodgates for vast
new population flows. Right-wing politicians and sensationalist media con-
jured up images of welfare states being 'swamped' and national identities
being undermined by mass movements of impoverished people from East to
West and South to North. Governments responded with tight border restric-
tions and international control measures such as the Schengen Agreement. In
the meantime, exaggerated fears have died down, but issues of migration reg-
ulation and the effects of migration on both sending and receiving societies
remain prominent in political and academic discourse. It is now widely rec-

? 2002 by the Center for Migration Studies of New York. All rights reserved.
0198-9183/02/3604.0140

IMR Volume 36 Number 4 (Winter 2002):1143-1168 1143

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1144 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

ognized that cross-border population mobility is inextricabl

other flows that constitute globalization, and that migration is
forces of social transformation in the contemporary world. Thi
to understand the causes and characteristics of international mi
as the processes of settlement and societal change that arise fro
In this article, I will start with a brief discussion of concep
migration research, and then focus on two main areas: likely tr
national migration in the years ahead, and perspectives for mig
and their consequences for multicultural societies and transn
nities. I will concentrate on receiving countries, but it is not po
exclusively, as migration is a major force of transformation in c
gin, and therefore affects their international situation and thei
receiving countries. Moreover, many countries are both sending
countries for different types of migrants, or are in the proces
from the one type to the other. Migration, development an
relations are thus closely linked (Castles, 1999, 2000a, 2000b

INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION AS A SYSTEMIC FACTOR IN

GLOBALIZATION

The upsurge of interest in migration in recent years obscures the fac

migrations of various kinds were always key factors in colonialism, indus
alization and nation-building (Archdeacon, 1983; Cohen, 1987;
1992; Noiriel, 1988; Potts, 1990). In the post-1945 period, labor mig
played a crucial part in the growth and restructuring of industrial econo
(Castles and Miller, 1998), while forced migration was an inevitable re
processes of state formation and economic change under conditions of sys
competition and neo-colonialism (Zolberg et al., 1989). Thus the
interest in migration in the early 1990s represented a shift in perce
rather than in the real significance of the phenomenon. Migration is clea
systemic element in processes of globalization, but this is merely a new f
of a systemic role that has existed in various guises ever since the beginn
of the capitalist world market around the sixteenth century.
Understanding the key role of population mobility and its coroll
processes of community formation leading to social and cultural chan
important for assessing future perspectives. Yet, if one looks back over t
half-century, the most striking feature is the failure of policymakers an
lysts to anticipate actual developments. The settler nations of the New W
expected modest continuing immigration from their traditional Eur

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1145

source countries. The new settlers were seen - often quite explicitly
wark against cultural change and the perceived threat of non-white
tion. Western European industrial countries saw migration from
Europe as a source of temporary manual labor for a boom that
thought likely to last. Settlement was not expected, with a few
based on demographic factors (France) and post-colonial politica
(France, Britain and the Netherlands). No one foresaw enduring
migration from increasingly diverse source countries and the resulti
gence of multicultural societies. Yet this is what happened throu
developed world. The result has been unprecedented social an
change. The consequences for national identity and political instit
still being worked through.
There were perhaps two main reasons why policymakers and
got it so wrong in the past. First, migration research has been p
entrenched assumptions and preconceptions. Problems include rig
nary boundaries; paradigmatic closure between such approaches a
sical theory, historical-institutional analysis, social networks th
ethnographic research; and compartmentalization between social-
and policy discourses. The main blinkering factor has probably
influence of national models based on distinct historical experiences
tion and nation-building. Because border control is at the core of
sovereignty, policymakers have often seen migration as something t
be turned on and off like a tap in response to assumed national inter
tles, 2000e). The result has been a fragmentation of migration resear
failure to accumulate an agreed body of knowledge (Massey et a
Massey et al., 1993). Of course, to some extent this is because 'm
too diverse and multifaceted to be explained by a single theory
2000). Another result has been migration policies that often ac
opposite of their original objectives.'
Second, migration policymakers and analysts have paid little
to human agency. Both the methodological individualism of neo
approaches and the legal positivism of bureaucrats have ignored the c
of migration as a collective process based on the needs and strategies
ilies and communities. The rationality of family survival strategies h

1Examples include the German policy of importing temporary labor that actuall
tlement and formation of new ethnic minorities; or the Australian policy of bring
pean settlers to keep Australia white and monocultural that actually led to a mu
multicultural society. Similarly, current labor migration policies in the industri
tries of East and Southeast Asia are likely to have unforeseen results (Castles, 20

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1146 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

turned confounded the predictions of economic theories.

cratic obstacles to migration and settlement have been se
barriers, but as factors to be taken into account in personal
tion networks and community infrastructures.
Any attempt to forecast likely future patterns of migra
ment needs to take account of the great economic and social
of our epoch, as well as the way in which ordinary peopl
shifts, and in so doing often subvert the plans of the mighty
of migration in modern society can be seen as a constant,
changes in the context of economic and social shifts and deve
nology and culture. It is therefore necessary to examine the
istics of migration under current conditions. Globalization is
nomic phenomenon: flows of capital, goods and services c
without parallel flows of ideas, cultural products and people.
increasingly to be organized through transnational networks
ied kinds, ranging from intergovernmental organizations
corporations through to international NGOs and global cr
(Held et al., 1999). Globalization undermines many of the cor
nation-state. It means, as Manuel Castells puts it, a change in
nization of the world from a 'a space of places' to a 'space
1996:Ch. 6).
International migrants have, by definition, always crossed national bor-
ders. But in previous times the assumption has been either that they would per-
manently move from one nation-state to another (permanent settlement migra-
tion), or that they would return home after a period (temporary labor migra-
tion). In either case, the sovereignty and power of the nation-state was not ques-
tioned. Under conditions of globalization, such expectations lose their validity.
* Migration tends to increase and migrants to become more diverse in
social and cultural characteristics. States do their best to encourage cer-
tain types (skilled and entrepreneurial migration) and stop others
(unskilled labor migration and asylum-seekers) but find it hard to make
clear distinctions and to enforce rules.
* New developments in information and transport technology increase
the volume of temporary, repeated and circulatory migration.
* Increasing numbers of migrants orient their lives to two or more soci-
eties and develop transnational communities and consciousness.
* Such trends are linked to the increasing strength of informal networks
as a mode of communication and organization which transcends

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1147

national borders. This can undermine state control policies a

the efficacy of traditional modes of migrant incorporation into

Clearly, international migration fits extremely well with the logic

ization. This is why control strategies based on an older nationa
likely to fail. Migrants have in a sense always moved in what T
calls 'transnational social space' (Faist, 2000), but under condition
ization it becomes increasingly easy for them to do so. This is the c
understanding likely future developments.

