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Nadia
Boulanger
and the
Stravinskys
E
A Selected Correspondence
The Courage of Composers and the Tyranny of Taste: Reflections on New Music
Bálint András Varga
A complete list of titles in the Eastman Studies in Music series may be found
on the University of Rochester Press website, www.urpress.com
A Selected Correspondence
Edited by
Kimberly A. Francis
ISBN-13: 978-1-58046-596-0
ISSN: 1071-9989
Abbreviations xiii
Introduction 1
Bibliography 315
Index 321
Boulanger’s Stravinskys
Adding an additional layer of nuance and interest to this epistolary account are
the letters exchanged between Boulanger and Stravinsky’s immediate family.
Relation to
Name Igor Stravinsky Shelfmark (F-Pn) Dates
Stravinsky, Anna Mother N.L.a. 108 (85–87) 1930–35
Stravinsky, Catherine First wife N.L.a. 108 (88–96) 1929–37
Stravinsky, Catherine Granddaughter N.L.a. 108 (97–101) 1967–70
(“Kitty”)
Stravinsky, Denise Daughter-in-law N.L.a. 108 (102–7) 1939–76
The Stravinsky family, excluding Igor, sent 140 letters to the French peda-
gogue between 1929 and 1979. At either end of this edition, Igor Stravinsky’s
words retreat into the background, and those of his immediate family frame
and fill the narrative. This edition would be incomplete without a discussion
of the correspondents beyond Igor Stravinsky who so enrich this collection
(table I.1).
The letters of Anna Stravinsky, Igor’s mother, and Catherine Stravinsky, his first
wife, appear in this collection twice and five times, respectively. I have cho-
sen in this collection to refer to his first wife as Catherine, as this is how she
self-identified in letters to Boulanger, and it is what her children called her.
I link Anna and Catherine within this introduction neither to diminish their
importance as individual authors nor to suggest a sort of uniformity of voice
within their texts—quite the contrary. Instead, I join them to draw attention to
their role as matriarchs, to emphasize the power this title granted them within
the Stravinsky domestic framework, and to underline the impact they had on
the lives of those within the household. Given the tremendously patriarchal
portrayal and framing of Stravinsky’s career and his family’s structure in the
current literature, I wish to emphasize here the women’s voices in this family
and the dynamic nature of their personalities. I argue that it was the Stravinsky
women who facilitated and nurtured the lines of communication between Igor
Stravinksy and Nadia Boulanger in the early 1930s. Without them, Boulanger’s
connection to Stravinsky would likely have faltered.
Anna Stravinsky, the composer’s strong, intimidating mother, was the
youngest of four daughters. Though her decision was frowned upon, she
chose to marry Fyodor Stravinsky at the age of nineteen.3 Beyond this brief
biographical reference to his mother’s background, stories of Igor’s parents
center primarily on his father. In 1876, Fyodor Stravinsky premiered the
role of Mephistopheles in Gounod’s Faust at the Mariyinsky Theatre to great
acclaim. That same year, Anna and Fyodor moved to St. Petersburg with their
first son, Roman, then only a year old. By October 1881, the family was living
in an apartment at 8 Kryukov Canal, and on June 17 [o.s. June 5], 1882, their
third son, Igor, was born.
Anna remained in Russia during the revolution and emigrated west to
live with Igor (by all accounts her least-favorite son) and his family in June
1922.4 She died in 1939, the same year as Catherine and just six months after
Stravinsky’s daughter Lyudmila. Anna’s letters to Boulanger are polite and
respectful, extending warm wishes to Boulanger’s mother. Indeed, Anna’s
mention twice in her letters of the relationship between mother and daughter
leads me to suspect it was a bond she respected and valued. It is quite likely that
Boulanger’s mother’s claims to a Russian royal background may have height-
ened the affinity between Anna Stravinsky and the Boulangers, though none of
the Boulangers’ letters to the Stravinskys contains Russian text.5 Indeed, Nadia
did not speak the language.