PERSPECTIVES FOR INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

The Volume and Significance of Migration

UN figures show that about 120 million people were resident outside th
country of birth in 1990, and that the number of international migrants w
growing only slightly faster than world population as a whole (Zlotni
1999). Even allowing for faster growth in the 1990s and for the fact t
many temporary migrants return home after a period abroad, this indicate
that international migrants are a minority of 2-4 percent of global pop
tion. Some analysts therefore argue that the real task for social scientists is
explain why so many people stay at home when there appear to be sound re
sons to move (Arango, 2000:293). This is indeed an important issue, but
my view the volume of migration is significant, and is likely to increase.
One reason for the significance of migration lies in its concentration i
certain areas where it becomes a key factor in social transformation. The UN
study shows that 90 per cent of the world's migrants were living in jus
countries. In absolute terms, most migrants move between less-develo
countries: 55 percent of all migrants in 1990. But in relative terms, the dev
oped world has been far more affected by immigration: 4.6 percent of
population of the developed countries were migrants in 1990, compared with
1.6 percent in developing countries. The immigrant share in total population
was highest in Oceania (17.8%) followed by North America (8.6%)
Western Europe (6.1%). The immigrant share in population was far lowe
Asia (1.4%), Latin America and the Caribbean (1.7%) and Africa (2.
(Zlotnik, 1999). In the 1980s and 1990s, flows from less-developed to dev
oped countries grew rapidly, despite attempts by receiving countries to rest
such movements. In addition, there have been large flows of labor migr
from the least developed countries of the South to the newly-industrializing
countries (NICs), especially in East Asia.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1148 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

Migration affects certain areas within both sending and

tries more than others. As migratory chains develop, large p
young men and women of specific villages or neighborh
may lead to local labor shortages as well as major changes in
munity life. In immigration countries, newcomers becom
industrial areas and urban centers where there are chances of
where previous migrants can provide help with settlement. I
America and Australasia, virtually all major cities have large
immigrants. Typically, certain neighborhoods become cen
settlement, marked by distinctive businesses, associations, so
places of worship. Such neighborhoods are the basis for e
formation and cultural and linguistic maintenance.

Causes ofMigration

Much migration research has focused on the causes of m

debates cannot be summarized here, but clearly are central to
of likely future. However, it seems to me that, despite major
ferences, all the major theories lead to the conclusion that m
to grow.
Demographic explanations point to the structural disparities between
areas with stagnant economies but high rates of fertility, and areas with fast-
growing economies but declining fertility (Hugo, 1998). The most dramatic
case is Western and Southern Europe, where total fertility rates have fallen as
low as 1.2 children per woman - far below the number needed to reproduce
the population. The result is a rapidly aging population and a lack of people
of working age, leading to severe labor shortages, particularly in low-skilled
jobs. Just south across the Mediterranean are the countries of North Africa
with their high fertility, rapid rates of labor force growth, and lack of jobs for
the new entrants. The result is strong pull and push factors, encouraging
young workers to migrate northwards, despite the legal barriers put up by
'fortress Europe.' Japan is a similar case: the collapse of fertility and the aging
of the population make restrictions on overseas labor recruitment hard to sus-
tain: who will do the '3-D jobs' (dirty, demanding and dangerous) if foreign
workers are not allowed in? Recent debate on the need for foreign women
workers for aged care indicate that restrictions may soon be revised (Hirano
et al., 2000).
Neo-classical economics - which has had a dominant influence on
migration policy in many Western countries - focuses on individual expecta-

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1149

tions of higher wages and better economic opportunities in destinati

compared with the place of origin. The income gap between poor
countries should be sufficient reason to make a 'rational choice' t
In this free market model, international migration should in the lon
to convergence of wage levels in sending and receiving countries, and
a long-term decline in migration. The shortcomings of this model in
ing actual movements have been repeatedly shown (see Castles an
1998:Ch. 2; Massey et al., 1993). Moreover, it is clear that wage e
does not in fact result, for income disparities between developed
developed countries continue to increase. In the terms of the ne
model, these growing disparities should lead to increased migrat
future.

The new 'economics of migration' approach puts more weight on col-

lective elements in migration decision-making: migration is part of family
and community survival strategies, and is shaped by long-term considerations
of security and sustainability, as well as by the role of remittances and invest-
ment opportunities (Stark, 1991; Taylor, 1999). On this basis, we should also
expect migration to increase in the future, since the high degree of insecurity
in many areas of origin makes it highly rational to send a family member to
a different and hopefully more stable economy. Adepoju shows that migra-
tion in Africa is closely linked to family strategies of high investment of their
scarce resources in the education of one family member - usually the oldest
male child. Since crisis-ridden local economies make it hard to realize the
benefits of this investment, the result is often emigration in search of better
conditions in other African countries (such as the Republic of South Africa
or Gabon), or an attempt at illegal migration to the North. Similarly, migra-
tion may be a rational attempt to mitigate the dramatic effects of structural
adjustment programs on the family. Such programs typically lead to cuts in
education and health systems, and to reduction of employment opportuni-
ties, making emigration a 'coping mechanism of last resort' (Adepoju,
2000:385).
Historical-institutional approaches emphasize the role of large-scale
institutions, particularly corporations and states, in initiating and shaping
migratory flows. Mass recruitment of labor by capital and labor market
authorities was a key factor in bringing about migration to Western Europe
after 1945. Similarly, contract labor systems have been crucial in migration to
the Gulf oil countries and to some Asian countries like Taiwan, Malaysia and
Singapore. Even in the United States, with its emphasis on market forces, the

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1150 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

state played a major part in initiating labor flows from

Caribbean through wartime labor recruitment programs. The
role of the state in the historical-institutional approach might
that migration could be curtailed if state strategies change. S
always been the basis of guestworker systems, and still unde
and bureaucratic regulation of migration. However, experienc
migratory movements, once started, develop their own dyna
easily be stopped. An important reason for this lies in interest
powerful groups in receiving countries. For instance, when t
ernment sought to repatriate large numbers of migrant w
Asian Crisis of 1997-99, plantation owners quickly interve
they could not function without migrant workers. This led t
of restrictive policies (Pillai, 1999). Similar interest conflicts c
United States, where farm employers lobby for the right to
laborers, or in Germany where employers point out that the
workers for the construction industry.
Sociological explanations of migration focus on the im
tural and social capital. Cultural capital refers to knowledge o
and the opportunities they offer, as well as information abou
go about moving and seeking work elsewhere. Clearly, globali
this cultural capital available by beaming images of Western
most remote villages. Improved literacy and basic education a
the ability to move. Social capital refers to the connections n
safely and cost-effectively. It is well known that most migra
paths' and go where their compatriots have already establi
making it easier to find work and lodgings, and deal with bu
cles. Older migration scholars spoke of 'chain migration,' whi
much emphasis has been put on 'migration networks' and the
op as links between communities at home and in destination
works are much facilitated by the improved communicati
technologies of globalization, and are therefore gaining in stre
Networks are a further factor that helps sustain and transfor
the original cause of a movement is removed. For instance, w
government stopped labor migration from Turkey in 1973
and grew in the shape of family reunion, asylum-seekers and
which all used transit paths and community infrastructures
previous period (Martin, 1991).

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1151

A full explanation of contemporary migration would need to

these - and other - explanations, and show how the various aspect
a dynamic process. Many other elements could be added, such as t
migration often paves the way for development of commercial act
new migrant or ethnic middle-classes emerge. Another important
way in which migration has become 'a diverse international busin
a huge budget, providing hundreds and thousands of jobs worldw
aged by a set of individuals, agencies and institutions each of
interest in promoting the business' (Salt and Clarke, 2000:327). Th
of this migration industry, which ranges from major banks and
through to illegal traffickers, is a major factor sustaining migrato
in the face of attempts at restriction.
The combined effect of all the causes of migration outlined i
national migration seems set to continue growing in the future. In
alization reduces barriers to flows, it seems likely that the rate o
migration may accelerate. This does not imply that national and i
attempts at migration control are irrelevant. They may well infl
and character of flows to specific destinations. However, it seems
attempts to radically curtail migration can succeed in the face of
forces which bring about flows.

Types of Migration

People have always migrated for a variety of reasons. However, in

century, three types of primary migration have been most comm
nent settlement migration, temporary labor migration and r
ment. Each of these often led to family reunion, which ofte
largest flow as a movement matured. The tendencies of the la
have been towards a diversification, proliferation and intermingl
of flows.

Highly-skilled migration is the type of migration currently most popu-

lar with governments of receiving countries. Since the 1980s, the United
States, Canada and Australia have set up privileged entry systems to attract
entrepreneurs, executives, scientists, professionals and technical specialists.
More recently, Western European and some East Asian countries have fol-
lowed suit (Findlay, 1995). Attracting Indian IT professionals has become a
global competition, while the health services of countries like Britain could
not run without doctors and nurses from Africa and Asia. This type of migra-
tion can represent a 'brain drain' - that is a transfer of human capital from

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1152 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

poor to rich countries - but may also bring about techn

cultural innovation for areas of origin. Since poor countries
out more graduates than they can employ, while rich co
prune their education budgets, such migration looks certain
Low-skilled migration was crucial to post-1945 indu
most rich countries, but is now generally rejected on th
economically unnecessary and socially harmful. NICs c
unskilled labor, often for construction or plantation indust
often takes the form of systematic use of irregular migrant
whose lack of rights makes them easy to exploit. It is one o
of our age that the 'new economy' does not need '3-D worke
reality, as Saskia Sassen pointed out years ago (Sassen, 1
cities are based on dualistic economies, where the luxury
of elites create demand for new armies of low-skilled work
tion, garment manufacture, food processing and servi
demographic and educational situation of local populatio
cannot fulfil these roles, and low-skilled migrants are vi
migrants and asylum seekers has become a systemic need
pursued by holders of economic and political power.
Forced migration is a broader term which fits better w
ties than the old notion of the individually persecuted refu
the 1951 Geneva Convention. UNHCR-recognized refug
lion in 1997 (UNHCR, 1997) - are now far outnumbered
of forced migrants: asylum seekers, internally displaced pe
conflict returnees, people displaced by environmental an
and development displacees (people who lose their homes
to large dams, industrial projects, infrastructure develo
Prior to 1990, refugee policies were closely linked to Cold W
the end of the bipolar world order, receiving countries bec
ing to accept refugees and asylum seekers. At the same tim
to the changing international order led to vast new streams
tion in Europe, Africa and Central Asia. There seems little h
uation will improve in the foreseeable future, so that force
ly to go on growing. Although most forced migrants
countries of the South, attempts by a minority to reach th
have led to panic reactions. Draconian entry controls a
human rights and legal process have become threats to t
the post Cold War world. Immigration authorities argue - c

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1153

is impossible to clearly distinguish forced migrants from econom

This is because the failure to build strong economies and viable st
tain regions is a structural aspect of globalization, which is expre
the form of impoverishment and conflict.
All the above forms of migration continue to lead to family
the 'classical immigration countries' it was - at least until rec
axiomatic that immigrants of all types, once allowed to settle, sh
tled to bring in close dependents. This principle is now being
tralia and elsewhere. In Western Europe, family reunion was
under the labor recruitment systems of the 1960s and early 1
place anyway. Contract labor systems in the Gulf oil states and E
hibit family reunion, but there are signs that it is getting under
the rules. In Western Europe it was the strength of human right
fare state that made family reunion unstoppable. In newer immi
tries these factors are less important, but lack of regulatory cap
with the continuing structural need for certain types of labor m
ilar effects (Kassim, 1998; Komai, 2000; Kondo, 2000).
All forms of migration have become closely linked and inter
Officially-encouraged flows tend to stimulate irregular move
nent and temporary migration cannot be clearly separated and te
ulate each other. Under conditions of globalization, certain
migration are emerging, or older types are becoming more signif
* One new type is the astronaut phenomenon, in which wh
move to countries like Australia and Canada for reasons of
lifestyle, while the breadwinner returns to the country o
work, commuting back and forth across long distances.
became prominent with regard to Hong Kong in the perio
re-integration into the People's Republic of China (Pe-Pua
Skeldon, 1994), but continues today affecting increasing
countries.