Catherine Stravinsky is the other matriarchal figure with whom Boulanger
maintained a conversation.6 Catherine has often been painted as dutiful,
3. For one such depiction of Anna and Fyodor Stravinsky, see Walsh, Creative
Spring, 4–15. Richard Taruskin also provides details about Stravinsky’s upbring-
ing as related to his father and particularly to his father’s work as an opera
singer. He provides very little background information about Anna Stravinsky.
Taruskin, Stravinsky and the Russian Traditions, 77–92.
4. Robert Craft states this in his foreword to the Stravinsky correspondence,
before presenting some of Catherine Stravinsky’s letters. See Craft, Stravinsky:
Selected Correspondence, 3. Walsh repeats this idea, Creative Spring, 4–15.
5. The Stravinsky archives at the Paul Sacher Stiftung contain only one letter writ-
ten by Raïssa Boulanger to the Stravinsky family. Much of the letter is illegible,
and it was most likely written at the end of Raïssa’s struggle with Parkinson’s
disease. The entire text is in French, except for a brief valediction in Russian.
6. Life in Catherine and Igor Stravinsky’s home is considered in Théodore
Strawinsky’s Catherine and Igor Stravinsky. The book is dedicated to Boulanger
Of all Stravinsky’s children, Théodore Strawinsky arguably bore the most strik-
ing resemblance to his father and yet was often at odds with him. Théodore
never employed the “v” in the family last name. Even his posthumous foun-
dation remains the Fondation Théodore Strawinsky. For this reason, and as a
means of emphasizing the arm’s-length connection Théodore appears to have
had with the American Stravinskys, I have retained the different spelling of
Théodore’s last name in this edition. No evidence exists in his letters as to why
he maintained the older spelling, though I suspect it related in part to his artis-
tic identity and in part to cherished family memories from before 1939 and the
mixture of cultural influences—particularly Russian, French, and Swiss—that
both fractured and forged his upbringing.
Théodore’s correspondence reveals him as a passionate, devoted, and
deeply religious man. Trained as a painter at l’Académie André Lhote à Paris,
he achieved international acclaim by the age of twenty-four, and worked as
a professional artist for the remainder of his life. Of Théodore’s numerous
and she played a pivotal role in facilitating its publication. Walsh also discusses
Catherine at length in his own biography, particularly A Creative Spring, 90–91.
7. Walsh, Creative Spring, 90–91. The most recent account of Catherine Stravinsky’s
relationship with Igor Stravinsky can be found in Robert Craft, Stravinsky:
Discoveries and Memories. Indeed, Craft’s text is provocative in many ways, par-
ticularly his portrayal of the Stravinsky family as “dysfunctional.” Discoveries
and Memories serves as an intriguing counterpoint to the correspondence pre-
sented in this volume.
accolades, the most treasured was likely his appointment as Commander of the
Order of St. Gregory the Great by Pope Paul VI in 1977.
Théodore was the only one of Stravinsky’s children never to emigrate to the
United States. Following his marriage to Denise Guerzoni in 1936, his adult life
was spent in Le Mans, France, and after 1946, in Geneva, Switzerland.8 In 1941
he was singled out as a potential communist and detained at Camp Récébédou
near Toulouse by the French government for several months—a terrifying real-
ity his father tried desperately to mitigate while in the United States, as the cor-
respondence demonstrates. After the war, Théodore and Denise assumed care
for their niece Catherine (Kitty), the daughter of Théodore’s sister, Lyudmila
(Mika), and Yuri Mandelstam. Mandelstam’s story adds further tragedy to this
branch of the Stravinsky family tree. Arrested in Paris during the Second World
War, despite having converted from Judaism to the Orthodox faith in 1935, he
died in a concentration camp in Jarworzhno, Poland, on October 15, 1943,
leaving Kitty an orphan.9 Théodore and Denise officially adopted Kitty in 1952,
when she was fifteen years old.
Théodore’s first surviving letter to Boulanger dates from March 22, 1935; it
was sent to offer condolences after he learned of her mother’s death. Few clues
remain to explain how or why Boulanger grew close to Théodore, and this ele-
ment of the Boulanger–Stravinsky network remains a mystery. Yet after 1936,
and particularly following the Second World War, they corresponded quite reg-
ularly and visited each other often, especially after Théodore’s conversion to
Catholicism in 1947. Boulanger became a sort of adopted mother/aunt figure
to Théodore, and their shared faith is often referenced in the correspondence.
The later, deeply emotional letters reveal Théodore’s complicated relationship
with his father, whom he dearly loved; his deep-seated resentment and dislike
of his stepmother Vera; and his distrust of Robert Craft, his father’s amanuen-
sis after 1946. Théodore’s correspondence with Boulanger, it would appear,
served as an outlet for his frustrations and a source of comfort. Théodore
Strawinsky’s letters aid in understanding the final years of Igor Stravinsky’s life,
and though they must be read through the lens of a son who never forgave
his father’s remarriage, they nonetheless reveal the complicated nature of the
Stravinsky family’s inner workings and the role Boulanger played as a sort of
adopted family member.10
8. For details about the marriage, see Walsh, Second Exile, 50–52. Walsh quotes
Vera Sudeikina’s letter on the wedding from July 10, 1936. This letter is now
housed at the Paul Sacher Stiftung.
9. Walsh, Second Exile, 161; and Weeda, Yuriy Mandel’shtam, xxi.
10. Tamara Levitz similarly cautions others about reading Théodore Strawinsky’s
letters as objective texts. See Levitz, Modernist Mysteries, 295 (especially n. 12).
Denise Strawinsky was the daughter of Swiss artist Stephanie Guerzoni (1887–
1970). Guerzoni was the only female student of painter Ferdinand Hodler
(1853–1918, with whom she studied from 1915–18. Denise appears to have
been a loving wife and devoted daughter-in-law When, in 1938, the Stravinsky
family found itself convalescing at the sanatorium in Sancellemoz after the
death of Lyudmila, Denise was there to serve as nurse. Elsewhere, Denise
actively participated in family matters. Her letters to Boulanger, three of which
I have included in this edition, often show her acting as intermediary between
Boulanger and Igor or Théodore. In moments of crisis, it was Denise, rather
than her husband, who took up the pen to correspond with Boulanger. This
collection reveals Denise as diplomat—carefully lying to protect Boulanger
from news of Igor Stravinsky’s brazen travels executed against doctor’s orders
in 1939—and as witness to the Stravinsky family dynamic, supporting, with her
husband, the post-1971 counternarratives that celebrated Catherine Stravinsky.
Denise Strawinsky’s letters represent another strong, assertive female voice in
the Stravinsky family environs—a voice that helped smooth over dissent or
facilitate action so as to protect a certain brand of the Stravinsky family legacy.11
The younger son and third child of Igor and Catherine Stravinsky, Soulima
was born in Lausanne, Switzerland.12 Boulanger taught Soulima—or Sviétik, as
she referred to him in her diaries during the 1930s—composition and analy-
sis every Tuesday morning at 11:30 a.m.13 Piano performance was likely also
discussed, especially given that Boulanger and Soulima Stravinsky concertized
together in the late 1930s as well as in 1946, performing two-piano reductions
of Igor Stravinsky’s works they themselves created.14
Soulima met his wife, Françoise Bon (Blondlat), in Paris where she was
studying law during the war.15 Their son Jean was born shortly after the war
ended. From across the Atlantic, Boulanger sent numerous care packages to
11. Indeed, seventeen years following Igor’s death, Denise Strawinsky published
her own account of the domestic life of Catherine and Igor. See Denise and
Théodore Strawinsky, Au cœur du foyer.
12. Walsh, Creative Spring, 146.
13. Francis, “A Dialogue Begins,” 22–44. The typical spelling of this Russian nick-
name is Svétik, but Boulanger very clearly added the “i” to her spelling of the
name.
14. For further details of their performance practice, see Brooks, Musical Work,
112–13.