* Return migration, though obviously not new, seems to be growing in

volume as a result of trends towards temporary or circulatory migration.
Return migrants are important agents of economic, social and cultural
change, and increasing attention is being paid to their possible role in
development processes (Castles, 2000a; UN, 1998).
* Retirement migration is an emerging type of mobility closely linked to
improvements in transport and communications. Increasing numbers
of people from rich countries with relatively high living costs and unat-

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1154 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

tractive climates are seeking to spend their twilight years

genial surroundings. Western Europeans are moving
Europe (King et al., 2000), Japanese to Australia and Ne
North Americans to Latin America and the Philippines.
siderable cultural impacts and also provides the basis fo
industries.
Finally, mention should be made of posthumous migr
nomenon that reflects the cultural and psychological comp
migratory experience. Many migrants make plans to ha
returned to their native soil for burial (Tribalat, 1995:1
the dream of return in old age proves a myth, at least the
homeland can be re-asserted after death. Again, improveme
port - not to mention refrigeration technology - are cruci

PERSPECTIVES FOR MULTICULTURAL SOCIETIES AND

TRANSNATIONAL COMMUNITIES

A core feature of the nation-state as it emerged in Western Europe and Nor

America was its claim to manage ethnic difference though border contro
well as through processes of cultural homogenization or subordination
minorities. As I argued in the previous section, border control is look
rather shaky: there are many reasons to believe that international migration
will continue to grow in the years ahead, and that states and internatio
bodies will find it hard to enforce restrictions. This brings me to the secon
main theme: to what extent will migrant settlement and community forma
tion change under conditions of globalization? What will be the effects
social relations, culture, identity and politics in receiving countries? How wi
states seek to incorporate minorities and manage diversity? To answer th
questions we can start by looking at shifts in modes of migrant incorporati
over the last half-century.

Modes of Incorporation: The Western Society Convergence

Each immigration country has its own way of regulating the situation of ne
comers, but - as I have argued elsewhere (Castles, 1995; Castles and Mill
1998:244-50) - it is possible to summarize three main approaches to inco
poration of immigrants into society: assimilation, differential exclusion
multiculturalism.
In older understandings of long-distance migration, newcomers we
expected to move permanently and cut off links with their place of origin,

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1155

that they and their descendants eventually became fully assimilated

receiving society. As a mode of incorporation, assimilation means e
immigrants to learn the national language and to fully adopt the so
tural practices of the receiving community. This involves a transfer
from the place of birth to the new country and the adoption of a
identity. 'Farewell to old England for ever' was the refrain sung by
leaving for the 'classical immigration countries' like the United Sta
and Australia (Castles and Davidson, 2000:Ch. 7). Assimilationist
applied in somewhat different contexts in certain European immigr
tries after 1945, especially to people coming to the 'motherland' fr
colonies in the case of the UK, France and the Netherlands. Many s
(especially in the United States) have viewed assimilation as an in
necessary process for permanent migrants (Alba and Nee, 1997; Gor
Portes et al., 1999). Assimilation leads logically to incorporation of
and their descendants as new citizens.
However, not all immigrants have been seen as assimilable
classical immigration countries have always differentiated on the b
(until recently), and of social and cultural background. Even t
States has had temporary migration schemes, like the Bracero P
Mexican farmworkers. Moreover, not all immigration countries hav
assimilate immigrants. Even prior to the industrial revolutions
practices of recruiting temporary migrant workers were comm
1992, 1995). In the late nineteenth century, such schemes becam
tionalized in France, Germany and Switzerland with a high degree o
by the state and employers' organizations. In post-1945 Europe,
er' or temporary labor recruitment systems played a major role in
ket policies. 'Guestworkers' were meant to come from relativel
countries of origin - especially the European periphery - and had n
family reunion or permanent stay. More recently, similar - if even
- approaches have been used in Gulf oil countries and Asian NIC
this mode of incorporation as differential exclusion because it
migrants are integrated temporarily into certain societal sub-syste
the labor market and limited welfare entitlements, but excluded fr
such as political participation and national culture. Citizenship
option. Since some of the temporary workers generally do stay des
policies, the result is incorporation in a marginal legal and socia
However, both assimilation and differential exclusion share
tant common principle: that immigration should not bring about s

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1156 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

change in the receiving society. Such beliefs in the contro

difference could be sustained in the past, but began to be que
1970s in Western immigration countries. In the 'guestworker
porary migrants were turning into settlers. Democratic s
selves incapable of deporting large numbers of unwanted wor
immigrants be completely denied social rights, since this
ous conflicts and divisions. The result was family reunion
mation and emergence of new ethnic minorities. In clas
countries, the expectation of long-term cultural assimilation
with ethnic communities maintaining their languages and
second and third generations. Immigrants began to establish
tions, places of worship and ethnic businesses - trends w
became important throughout Western Europe.
The result was the introduction of official policies of mu
initially in Canada (1971) and Australia (1973). In the Unit
culturalism has a somewhat different meaning, linked to
the role of minorities in culture and history (Gitlin, 1995
Here pluralism was used to refer to acceptance of cultural an
sity for immigrants - generally in the private sphere rather
ment policy. Rather similar policies with varying labels (s
policy in the Netherlands) soon followed in European imm
In some cases they were introduced only in certain sectors, s
education, or at the municipal or provincial rather than the n
Asia, older forms of multi-racialism and communalism - o
colonial experiences - are important, but the idea of incor
nic groups as permanent residents or even citizens has not ga
is seen by national elites as a threat to processes of natio
argued elsewhere that current trends towards settlement
question such principles in the long run (Castles, 2000c),
multiculturalism should be seen primarily as a Western societ
Multiculturalism implies abandoning the myth of ho
monocultural nation-states. It means recognizing rights to
nance and community formation, and linking these to s
protection from discrimination. The term multiculturalism
ularity in the 1990s, possibly due to its overtones of state-led
ing, but the notion of multicultural and multi-racial soci
firmly entrenched in Western countries. There is widespread
cultural and social changes brought about by migration are f

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1157

must be recognized in various areas. This can be seen as one

impacts of immigration: in just a few generations, old myt
uniqueness and homogeneity have been undermined. The cu
resulting from global diffusion of cultural and media produc
had similar effects, but migration has undoubtedly accelerated th
Yet, it is important to emphasize that multiculturalism can s
as a way of controlling difference within the nation-state frame
it does not question the territorial principle. It implicitly assume
tion will lead to permanent settlement, and to the birth of secon
quent generations who are both citizens and nationals. Thus, m
ism maintains the idea of a primary belonging to one society and
just one nation-state.

MIGRANT INCORPORATION UNDER CONDITIONS

OF GLOBALIZATION." THE RISE OF TRANSNATIONAL

COMMUNITIES

As discussed above, globalization leads to major changes in the charac

international migration. The context for migrant incorporation has a
changed radically and will continue to do so. The rise of multicultur
itself is one sign of this, but is not the end of the story: new forms of i
ty and belonging go beyond multiculturalism. Most migration and settlem
experiences still fit into one of the three models mentioned above (and of
into a mixture of them) but, increasingly, important groups do not.
dawn of the twenty-first century, globalization is undermining all the m
of controlling difference premised on territoriality. Increasing mob
growth of temporary, cyclical and recurring migrations; cheap and easy
el; constant communication through new information technologies: al
tion the idea of the person who belongs to just one nation-state or a
migrates from one state to just one other (whether temporarily or p
nently). These changes have led to debates on the significance of tran
tionalism and transnational communities as new modes of migrant b
ing. Transnational communities are groups whose identity is not prim
based on attachment to a specific territory. They therefore present a pow
challenge to traditional ideas of nation-state belonging.
Transnational communities are not new, even if the term is. The
pora concept goes back to ancient times, and was used for peoples dis
or dispersed by force (like the Jews, or African slaves in the New World
well as for trading groups (the Greeks in Western Asia and Africa, or the

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1158 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

traders who brought Islam to Southeast Asia), and labo

the British Empire; Italians since the 1860s) (Cohen,
communities appear to be proliferating rapidly at present
haps best be understood as part of processes of global
space compression. This is partly a technological issue: im
accessible real-time electronic communication is the mater
tion. But above all it is a social and cultural issue: globaliza
to changes in social structures and relationships, and to sh
concerned with place, mobility and belonging. This is like
consequences, which we are only just beginning to unders
Castells, 1996; Held et al, 1999). It is possible that tran
and consciousness will become the predominant form of m
the future. This would have far-reaching consequences.
Transnational identities are complex and contradict
on a variety of forms, which may either complement exi
grant incorporation or work against these. If the primary
tional communities is not to one nation-state or territory
to? Here we come to an inherent tension in transnatio
grants are sometimes portrayed as cosmopolitans capable
boundaries and building multiple or hybrid identities
argue that transnational consciousness is based overwh
ethnicity: transmigrants feel solidarity with co-ethnics i
elsewhere. In this approach, transnationalism appears
exclusionary ethnic identity, and transnational communit
of exile diasporas, determined to establish their own nati
We lack the empirical evidence for clear statements. T
highly cosmopolitan groups who feel at home everyw
and professional elites might correspond with this im
'nations without states' based on forced dispersal, who
create or transform their homelands. But most memb
communities fall between these extremes, and probabl
and fluctuating identities. A long tradition of oral histor
ture has shown how migrants have to negotiate their w
cated choices of return, assimilation and community
not exclusive options, and individuals and groups find cre
taneously adapting to and changing their social enviro
agency they develop applies not only to overt politica
also to strategies for everyday life.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1159

The same applies to members of transnational communities

als and groups constantly negotiate choices with regard to their pa
in host societies, their relationships with their homelands, and the
co-ethnics. Their life strategies bring together elements of existen
national and transnational social space. There may be no exclusiv
a specific territory, but transmigrants need political stability, econ
perity and social well-being in their places of residence, just like an
Successful transnational strategies are likely to involve adaptation t
social settings as well as; cross-cultural competence. In a mobile wor
turally open societies, such capabilities should not be seen as threat
on the contrary, as highly desirable. The notion of primary lo
place is therefore misleading: it was an icon of old-style nationalism
little relevance for migrants in a mobile world.

Transnational Communities and Global Cities

The ambiguous character of transnational communities and the

of their consciousness and identity is particularly evident when it
discourses on global cities. The idea that immigrants may find thei
sense of identity at the level of the city, rather than the nation-stat
it in some current research approaches, such as the Canadian Metro
gram. As the boundaries of the nation-state become blurred and po
is a temptation to put increasing emphasis on sub-national belon
is to re-territorialize identity at the level of the city. Local social a
relations are seen as crucial, and local citizenship can be perceiv
stitute for diminishing chances for political influence at the n
supra-national levels.
This focus on the city can be seen as a reaction to critiques of
turalism as a policy actually encouraging divisions on the basis of e
can be understood as an attempt to redefine transnational consc
old diaspora, seen as 'long-distance nationalism' in 'transnation
space' can be replaced by 'local transnationalism' understood as the h
tion of cosmopolitan transnational communities sharing local territ
(Ang, 2000). Hybridity rather than nationalism in global cities i
ing perspective, but, again, it is far from clear that this is the mo
outcome. Two problems need to be remembered.
The first is that cultural diversity in global cities does not
indicate equality or harmony between ethnic groups. Processes of d
ation based on class, race, gender and legal status lead to complex h