15. Walsh, Second Exile, 179.
the young family, whose vulnerability in early postwar Paris concerned her
greatly. After returning to the French capital herself, Boulanger grew close to
the trio, and the accounts she sent to Igor Stravinsky warmly depict the time
she spent in Soulima and Françoise’s apartment. After the war, Igor Stravinsky
convinced his 35-year-old son and daughter-in-law to relocate to the United
States. Boulanger remained a faithful reference writer for Soulima as he
applied to American teaching positions after emigrating.
The correspondence suggests that Soulima, like so many others of her alumni,
remained a student in Boulanger’s mind for her entire life, and she often refer-
ences him in her letters first and foremost in terms of his musical development.
As for Soulima, this collection presents the youthful, spirited nature of his letters
before World War II and the reverent, sober voice of those that followed it. In
the early years, Soulima approached Boulanger as more of a governess and con-
fidante, while in the later years, his candor is replaced by humble respect. After
1950, when Soulima was appointed to a professorship in piano performance
at the University of Illinois, his letters depict him at once excited about estab-
lishing a reputation for himself outside of his father’s shadow and deeply con-
cerned about his father’s legacy. Unlike his brother, Soulima does not discuss the
family drama that surrounded Stravinsky’s physical care post-1968 in letters to
Boulanger. The sobriety of Soulima Stravinsky’s own brief messages at this point
serve as a foil to his brother’s angry and disillusioned prose.
A central theme found in the letters concerns the question of love shared
between Boulanger and Igor Stravinsky. Boulanger’s letters, especially those
after the Second World War, often reference her love for the composer. Few
of her letters post-1945 fail to mention that she “loves . . . both [Igor and
Vera] madly” (January 27, 1946) and “loves [Stravinsky] so” (November
25, 1946). Stravinsky, similarly, ends letters with expressions of affection for
Boulanger. His first letters after Boulanger leaves the United States end with
“love and kisses” (November 23, 1946) and “[from Stravinsky,] who loves you”
(September 5, 1948). But it was not a passionate, romantic love.
We now know Boulanger had at least three affairs during her lifetime with
married men (Raoul Pugno, Camille Mauclair, and Prince Pierre of Monaco),
and there is no lack of evidence for these relationships. Alexandra Laederich
and Rémy Stricker engage compellingly and thoughtfully with the complicated
and convoluted nature of Boulanger’s romantic relationships, as recorded in
her diaries at length.16 There is no such evidence of an affair with Stravinsky.
Editorial Apparatus
Publishing both the French and English versions of these letters would amount
to an excessively large text. Instead, the French transcriptions have been
included as part of this book’s companion website, where one can choose to
view the fully indexed and searchable French and English letters, consulting
them in isolation or with both languages side by side.
The letters presented here were chosen because of their narrative power
and ability to walk the reader both through forty years of the tumultuous twen-
tieth century and through the reactions of their authors to said events. If letter
content became predictable (for example, Boulanger’s annual well-wishes on
the anniversary of the death of Stravinsky’s first wife on March 2), I chose not
to publish them. Likewise, Christmas and birthday greetings, unless accompa-
nied by additional information, have not been included here. Whenever pos-
sible, I have endeavored to present the writers in dialogue with one another
rather than produce sequences of unanswered letters.
Unfortunately, most material sent by Boulanger to extended family mem-
bers no longer exists in the archives, though it would have been delight-
ful to read her response to Catherine’s letter of April 1931 or her letter to
Anna Stravinsky after the premiere of the Symphony of Psalms in Brussels in
December 1930. The lack of extant letters sent to Soulima Stravinsky also
disappoints. Those letters in Boulanger’s hand retained in Soulima’s papers
at the New York Public Library fail to be of consequence, and so have been
omitted. Along these same lines, it would appear Boulanger did not bond
with Stravinsky’s daughter Milène to the same extent she did with his sons,
and so the only surviving letter from Stravinsky’s younger daughter that I have
included here appears on October 27, 1969, as a response to Boulanger’s
presentation of her condolences concerning the situation that surrounded
Stravinsky’s final convalescence in New York. One would have hoped for
more from Milène’s voice, and it remains curious to me that Boulanger failed
to connect with her as strongly as with the other women of the family. I have
also chosen not to include any letters written by Françoise Stravinsky, not
because of a lack of extant documents but because of a lack of germane mate-
rial. Finally, I have omitted the letters written by Stravinsky’s granddaughter
Kitty (Catherine) to Boulanger. Though gracious enough, and indicative
of the lengths to which Boulanger went to remember the birthdays of her
friends’ children and grandchildren, the letters from Kitty to Boulanger are
rather perfunctory.
Nothing that remains was chosen to sensationalize, but neither were let-
ters excluded to protect the correspondents in question. This rich collection
often presents Boulanger at her most vulnerable and candid, and Stravinsky
at his more playful and paternal. I remain sensitive to the private nature of
Boulanger’s and Stravinsky’s prose, and yet, the significant moments of these
letters often lie at the interstices of the guarded and the candid.
In the editorial apparatus itself, it has been my intention to stay out of
the way as much as possible. Important figures, events, and works have been
identified in a footnote at first mention, but otherwise I have endeavored
to let the voices represented by these letters speak for themselves—as much
as any historical document can indeed do so. All references to Stravinsky’s
Language: Dutch
DRIE BLYSPELEN
VAN
PIETER LANGENDYK.
SCHIEDAM,
H. A. M. ROELANTS.
INHOUD.
Bladz.
DON QUICHOT OP DE BRUILOFT VAN KAMACHO 3
PAPIRIUS, OF HET OPROER DER VROUWEN BINNEN
ROMEN 59
DE WISKUNSTENAARS, OF ’T GEVLUCHTE JUFFERTJE 85
INLEIDING.
’t Algemeen verval onzer Letteren in het laatst der zeventiende en
in het begin der achttiende eeuw was ook op het tooneel duidelijk
waarneembaar. Reeds het nietig gehaspel der Nil-Arduanen met hun
tegenstanders toont, hoe weinig de Letterkunde nog kon
voortbrengen. Een man als Thomas Asselyn werd nagewezen
omdat hij oorspronkelijk durfde zijn. En hoe veel hooger staat hij dan
de peuterige clubmannen.
Slechts Pieter Langendyk is in het begin der achttiende eeuw een
lichtpunt, dat, al is zijn lichtgevende kracht ook niet heel groot, toch
meehelpt om de duisternis een weinig dragelijk te maken.
Langendyk geeft, wat hij heeft, doet, wat hij kan, is daardoor
natuurlijk en verwekt dientengevolge onze sympathie. Daarbij bezit
hij een andere eigenschap, die hem boven vele andere
kluchtspeldichters plaatst. Mag hij zich al eens platte uitdrukkingen
veroorloven, gebruikt hij misschien wel eens woorden, die ons wat
los toeschijnen, vies is hij nooit en nog minder is hij er op uit om
onkieschheden uit te rafelen.
Op zich zelve is die voor ons vrij negatieve eigenschap een groote
loftuiting, te meer wanneer wij letten op ’s mans afkomst en
opvoeding. Zijn vader toch was een metselaar en Langendyk zelf
was zijn leven lang niet veel meer dan een begaafd werkman.
In 1683 te Haarlem geboren, ontving hij niet veel onderricht, daar
zijn vader vrij spoedig stierf en zijn moeder niet goed op de zaken
wist te passen, zoodat beiden uit hun vroegere welvaart spoedig tot
armoede vervielen.
Langendyk, die veel lust in het teekenen had, moest voor zich en
zijn moeder den kost verdienen. Dat gelukte hem als teekenaar van
een damastweverij in Amsterdam, waarvan hij vrij goed kon bestaan.