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1160 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

of privilege in global cities. Certain groups - both local and

the chance of mobility into positions of high income, statu
others have to do the '3D-jobs,' or are excluded altoget
market. Portes and others have used the notion of 'segm
immigrants do not get assimilated into society as a whol
segment; in the United States it can be seen as assimilation
ilation as black (Portes et al., 1999; Zhou, 1997). Major s
where ethnicity or race becomes strongly linked to class an
be observed not only in the 'black ghettos' of the United
the immigrant neighborhoods of European and Asian cit
The second problem is that a focus on the city as the ke
group relations can lead to misconceptions on its relative au
is no more self-sufficient nor closed-off than the natio
should be understood as a node where various types of glob
sect. The transnational communities can be seen as one f
works. Thus, members of transnational communities are
transnational ethnic consciousness and local hybrid consc
ing measures and at different times. Notions such as 'co
'negotiating identity' (Kastoryano, 1996) are useful in un

The Significance of Transnational Communities for Na

Individuals and groups develop transnational linkages becaus

best ways of dealing with the social situations and opportun
encounter in the context of globalization. The states and civ
sending and receiving countries do much to shape these con
The governments of emigration countries often try to b
ates to the homeland, because this can bring economic,
benefits. There is a long history of such efforts. For instanc
nese have played an important role in political change
nationalist and communist Chinese governments have so
mobilize the diaspora (Sinn, 1998). The Philippines gover
laws and programs to maintain links with nationals abroad
take the citizenship of another state (Aguilar, 1999). The re
dual citizenship by the Mexican government was designed t
tions of the millions of citizens who have taken up residenc
the United States. Such measures are likely to strengthen t
the part of migrants.
Immigration countries also influence transnational co

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1161

tion in various ways, both negative and positive. Practices of ex

crimination or forced assimilation against immigrants can prevent i
and encourage a homeland orientation. In such cases, enclave c
with their own economic, cultural and political infrastructures m
Where immigrants experience marginalization or racism, their best
success lies in mobilizing community solidarity and transnation
sort of 'reactive ethnicity.' Interestingly, Portes argues that transnat
ities can in the long run empower low-status immigrants, and h
secure better living standards and education for their children - lea
better chance of assimilation in the future (Portes et al., 1999). Mor
attitudes on the part of immigration countries can also encoura
tional communities. Policies that accept linguistic and cultural m
are conducive to transnational linkages. On the other hand, anti-
tion policies make it easier for immigrants to succeed in mainstream
Since these are both aspects of multicultural policy, it seems tha
turalism does not automatically encourage transnationalism, b
gives immigrants more choice on the degree to which they want to
cross-border activities.
Thus, both discrimination and multiculturalism can lead to
tional communities - but of different types. Discrimination lead
off communities, which are relatively isolated in their country o
and compensate through transnational linkages. This may have
effects on social cohesion and citizenship. Multiculturalism lea
mopolitan communities, which negotiate both local and cross-bo
ages, bringing benefits in terms of cultural openness and economic
nities. This type of transnational community is not likely to u
national identity and citizenship, but may bring about transfor
their character.

Transnational Communities and Citizenship

Nation-state citizenship was the adequate form for a world of

autonomous nation-states. Such citizenship was meant to be sin
exclusive, and naturalization was seen as an exceptional and irre
implying loss of the original citizenship. But this model is no lon
priate for a world in which flows are replacing places as the key loc
nomic and social organization. If people move frequently between
countries, and maintain important affiliations in each of them,
needs to be adapted to the new realities.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1162 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

In fact, this is already happening. Over the last thirty years

Western countries have changed their citizenship rules in res
gration and settlement. In many cases this has meant a shift
sanguinis (citizenship through descent), which tends to exclu
and their descendants, towards more inclusive forms of citize
jus soli (citizenship through birth in the territory) and jus domi
ship on the basis of residence) (Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, 20
Davidson, 2000:Ch. 4).
Dual (or multiple) citizenship is a key issue for migrants,
the best way of recognizing multiple affiliations and identities.
many countries have changed their laws and about half the worl
now recognize dual citizenship (Vertovec, 1999:455). Emigra
do so as a way of binding emigrants to the home country, becau
benefits in the forms of remittances, technology transfer, polit
and cultural maintenance. Immigration countries do so as a w
ing the social integration of minorities, and preventing the link
ity with social disadvantage, which is at the root of ethnic
racism. This is why even former 'guestworker' importing countr
changed their laws. The new German citizenship law of 1998
milestone because it represents an important move towards the
ciple. However, such changes are not on the agenda in mor
immigration countries like Malaysia and Japan, where polic
believe that settlement will not take place.
Again there is an empirical deficit. Nobody seems to kno
dual citizens there are, nor what proportion of the population th
In Germany - a country which still officially rejects dual citizen
are thought to be up to two million dual citizens. In Australi
3-5 million - up to a quarter of the population (Zappala' and
Overall, dual citizens are a small minority, but a fast-growing on
potential significance.
The growth of transnational communities may in the lon
a rethinking of the very contents of citizenship. Differentiated
membership may be needed to recognize the different types of
transmigrants have with different states - such as political righ
economic rights in another and cultural rights in a third (
Baub6ck and Rundell, 1998). In practice, this already happens
gration states create forms of 'quasi-citizenship' or 'denizens
1990) by granting rights with regard to residency, employment

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1163

specific groups of immigrants. But such practices have develope

meal way, without much consideration of their long-term cons
citizenship.
These debates are too complex to pursue further here. More
raise difficult questions about the future of democracy under c
globalization. Democratic government in modern polities focus
on the nation-state. Yet more and more of the decisions that affect
are made at the supranational level. Global and regional governa
ly gaining in significance, yet transnational democratic institut
exist - with a few limited exceptions such as the European Un
future, then, we need to think about the transnational form of
participation - not just for members of transnational communi
all citizens affected by the rapid shift in the location of political p

INSTEAD OF A CONCLUSION.- BACK TO BABY-FARMING?

In 1729, the Irish clergyman and satirist Jonathan Swift put forward a novel
solution to the economic problems of a society being ravaged by British colo-
nialism: the poor should turn to 'baby-farming,' and earn a living by sellin
their children as fresh meat to the British landlords (Swift, 1955). Writing in
the early 1980s, I suggested that baby-farming had indeed become a widespread
practice not just in Ireland but also in many other countries on the periphery
of areas of rapid economic growth. The difference was that the human exports
sent to the booming industrial economies of Western Europe were consume
not as meat on the tables of the bourgeoisie, but as labor power in their facto-
ries (Castles etal., 1984:1).
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, we can imagine a new type
of 'transnational baby farming' as the core of the global migration scenario of
the next fifty years. Less-developed countries excluded from the positive aspects
of economic globalization would help compensate for the demographic deficits
of the rich countries. The scenario would look something like this.
* Fertility rates will continue to plummet in rich industrial countries,
leading to aging populations and shrinking labor forces. Increasing
prosperity and improved education will mean that few local people will
be available for low-skilled jobs.
* Certain areas of Africa, Asia and Latin America will suffer exclusion
from the mainstream global economy, resulting in deepening poverty,
conflict and chaos. Fertility and population growth will remain high -
despite AIDS and other epidemics. Migration in search of work will

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1164 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

appear as the only way out for millions of people.

* Intermediate-level countries will experience uneven forms of
ization and growth, but large countries like Brazil, Mexico,
China will still have huge reserves of labor-market entrants.
tion systems improve, many of these young workers will have
levels, but will be unable to find work at home.
* The rich countries will collaborate with each other and put p
the rest of the world to tighten restrictions on migration, especi
low-skilled. Rigorous surveillance measures using new techno
raise the human costs of migration, leading to thousands of dea
oceans, mountains and deserts which migrants try to traverse. B
people will get through to encourage others to try.
Rich countries and NICs will use unskilled migrants as the labor
3-D jobs, and, increasingly, for aged care. Some such worke
brought in through contract labor systems which deny them bas
while many others will be illegal migrants or asylum seekers.
The education systems of the intermediate countries will provid
workers of all kinds for the rich countries.
In addition, since the populations of rich countries will have
ceased to reproduce, immigrants from intermediate countries -
selected on the basis of economic, cultural and cultural crite
serve as surrogates for race - will be allowed to settle, form fam
replenish the population.

Like all distopias, this one is unlikely to come to pass in suc

form - although it is based on real current trends. The main force u
ing it, as in the past, will be the human agency of millions of migr
as other members of both sending and receiving communities. T
communities resulting from migration will, through thousands of m
gies, seek security and humane conditions for their members. By do
they will probably become a major factor undermining the plans of t
The future will probably be as messy as the past, and all predictions
to be wrong, but one thing is clear: there is no return to the neat ide
off nation-states with homogenous national communities.

REFERENCES

Adepoju, A.
2000 "Issues and Recent Trends in International Migration in Sub-Saharan Africa," Interna-
tional Social Science Journal, No. 165:383-394.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1165

Aguilar, E V. J.
1999 "The Triumph of Instrumental Citizenship? Migrations, Identities and the Nati
in Southeast Asia," Asian Studies Review, 23(3):307-336.
Alba, R. and V. Nee
1997 "Rethinking Assimilation Theory for a New Era of Immigration," Internationa
tion Review, 31(4):826-874.

Aleinikoff, T. A. and D. Klusmeyer, eds.

2000 From Migrants to Citizens: Membership in Changing World. Washington, DC: C
Endowment for International Peace.

Ang, I.
2000 "Beyond Transnational Nationalism: Questioning Chinese Diasporas in the Global
City." International Conference on Transnational Communities in the Asia-Pacific Region.
Singapore: Centre for Advanced Studies, National University of Singapore and Transna-
tional Communities Program ESRC UK.
Arango, J.

2000 "Explaining Migration: A Critical View," International Social Science Journal,

No. 165:283-296.

Archdeacon, T.
1983 "Becoming American: An Ethnic History." New York: The Free Press.
Baubock, R., ed.
1994 From Aliens to Citizens: Redefining the Status of Immigrants in Europe. Aldershot: Ave-
bury.

Baub6ck, R. and J. Rundell, eds.

1998 Blurred Boundaries: Migration, Ethnicity, Citizenship. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Bauman, Z.
1998 Globalization: the Human Consequences. Cambridge: Polity.
Castells, M.
1996 The Rise of the Network Society. Oxford: Blackwells.
Castles, S.
2000a "The Impacts of Emigration on Countries of Origin." In Local Dynamics in an Era of
Globalization. Ed. S. Yusuf, W. Wu and S. Evenett. New York: Oxford University Press
for the World Bank.

2000b "International Migration at the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century: Global Trends
and Issues," International Social Science Journal, No. 165:269-281.

2000c Migration as a Factor in Social Transformation in East Asia. Princeton, NJ: Center for
Migration and Development, Princeton University.

2000d "The Myth of the Controllability of Difference: Labour Migration, Transnational Com-
munities and State Strategies in East Asia." International Conference on Transnational
Communities in the Asia Pacific Region. Singapore: Centre for Advanced Studies Nation-
al University of Singapore.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 1166 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

2000e "Thirty Years of Research on Migration and Multicultural Societies.

and Ethnicity: From Migrant Worker to Transnational Citizen. Ed. S.
Sage.

1999 "International Migration and the Global Agenda: Reflections on the 1998 UN Techni-
cal Symposium," International Migration, 37(1):5-19.

1995 "How Nation-states Respond to Immigration and Ethnic Diversity," New Community,
21(3):293-308.
Castles, S., H. Booth and T. Wallace
1984 Here for Good: Western Europe's New Ethnic Minorities. London: Pluto Press.
Castles, S. and A. Davidson
2000 Citizenship and Migration: Globalisation and the Politics ofBelonging. London: Macmil-
lan.

Castles, S. and M. J. Miller

1998 The Age ofMigration: International Population Movements in the Modern World (2nd edi-
tion). London: Macmillan.
Cohen, R.
1997 Global Diasporas: An Introduction. London: UCL Press.