Wellicht zou hij nog tot welvaart zijn gekomen, als zijn moeder wat
beter had gezorgd voor het huishouden. Toen hij in 1722 naar
Haarlem verhuisde en daar veel werk kreeg van damastweverijen
bracht dit hem niet verder. Zelfs de dood zijner moeder bracht geen
uitredding, want de man trad in het huwelijk en was zoo ongelukkig
iemand te trouwen, die nog minder zuinig was en hem bovendien
nog het leven vergalde door haar slecht humeur. Slechts twaalf jaar
moest hij haar dulden. Toen stierf zij, maar Langendyk, die zelf
waarschijnlijk ook niet veel zuinigheid van zijn moeder zal geleerd
hebben, werd niet welvarender. Gelukkig werd hij op andere wijze
geholpen, doordat de regeering der stad Haarlem hem met den titel
van Stads-historieschryver een jaarlijksch traktement bezorgde en
een onderkomen in het Proveniershuis.
Daar stierf hij in 1756.
Reeds vroeg had Langendyk zijn liefde voor de kunst aan den dag
gelegd, behalve door teekenen ook nog door het dichten van
blijspelen en andere gedichten. Deze laatste hebben evenwel weinig
waarde.
Op zeventienjarigen leeftijd reeds, schreef hij den Don Quichot,
dat door andere stukken gevolgd werd o. a. door zijn levendig
blijspel: „Het wederzijdsch Huwelijksbedrog” (Panth. 68). In 1715
verscheen behalve „de Wiskunstenaars” ook nog „Krelis Louwen”
(Panth. 5). Gedurende den tijd, dat de windhandel in Europa een
groote vlucht nam en ook hier werd gedreven, schreef Langendyk
een paar stukken naar aanleiding daarvan, nl. den „Arlequyn
Actionist” en de „Windhandelaars” (Panth. 5). Na langen tijd rust
verschenen eerst zijn „Xantippe” (Panth. 41) en vervolgens zijn
„Papirius of het oproer der Vrouwen binnen Romen”. De rij zijner
blijspelen werd gesloten door het beste, het fijnste stuk, getiteld,
„Spiegel der Vaderlandsche Kooplieden”.
DON QUICHOT
OP
Blyspel.
Aan de Heeren
HENDRIK HAAK H.Z.
en
Mr. EVERHARD KRAEIVANGER.
Ik offer u, ô waarde vrinden,
Den vroomen Ridder Don Quichot,
Die zich iets groots dorst onderwinden:
Maar voor zyn daden wierd bespot,
Van volk dat hy niet wys kon maaken,
Dat Amadis en Palmeryn
En honderd Romanike snaaken
Geen leugens, maar vol waarheids zyn.
Ik voer hem hier ten schouwtooneele:
Opdat hy met zyn zotterny
Voor and’ren (zyns gelyken) speele,
Dat alle waan maar zotheid zy;
Hoe al des waerelds schoone dingen
Maar bij verbeeldingen bestaan,
En even als ’t geluid na ’t zingen
In wind en lucht terstond vergaan.
Wie kan den luister bet vergrooten
Van myn geringe Poëzy;
Als gy, die t’zaam als kunstgenooten
Dus lang de Wiskunst aan het Y
Geoeffend hebt en ingezogen;
Daar een van u my dikmaal hiel
Door schoone maatzang opgetogen,
Die al wie kunst bemint beviel:
Dies hoop ik zal ’t u niet mishaagen,
Dat ik, ô Minnaars van de kunst,
Dit blyspel aan u op durf draagen
Tot dankbaarheid, voor al uw gunst.
ZWYGERS.
Bruiloftsvolk, zoo Boeren als Boerinnen.
Dansers en Muzikanten.
Eenige Edellieden van ’t gevolg van Bazilius.
STOMMEN.
Ronsinnant, het oud mager Paerd van Don Quichot.
Graeuwtje, de Ezel van Sanche Pance.
Het tooneel verbeeldt een Bosch, by een Dorp in Mancha. ’t Spel
begint ’s morgens, en eindigt na den middag.
EERSTE BEDRYF.
EERSTE TOONEEL.
Bazilius, Valasko.
TWEEDE TOONEEL.
Kamacho, Leontius. Bazilius en Valasko, ter zijde.
DERDE TOONEEL.
VIERDE TOONEEL.