1987 The New Helots: Migrants in the International Division ofLabour. Aldershot: Avebury.

Faist, T.
2000 "Transnationalization in International Migration: Implications for the Study of Citi-
zenship and Culture." Ethnic and Racial Studies, 23(2): 189-222.
Findlay, A. M.
1995 "Skilled Transients: The Invisible Phenomenon." In The Cambridge Survey of World
Migration. Ed. R. Cohen. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gitlin, T.
1995 The Twilight of Common Dreams: Why America is Wracked by Culture Wars. New York:
Henry Holt.
Gordon, M.
1964 Assimilation in American Life: The Role ofRace, Religion and National Origins. New York:
Oxford University Press.
Hammar, T.
1990 Democracy and the Nation-State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World ofInternation-
al Migration. Aldershot: Avebury.
Held, D., A. McGrew, D. Goldblatt and J. Perraton
1999 Global Transformations: Politics, Economics and Culture. Cambridge: Polity.
Hirano, K., S. Castles and P. Brownlee, eds.
2000 Asian Migration Settlement: Focus on Japan (Special Issue ofAsian and Pacific Migration
Journal). Quezon City: Scalabrini Migration Center.
Hugo, G.
1998 "The Demographic Underpinnings of Current and Future International Migration in
Asia," Asian and Paciic Migration Journal, 7(1):1-25.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 MIGRATION AND COMMUNITY FORMATION 1167

Kassim, A.
1998 "The Case of a New Receiving Country in the Developing World: Malaysia." In Tech-
nical Symposium on International Migration and Development. United Nations ACC
Task Force on Basic Social Services for All. The Hague.
Kastoryano, R.
1996 La France, lAllemagne et leurs immigres: ndgocier I'identiti. Paris: Armand Colin.
King, R., G. Lazaridis and C. Tsardanidis, eds.
2000 Eldorado or Fortress? Migration in Southern Europe. London: Macmillan.
Komai, H.
2000 "Immigrants in Japan." In Asian Migration and Settlement: Focus on Japan (Special Issue
ofAsian and Pacific Migration Journal). Ed. K. Hirano, S. Castles and P Brownlee. Que-
zon City: Scalabrini Migration Centre.
Kondo, A.
2000 "Immigration Law and Foreign Workers in Japan." Fukuoka: Faculty of Economics,
Kyushu Sangyo University.
Martin, P. L.
1991 The Unfinished Story: Turkish Labour Migration to Western Europe. Geneva: Internation-
al Labour Office.

Massey, D. S., J. Arango, G. Hugo, A. Kouaouci, A. Pellegrino and J. E. Taylor

1998 Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium.
Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Massey, D. S., J. Arango, G. Hugo, A. Kouaouci, J. E. Taylor and A. Pellegrino

1993 "Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal," Population and Devel-
opment Review, 19(3):431-466.
Moch, L. P.
1995 "Moving Europeans: Historical Migration Practices in Western Europe." In The Cam-
bridge Survey of World Migration. Ed. R. Cohen. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

1992 Moving Europeans: Migration in Western Europe Since 1650. Bloomington: Indiana Uni-
versity Press.
Noiriel, G.
1988 Le Creuset Franfais: Histoire de l'immigration XIXe-XXe Sikcles. Paris: Seuil.
Pe-Pua, R., C. Mitchell, S. Castles and R. Iredale
1998 "Astronaut Families and Parachute Children: Hong Kong Immigrants in Australia." In
The Last Half Century of Chinese Overseas. Ed. E. Sinn. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Uni-
versity Press.
Pillai, P.
1999 "The Malaysian State's Response to Migration," Sojourn, 14(1):178-197.
Portes, A., L. E. Guarnizo and P. Landolt
1999 "The Study of Transnationalism: Pitfalls and Promise of an Emergent Research Field,"
Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22(2):217-237.
Potts, L.
1990 The World Labour Market: A History ofMigration. London: Zed Books.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
1168 INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION REVIEW

Salt, J. and J. Clarke

2000 "International Migration in the UNECE Region: Patterns, Trends
tional Social Science Journal No. 165:313-328.
Sassen, S.
1998 The Mobility ofLabour and Capital. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Sinn, E., ed.
1998 The Last Half Century of Chinese Overseas. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Skeldon, R., ed.
1994 Reluctant Exiles? Migration from Hong Kong and the New Overseas Chinese. Hong Kong:
Hong Kong University Press.
Stark, O.
1991 The Migration ofLabour. Cambridge: Basil Blackwell.
Steinberg, S.
1995 Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy. Boston:
Beacon Press.

Swift, J.
1955 "A modest proposal for preventing the children of poor people in Ireland from being a
burden to their parents or country; and for making them beneficial to the public
(1729)." In Irish Tracts 1728-1733. Ed. H. Davies. Oxford: Blackwell.
Taylor, J. E.
1999 "The New Economics of Labour Migration and the Role of Remittance in the Migra-
tion Process," International Migration, 37(1):63-88.
Tribalat, M.
1955 Faire France: Une Enquete Sur Less Immigris et Leurs Enfants. Paris: La Decouverte.
United Nations
1998 "Report of the United Nations Technical Symposium on International Migration and
Development. The Hague, Netherlands. June 29-July 3, 1998. New York: United
Nations.

UNHCR
1997 The State of the World' Refugees 1997-98: A Humanitarian Agenda. Oxford
University Press for United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.
Vertovec, S.
1999 "Conceiving and Researching Transnationalism," Ethnic and Racial S
22(2):445-462.
Zappala, G. and S. Castles
2000 "Citizenship and Immigration in Australia." In From Migrants to Citizens: Mem
in a Changing World. Ed. T. A. Aleinikoff and D. Klusmeyer. Washingt
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Zhou, M.
1997 "Segmented Assimilation: Issues, Controversies, and Recent Research on the New Sec-
ond Generation," International Migration Review, 31(4):975-1008.
Zlotnik, H.
1999 "Trends of International Migration Since 1965: What Existing Data Reveal," Interna-
tional Migration, 37(1):21-62.
Zolberg, A. R., A. Suhrke and S. Aguayo
1989 Escape from Violence. New York: Oxford University Press.

This content downloaded from

132.247.77.130 on Wed, 16 Oct 2024 22:04:45 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms