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5) How many colors are used in the RGB system?
A) 2
B) 3
C) 16
D) 255
Answer: B
Diff: 2

2
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc
6) A single hexadecimal number is represented by digits in the binary numbering
system.
A) 2
B) 4
C) 8
D) 16
Answer: B
Diff: 3

7) The numbering system uses base 2.

Answer: binary
Diff: 1

8) When storing information in a computer, the binary numbering system uses a(n) to
represent an on switch.
Answer: 1, one
Diff: 1

9) When storing information in a computer, the binary numbering system uses a(n) to
represent an off switch.
Answer: 0, zero
Diff: 1

10) For each numbering base system, the far right always has a place value of .
Answer: 1, one, ones
Diff: 1

11) numbers are used in place of binary numbers because binary numbers are difficult
to read.
Answer: Hexadecimal, Decimal
Diff: 2

12) In the RGB system, each color can have a value from 0 to .
Answer: 255, two hundred fifty-five
Diff: 3

13) In the hexadecimal numbering system, each place value digit is times greater than
the digit to its right.
Answer: 16, sixteen
Diff: 2
14) In the binary numbering system, each place value digit can have possible values.
Answer: 2, two
Diff: 1

3
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc
15) In the numbering system, each place value digit is ten times greater than the digit
to its right.
Answer: decimal
Diff: 1

16) Computers store information in (Base 2), which is difficult, if not impossible for
humans to read.
Answer: binary
Diff: 1

17) The system uses combinations of red, green and blue light to display a full
spectrum of colors.
Answer: RGB
Diff: 1

18) Match the following terms to their meaning:

I. binary
II. hexadecimal
III. decimal
IV. RGB
V. base

A. number that represents the value of each digit

B. numbering system that uses 0s and 1s
C. coding system for displaying colors on a computer screen
D. people normally use this numbering system
E. numbering system that uses base 16
Answer: B, E, D, C, A
Diff: 2

4
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc
Technology in Action, Sound Bytes, 15e (Evans et al.)
Chapter 2 Sound Bytes: Smartphones Are Really Smart

1) The two major mobile operating systems on the market are and Android.
A) PrimOS
B) Windows
C) iOS D)
Palm
Answer: C
Diff: 3

2) The Android smartphone operating system was developed by .

A) Samsung
B) Apple
C) Intel
D) Google
Answer: D
Diff: 2

3) Smartphones store their operating system software in .

A) ROM
B) RAM
C) SD cards
D) micro SD cards
Answer: A
Diff: 2

4) Smartphones include all of the following EXCEPT .

A) a CPU
B) a mouse
C) storage capabilities
D) ports
Answer: B
Diff: 1

5) Some smartphones support additional memory through .

A) micro SD flash cards
B) operating system swap files
C) Global Positioning System (GPS)
D) Bluetooth connectivity
Answer: A
Diff: 2

1
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
6) measure the amount of movement in any direction to detect shaking and rotation.
A) Synchronizers
B) Accelerometers
C) Proximity sensors
D) GPS
Answer: B
Diff: 2

7) Who built and operates the Global Positioning System?

A) NASA
B) UN
C) U.S. Department of Defense
D) DARPA
Answer: C
Diff: 3

8) Many full-featured smartphones support additional memory through micro flash

cards.
Answer: SD
Diff: 2

9) Using , a smartphone can connect to an automobile audio/control system.

Answer: Bluetooth
Diff: 1
10) Google Assistant and Apple's Siri use to assist smartphone users.
Answer: voice recognition
Diff: 2

11) A(n) measures the amount of movement in any direction so that they can detect
shaking or rotation.
Answer: accelerometer
Diff: 2

12) Smartphones come with screens in a variety of resolutions.

Answer: OLED
Diff: 2

13) Smartphones are small fully functional computers.

Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1

14) Android devices do NOT support voice recognition.

Answer: FALSE
Diff: 1

2
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
15) Apple's iPhone series does NOT allow you to add any memory.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2

16) Match each of the following terms to its description:

I. OLED
II. 4G
III. GPS
IV. stylus
V. Siri

A. powerful navigational system

B. cellular network
C. screen type used by smartphones
D. Apple's artificial intelligent assistant
E. pointing device
Answer: C, B, A, E, D
Diff: 3

3
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
Technology in Action, Helpdesk, 15e (Evans et al.)
Chapter 2 Helpdesk: Understanding Bits and Bytes

1) One byte is equal to .

A) 8 characters
B) 1 word
C) 8 bits of data
D) 100 bits of data
Answer: C
Diff: 2

2) A bit consists of a .
A) single letter such as R and B
B) 0 or a 1
C) number such a 2 or 9
D) series of 0s and 1s such as 101
Answer: B
Diff: 2

3) Which of the following CANNOT be represented by a single byte?

A) A letter of the alphabet such as Y
B) A word such as Tom
C) A number such as 45
D) A special character such as @
Answer: B
Diff: 2

4) Bit is short for .

A) binary digit
B) byte
C) kilobyte
D) megabyte
Answer: A
Diff: 1

5) Computers work only with .

A) letters and symbols
B) binary numbers
C) hexadecimal numbers
D) decimal numbers
Answer: B
Diff: 2

1
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
6) A kilobyte contains approximately one bytes of data.
A) hundred
B) thousand
C) million
D) billion
Answer: B
Diff: 2

7) A megabyte holds approximately bytes of data.

A) 1,000,000
B) 1,000,000,000
C) 1,000,000,000,000
D) 1,000,000,000,000,000
Answer: A
Diff: 2

8) Eight binary digits is equal to .

A) 1 word
B) 1 byte
C) 1 bit
D) 100 bytes
Answer: B
Diff: 2

9) Which of the following statements is FALSE?

A) Everything a computer does is broken down into a series of 0s and 1s.
B) When referring to computers, every number, letter, or special character consists of a unique
combination of 8 bits.
C) Bit is short for binary digit.
D) A single bit can represent a single letter.
Answer: D
Diff: 3
10) A kilobyte holds bytes of data.
A) 256
B) 1,024
C) 16
D) 1,048,576
Answer: B
Diff: 3

11) Which of the following is the smallest unit of measure?

A) Gigabyte
B) Megabyte
C) Petabyte

Diff: 2
2
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
D) Terabyte
Answer: B

Diff: 2
3
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
12) Which of the following is the largest unit of measure?
A) Terabyte
B) Megabyte
C) Petabyte
D) Kilobyte
Answer: C
Diff: 2

13) How many bits does it take to spell the word yes?
A) 3
B) 8
C) 24
D) 30
Answer: C
Diff: 3

14) Which of the following is NOT an example of data?

A) A sound
B) A word
C) A report
D) A picture
Answer: C
Diff: 3

15) The representation of a fact, figure, or idea is called .

A) information
B) byte
C) data
D) input
Answer: C
Diff: 2

16) Data that has been organized is called .

A) binary digits
B) information
C) bytes D)
output
Answer: B
Diff: 2
17) Computers use language to process data at the most basic level.
A) computer
B) English
C) C++
D) binary
Answer: D

Diff: 2
4
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
18) In reference to units of measurement, KB stands for .
Answer: kilobyte
Diff: 2

19) In reference to units of measurement, GB stands for .

Answer: gigabyte
Diff: 2

20) Processor speeds are measured in units of .

Answer: hertz; Hz; megahertz; MHz
Diff: 2

21) Match each of the following terms to its definition:

I. bit
II. byte
III. hertz
IV. megabyte
V. terabyte

A. 8 binary digits
B. greater than a kilobyte, smaller than a gigabyte
C. machine cycles per second
D. 0 or 1
E. more than one trillion bytes
Answer: D, A, C, B, E
Diff: 3

4
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
Technology in Action, Helpdesk, 15e (Evans et al.)
Chapter 2 Helpdesk: Exploring Storage Devices and Ports

1) usually have the largest storage capacity of any storage device inside the computer.
A) DVD drives
B) Blu-ray drives
C) Hard drives
D) Flash memory cards
Answer: C
Diff: 2

2) Which of the following statements about your computer's primary hard drives is FALSE?
A) Some hard drives hold up to 8 TB of information.
B) Hard drives are nonvolatile storage devices.
C) Internal hard drives use a laser to read and write data.
D) Internal hard drives are enclosed in the system unit.
Answer: C
Diff: 3

3) Which of the following is NOT an optical storage device?

A) CD
B) Flash drive
C) Blu-ray
D) DVD
Answer: B
Diff: 2

4) Which of the following optical storage devices holds the most high-definition video?
A) DVD
B) BD
C) CD
D) Hard drive
Answer: B
Diff: 2

5) You can increase the number of USB ports on your computer by adding a(n) .
A) jump drive
B) repeater
C) expansion hub
D) gateway
Answer: C
Diff: 1

1
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
6) Which of the following ports do you need to use with a home theater system?
A) DVI
B) FireWire
C) SVGA
D) HDMI
Answer: D
Diff: 2

7) Which of the following ports has the fastest data transfer rate?
A) SVGA
B) FireWire 800
C) USB 3.0
D) DVI
Answer: C
Diff: 2

8) Which of the following storage devices has the most capacity?

A) CD
B) Cache
C) BD D)
DVD
Answer: C
Diff: 2

9) Which of the following statements about flash memory is FALSE?

A) Flash memory cards are often used in smartphones.
B) Some flash memory cards can store 256 GB of data.
C) A flash drive is needed to read a flash memory card.
D) Some flash memory can be plugged directly into a USB port.
Answer: C
Diff: 3

10) are the places that peripheral devices attach to the computer.
A) Hubs
B) Repeaters
C) Ports
D) Gateways
Answer: C
Diff: 1

11) Which of the following ports are used to connect a computer to a cable modem or to a
network?
A) FireWire
B) Ethernet
C) DVI
D) HDMI
Answer: B
Diff: 2
2
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
12) memory cards are removable storage devices that let you transfer digital data to a
computer.
Answer: Flash
Diff: 3
13) A high-capacity hard drive is a viable, portable option for backing up the data on

your computer's primary hard drive.

Answer: external
Diff: 3

14) Flash drives plug into a(n) port on a computer.

Answer: Universal Serial Bus (USB)
Diff: 1

15) Blu-ray and DVDs are referred to as media.

Answer: optical; storage
Diff: 1

16) The most common ports used to connect input and output devices are ports.
Answer: Universal Serial Bus (USB)
Diff: 2

17) services allow you to keep your files on the Internet so you can access your files
from any computer.
Answer: Cloud storage; Cloud
Diff: 2

18) A(n) is also referred to as a jump drive, USB drive, or flash drive.
Answer: thumb drive
Diff: 2

19) Match each of the following ports to its most common use:

I. USB
II. Ethernet
III. DVI
IV. VGA
V. HDMI

A. used for home theater systems

B. commonly used for connecting input and output devices
C. commonly used to connect CRT monitors in older systems
D. used to connect a computer to a network
E. commonly used to connect projectors to a computer system
Answer: B, D, E, C, A
Diff: 2

3
Copyright © 2019 Pearson Education, Inc.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
“mere incidents.” From the review given below, in Chapter XIII, it is
clear that the main determinants of American culture accumulation,
after the first primitive start, were internal; and the case seems as
clear for metal working as for any phase.

109. Zero
One of the milestones of civilization is the number symbol zero.
This renders possible the unambiguous designation of numbers of
any size with a small stock of figures. It is the zero that enables the
symbol 1 to have the varying values of one, ten, hundred, or
thousand. In our arithmetical notation, the symbol itself and its
position both count: 1,234 and 4,321 have different values although
they contain the identical symbols. Such a system is impossible
without a sign for nothingness: 123 and 1,023 would be
indistinguishable. Our zero, along with the other nine digits, appears
to be an invention of the Hindus approximately twelve or fifteen
hundred years ago. We call the notation “Arabic” because it was
transmitted from India to Europe by the Arabs.

Fig. 28. Maya symbols for zero: a, monumental; b, c, cursive. (From Bowditch.)

Without a zero sign and position values, two methods are open for
the representation of higher numerical values. More and more signs
can be added for the high values. This was done by the Greeks and
Romans. MV means 1,005, and only that. This is simple enough; but
1,888 requires so cumbersome a denotation as MDCCCLXXXVIII—
thirteen figures of six different kinds. A simple system of multiplying
numbers expressed like this one is impossible. The unwieldiness is
due to the fact that the Romans, not having hit upon the device of
representing nothingness, employed the separate signs I, X, C, M for
the quantities which we represent by the single symbol 1 with from
no to three zeroes added.
The other method is that followed by the Chinese. Besides signs
corresponding to our digits from 1 to 9, they developed symbols
corresponding to “ten times,” “hundred times,” and so on. This was
much as if we should use the asterisk, *, to denote tens, the dagger,
† , for hundreds, the paragraph, ¶, for thousands. We could then
represent 1,888 by 1 ¶ 8 † 8 * 8, and 1,005 by 1 ¶ 5, without any risk
of being misunderstood. But the writing of the numbers would in
most cases require more figures, and mathematical operations
would be more awkward.
The only nation besides the Hindus to invent a zero sign and the
representation of number values by position of the basic symbols,
were the Mayas of Yucatan. Some forms of their zero are shown in
Figure 28. This Maya development constitutes an indubitable parallel
with the Hindu one. So far as the involved logical principle is
concerned, the two inventions are identical. But again the concrete
expressions of the principle are dissimilar. The Maya zero does not
in the least have the form of our or the Hindus’ zero. Also, the Maya
notation was vigesimal where ours is decimal. They worked with
twenty fundamental digits instead of ten. Their “100” therefore stood
for 400, their “1,000” for 8,000.[17] Accordingly, when they wrote, in
their corresponding digits, 1,234, the value was not 1,234 but 8,864.
Obviously there can be no question of a common origin for such a
system and ours. They share an idea or a method, nothing more. As
a matter of fact, these two notational systems, like all others, were
preceded by numeral word counts. Our decimal word count is based
on operations with the fingers, that of the Maya on operations with
the fingers and toes. Twenty became their first higher unit because
twenty finished a person.
 It is interesting that of the two inventions of zero, the Maya one
was the earlier. The arithmetical and calendrical system of which it
formed part was developed and in use by the time of the birth of
Christ. It may be older; it certainly required time to develop. The
Hindus may have possessed the prototypes of our numerals as early
as the second century after Christ, but as yet without the zero, which
was added during the sixth or according to some authorities not until
the ninth century. This priority of the Maya must weaken the
arguments sometimes advanced that the ancient Americans derived
their religion, zodiac, art, or writing from Asia. If the zero was their
own product, why not the remainder of their progress also? The only
recourse left the naïve migrationist would be to turn the tables and
explain Egyptian and Babylonian civilization as due to a Maya
invasion from Yucatan.

110. Exogamic Institutions

In many parts of the world nations live under institutions by which
they are divided into hereditary social units that are exogamous to
one another. That is, all persons born in a unit must take spouses
born in some other unit, fellow members of one’s unit being regarded
as kinsmen. The units are generally described as clans, gentes, or
sibs; or, where there are only two, as moieties. In many cases the
sibs or moieties are totemic; named after, or in some way associated
with, an animal, plant, or other distinctive object that serves as a
badge or symbol of the group. Often the association finds expression
in magic or myth. Since under this system one is born into his social
unit, cannot change it, and can belong to one only, it follows that
descent is unilateral. It is impossible for a man to be a member of
both his father’s and his mother’s sib or totem; custom has
established everywhere a rigid choice between them. Some tribes
follow descent from the mother or matrilinear reckoning, others are
patrilinear.[18]
Institutions of this type have a wide and irregular distribution. They
are frequent in Australia, New Guinea, and Melanesia; found in parts
of the East Indies and southeastern Asia; quite rare or stunted in the
remainder of Asia and Polynesia; fairly common in Africa, though
they occur in scattered areas; characteristic again of a large part of
North America, but confined to a few districts of South America. At a
rough guess, it might be said that about as many savage peoples,
the world over, possess totemic-exogamous clans or moieties as
lack them. The patchiness on the map of exogamic institutions
argues against their being all the result of a wave of culture
transmission emanating from a single source. Had such a diffusion
occurred, it should have left its marks among the numerous
intervening tribes that are sibless. Further, both in the eastern and
western hemispheres, the most primitive and backward tribes are,
with fair regularity, sibless and non-totemic. If therefore a
hypothetical totem-sib movement had encircled the planet, it could
not have been at an extremely ancient date, else the primitive tribes
would have been affected by it; and since records go back five
thousand years in parts of the Mediterranean area, the movement, if
relatively late, should have left some echo in history, which it has not.

Fig. 29. Distribution of types of exogamic institutions in Australia: 2M, two classes,
matrilinear; 4M, four classes, matrilinear; 4P, four classes, patrilinear; 8P,
 eight classes, patrilinear; black areas, no classes, patrilinear exogamic
totems; X, totems independent of classes; Y, totems replace sub-classes; Z,
no organization; ?, uninhabited or unknown. (After Thomas and Graebner.)

It is therefore probable that totem-sib institutions did not all

emanate from one origin, but developed independently several
times. The question then becomes, how often, and where?
The evidence for America has been reviewed in another
connection (§ 185). It can be summarized in the statement that at
least two of the three sib areas[19] of North America, and probably
the two principal ones of South America, seem to have resulted from
a single culture growth which perhaps centered at one time, although
subsequently superseded, in the middle sector of the double
continent. This movement may have had first a patrilinear and then a
matrilinear phase, though at no great interval of time. The third North
American area may have got its patrilinear sib institutions from the
same source but probably developed its matrilinear ones locally as a
subsequent growth. If so, this would be an instance of convergence
on the same continent—a rather rare phenomenon.
For Australia, New Guinea, and Melanesia, the geographical
proximity is so close as to suggest a single origin for the whole area.
Patrilinear and matrilinear descent are both found in Australia as well
as Melanesia. This fact has been interpreted as the result of an
earlier patrilineal and a later matrilineal phase of diffusion. It is
interesting that this conclusion parallels the tentative one
independently arrived at for America, although in both hemispheres
further analysis and distributional study must precede a positive
verdict.
In the principal other sib area, Africa, the reckoning is so
prevailingly patrilineal, that the few cases of matrilineate can
scarcely be looked upon as anything but secondary local
modifications. As to whether the totemism and exogamy of Africa
can be genetically connected with those of Australia-Melanesia, it is
difficult to decide. The more conservative attitude would be to regard
them as separate growths, although so many cultural similarities
have been noted between western Africa and the area that stretches
from Indo-China to Melanesia, as to have raised suspicions of an
actual connection (§ 270). Yet even if these indications were to be
confirmed, thus sweeping most or all the Old World sib institutions
into a single civilizational movement, the distinctness of this from the
parallel development of the New World would remain.
It is significant that in the three successive continents of America,
Oceania, and Africa the patrilinear and matrilinear phases of the sib
type of society exist side by side, and that the same duality even
holds for each of the separate areas in America. That is, the
Northwest American sib area includes matrilinear as well as
patrilinear tribes; the Southwest area includes both; and so on.
A similar tendency toward geographical association is found in
other phases of social structure: the clan and moiety, and again
totemism and exogamy.
The clan or multiple form of sib organization is logically distinct
from the moiety or dual form. Under the plural system, a person,
being of clan A, may marry at will into clans B, C, D, E, F. Three of
his four grandparents would normally be of other clans than his own,
but of which they were members, would vary in each individual case.
In a patrilineal society, one member of clan A would have his
maternal uncles of clan B; the next, of clan C; a third, perhaps of
clan F; according to the choices which their fathers had made of
wives.
Under the dual system, however, a member of moiety A may just
as well be regarded as having a wife of moiety B prescribed or
predestined for him as being forbidden an A wife. Two of his
grandparents, say his father’s father and his mother’s mother, are
inevitably of his own moiety, the two others of the opposite one.
Every possible kinsman—his maternal uncle, his cross cousin, his
father-in-law, his wife’s brother-in-law, his daughter’s son—has his
moiety affiliation foreordained. Where descent is paternal, for
instance, everybody knows that his future mother-in-law must be of
his own moiety. Evidently the effect of this dual system on the
relations between kinsfolk, on social usages, on the individual’s
attitude of mind toward other individuals, should normally tend to be
profoundly different from the influence of a multiple clan system. On
theoretical grounds it might seem likely that the dual and multiple
schemes had nothing to do with each other, that they sprang from
distinct psychological impulses.
Yet such a belief would be ungrounded, as the facts of distribution
promptly make clear. In every multiple sib area of any moment,
moieties also occur, and vice versa. In the California-Southwest
region, for instance, tribes like the Miwok are divided into moieties
only, the Mohave and Hopi into clans only, the Tewa and Cahuilla
into moieties subdivided into clans. So in the Eastern, the Plains,
and the Northwest areas of North America, clan tribes and moiety
tribes live side by side; whereas as soon as these regions are left
behind, there are vast districts—much of Mexico, Texas, the Great
Basin and Plateau, northern Canada and the Arctic coast—whose
inhabitants get along without either clans or moieties. So again in
Melanesia and in Australia (Fig. 29), the two types of organization
exist side by side, while most of Polynesia, Asia, and Europe are
void of both. Only Africa shows some development of multiple clan
institutions but no moieties. In short, as soon as areas of some size
are considered, they prove in the main to be of two kinds. Either they
contain both clan tribes and moiety tribes, or they contain neither.
That is, the clan institution and the moiety institution are correlated or
associated in geography, as patrilinear and matrilinear descent are
correlated, which indicates a community of origin for them.
A similar relation exists between exogamic units, be they moieties
or clans, and totemism. The first constitutes a scheme of society, a
method of organization; the second, a system of symbolism. Sibs are
social facts, totems a naming device with magico-religious
implications. There is no positive reason why they should be
associated. They are not always associated. There are American
tribes like the Navaho and Gros Ventre that live under unilateral and
exogamic institutions without totems. Placenames or nicknames
distinguish the groups. In Australia, the Arunta possess unilaterally
reckoning exogamic groups as well as totems, but the two are
dissociated; a person takes his group by descent, his totem wholly
irrespective of this according to place of birth or conception. In Africa
there are no less than six tribes or series of tribes in which exogamy
and totemism are thus dissociated; a person takes his totem from his
father, his exogamic unit from his mother, so that the two ordinarily
do not coincide for parent and child. Exogamy and totemism, then,
are theoretically separate factors.
Yet since they are distinct, it is remarkable that in probably seven
or eight tenths of all cases they coincide, and that in each of the
continents or areas containing them they are found associated. If
exogamy and totemism had grown out of separate roots, one could
expect at least one considerable area somewhere in which one of
them appeared without the other. But there is no such area.
Wherever social exogamy appears among a larger group of nations,
social totemism also crops out; and vice versa.
It must then be concluded that exogamy and totemism,
matrilineate and patrilineate, multiple and dual sibs, all show a strong
tendency toward association with one another. In other words, their
correlation is positive and strong. Even where they seem mutually
exclusive in their very nature, like matrilinear and patrilinear
reckoning, ways have been found by unconscious human ingenuity
to make them coexist among one people, as when one reckoning is
attached to the exogamy, the other to the totemism; and still more
often they occur among adjacent tribes.

111. Parallels and Psychology

Such associations as these are common enough in the history of
civilization. A number are touched upon elsewhere in this volume
under the name of culture trait associations or complexes (§ 97,
149). But usually such a complex or nexus consists of culture
elements that have no necessary connection: Christianity and
trousers, for instance. It is accident that first throws them together;
association ties them one to the other; once the cluster is
established by usage, its coherence tends to persist. But there is
something arbitrary about this cohesion, generally. There is no
inherent reason why a hundred American tribes that grow maize
should also grow beans and squashes and nothing else; but they do
limit themselves to the three. The distinctive feature of the sib-
complex is that it has an almost reasonable quality. Its elements,
however separate or even opposite logically, do have a certain
psychological affinity to one another. Also, the arbitrary maize-
beans-squash complex and other complexes are generally not
duplicated. But the intricate and psychologically founded totemism-
exogamy-descent complex looks as if it might have been triplicated
or quadruplicated. This parallelism, if the facts prove to substantiate
it, is parallelism raised to a higher power than any yet considered.
Heretofore the discussion has been of the parallelism of single
culture traits. Here it is a case of parallelism of a complex of culture
traits. Such complex convergence might suggest something peculiar
to or inherent in the human mind, leading it, once it is stimulated to
commence the development of one of the factors of the complex, to
follow with the production of the other factors.[20]
Similar instances would be the tendency of agriculture to be
followed by town life, if it could be demonstrated, though this seems
doubtful; of settled living to be accompanied by migration legends; of
religions with personal founders to become propagandizing and
international but in time to die out among the nations in which they
were originated.
In regard to all such cases it may be said first of all that an
exhaustive analysis is necessary to ascertain whether the seeming
association or correlation is borne out by the facts. Second, the
possibility of diffusion must be eliminated. If Melanesian and African
totem-exogamy are both products of one culture growth, they cannot
be counted as two examples of the same association. If they should
ultimately both prove to be linked with the American system by a
wave of migration or culture contact, as has, indeed been maintained
in two separate hypotheses recently advanced, parallelism is of
course disproved altogether. But such views are as yet
undemonstrated and seem extreme; and if, after continued search of
the evidence, two or more such associations or complex parallels as
the exogamic-totemic scheme of society stand as independent
growths, it is evident that they will be something in the nature of
cultural manifestations of psychological forces. In short, we should
then be beginning to grasp specific psychological determinants for
the phenomena or events of civilization. But as yet such a causal
explanation of the data of anthropology by the mechanism of
psychology has not been achieved.

112. Limitations on the Principle

From the evidences reviewed in this and the last chapter, the
conclusion is confirmed which social philosophers had long since
reached, that imitation is the normal process by which men live, and
that invention is rare, a thing which societies and individuals oppose
with more resistance than they are ever aware of, and which
probably occurs only as the result of the pressure of special
circumstances, although these are as yet little understood. Not only
are a hundred instances of diffusion historically traceable for every
one of parallelism, but the latter is regularly limited in scope.
Something tends to make us see phenomena more parallel than
they actually are. They merely spring from the same impulse, they
inhere in the properties of objects or nature, they bear resemblance
at one point only—and differ at all other points. Yet they tend to
impress us, in some mysterious way, as almost identical. The history
of civilization has no more produced two like cultures, or two
separately developed identical culture traits, than has the evolution
of organic life ever duplicated a species by convergently modifying
two distinct forms. A whale may look fishlike, he is a mammal. The
Hindu and the Maya zero are logically the same; actually they have
in common nothing but their abstract value: their shapes, their place
in their systems, are different. The most frequent process of culture
history therefore is one of tradition or diffusion in time and space,
corresponding roughly to hereditary transmission in the field of
organic life. Inventions may be thought of as similar to organic
mutations, those “spontaneous” variations that from time to time
arise and establish themselves. The particular causes of both
inventions and mutations remain as good as unknown. Now and
then a mutant or an invention heads in the same direction as another
previously arisen one. But, since they spring from different
antecedents, such convergences never attain identity. They remain
on the level of analogous resemblance. Substantial identity, a part
for part correspondence, is invariably a sign of common origin, in
cultural as well as organic history.
 CHAPTER X
THE ARCH AND THE WEEK

113. House building and architecture.—114. The problem of spanning.—

115. The column and beam.—116. The corbelled arch.—117. The true
arch.—118. Babylonian and Etruscan beginnings.—119. The Roman
arch and dome.—120. Mediæval cathedrals.—121. The Arabs: India:
modern architecture.—122. The week: holy numbers.—123.
Babylonian discovery of the planets.—124. Greek and Egyptian
contributions: the astrological combination.—125. The names of the
days and the Sabbath.—126. The week in Christianity, Islam, and
eastern Asia.—127. Summary of the diffusion.—128. Month-thirds
and market weeks.—129. Leap days as parallels.

In exemplification of the principles discussed in the last two

chapters, the next two are given over to a more detailed
consideration of several typical ramifying growths whose history
happens to be known with satisfactory fullness. These are the arch,
the week, and the alphabet.

113. House Building and Architecture

The history of human building makes a first impression of an
endless tangle. Every people rears some sort of habitations, and
however rude these are, structural principles are involved. Obviously,
too, geography and climate are bound to have at least a delimiting
influence. The Eskimo of the Arctic cannot build houses of wood; the
inhabitants of a coral reef in the Pacific could not, however much
they might wish, develop a style in brick. In structures not used as
dwellings, their purpose necessarily affects their form. A temple is
likely to be made on a different plan from a court of law. Temples
themselves may vary according to the motives and rituals of the
religions which they serve.
 Bewilderment begins to abate as soon as one ceases trying to
contemplate all buildings reared by human hands. Obviously a
dwelling erected by a small family group for the utilitarian purpose of
shelter is likely to be more subject to immediate adaptations to
climate than a large communal structure serving some purpose such
as the service of a deity. If consideration be restricted still further, to
religious or public buildings set up with the idea of permanence,
another class of causes making for variability begins to be
eliminated. A structure intended as an enduring monument is reared
with consideration to the impression that it will create in the minds of
future generations. Its emotional potentialities, be these evoked by
its mere size, by the æsthetic nature of its design, or by a
combination of the two, come into the forefront. Such permanent
buildings being in stone or brick, techniques which flourish in wood
or other temporary materials are eliminated. Finally, a monumental
structure is possible only at the hands of a community of some size.
An unstable group of nomads, a thinly scattered agricultural
population, cannot assemble in sufficient numbers even for periods
each year, to carry out the long-continued labors that are necessary.
The aggregation of numbers of men in one spot is always
accompanied by specialization in advancement of the arts.
Consequently the very fact that a structure is monumental involves
the probability that its builders are able to rise above the limitations
of mere necessity, and can in some degree execute products of their
imagination.

114. The Problem of Spanning

If now our attention be confined to large buildings of the more
massive and permanent sort, it becomes clear that one of the chief
problems which all their constructors have had to grapple with, is
that of roofing large spaces and spanning wide openings in walls. A
pyramid can be heaped up, or a wall reared to a great height, without
much other than quantitative difficulties being encountered. A four
hundred foot pyramid does not differ in principle from the waist-high
one that a child might pile up. The problems which it involves are
essentially the economic and political ones of providing and
controlling the needed multitudes of workers. Architecture as such is
in abeyance and the engineering problems involved are mainly those
of transporting and raising large blocks of stone. Much the same
holds of walls. The Incas, for instance, reared masonry of astounding
massiveness and exactness without ever seriously attempting to
solve architectural problems.
Once, however, a structure is planned to cover a wide space, it
becomes architecturally ambitious. The roof of a large dwelling can
be made easily of poles and thatch by such collaborators as a family
might muster. But to span a clear space of some size in stone
requires more than numbers of workers. The accomplishment also
yields definite sense of achievement which is strong in proportion as
the extent of the ceiling is great. The difficulties are diminished in
proportion as the mass of the structure is large and the clear space
is small, but the satisfying effect is correspondingly decreased. A
vault whose walls are thicker than its interior is wide, produces as
chief impression an effect of massiveness. One feels the solidity of
the structure, the amount of labor that has gone into it; but one is left
without the sense of a worth-while difficulty having been self-
imposed and mastered. Sooner or later, therefore, after men began
to hold themselves available for co-operative enterprises in numbers,
adventurous minds must have been fired with a desire to grapple
with problems of æsthetic construction, and to leave behind them
monuments of triumphant solution. The story of these voluntary and
imaginative endeavors is the history of monumental art.
Two principal methods have been followed in the solution of the
problem of covering large free spaces. The first is the method of the
column and the lintel; the second that of the arch or vault. The
column and lintel do not differ fundamentally from the idea of the wall
with superimposed roof beams. The elements of both are vertical
support and horizontal beam. In the arch, however, this simple
scheme is departed from, and the covering elements take on a
curved or sloping form. The apparently free float of the span is
stimulatingly impressive, especially when executed in a heavy and
thoroughly rigid material. The beam is subject to bending stress.
Timber makes a good material because of its strength against
breakage by bending. Stone is unreliable or outrightly weak against
a bending stress, besides adding to the stress by its own weight.
There are therefore inherent limitations on the space that can be
covered by a horizontal stone beam.

115. The Column and Beam

Most early architecture developed the column. Even so superb an
architecture as that of the Greeks never rose above it. The æsthetic
value of the Parthenon lies in the balance and feeling with which a
fundamentally simple plan has been elaborated, not in the daring
way in which an inherently ambitious problem has been met.
On account of its essential simplicity, columnar architecture grew
up among several historically unconnected nations. In the case of
most of them, there can be distinguished an early stage of building in
wood, when the column was the trunk of a tree, and a later stage in
which the post was replaced by a monolith, or by superimposed
drums of stone. This change appears to have taken place somewhat
independently in Egypt and in Greece, and wholly so in Mexico. It
has been thought that Greek architecture was derived from Egypt,
but there was probably little more than a transmission of stimulus,
since Greek temples were wooden pillared several thousand years
after the Egyptians were rearing huge stone columns. Furthermore, if
the Greeks had borrowed their column outright from Egypt, they
would probably have copied it slavishly at the outset. Yet their early
capitals are without the lotus flower head in which the Egyptian
column terminated. Here, then, and still more in Mexico, there was
parallel development.
The failure of the Greeks to pass beyond column and lintel
architecture may seem strange for a people that showed so unusual
an artistic faculty and so bold and enterprising a spirit as they
manifested in most departments of civilization. The cause appears to
lie not in any internal arrest of their artistic evolution, but in the
conditions that prevailed in another field of their culture: their political
particularity. The Greek state remained a city. All attempts to
establish larger political aggregates, whether on the basis of
confederation or conquest, failed miserably and speedily. The Greek
was ingrainedly addicted to an outlook that was not merely provincial
but literally municipal. The result was that really large coöperative
enterprises were beyond him. Paved roads, aqueducts, sewers, and
works of a like character were scarcely attempted on any scale of
magnitude. With the rather small numbers of individuals which at
best the Greeks assembled in one spot, such works were not
necessary, and undertaken in mere ambition, they would have
encountered public antagonism. Consequently Greek public
buildings were, by the standards of many other nations, mediocre in
size of ground plan, low in height, without endeavor to impress by
sweep of clear space. This fact illustrates the almost organic
interconnection existing between the several sides of the culture of
any people; it illustrates also the importance of knowing the whole of
a civilization before trying to provide an explanation for any one of its
manifestations.

116. The Corbelled Arch

The arch brings in an inherently new principle of architecture. It is
a device for carrying construction over an empty space without
horizontal beams. But it may take two principal forms: the corbelled
or “false” arch, and the “true” arch. Both are arches in form, but the
blocks that form the curvature of one are not self-supporting; in the
other they are.
The corbelled arch achieves its span through a successive
projection of the stones or bricks that abut on each side of the open
space. The stone at the end of the second course of masonry
extends part of its length beyond the end stone of the first course. At
the opposite side, the second course hangs similarly out above the
first. In the third course, the end blocks again project beyond those
of the second. The arrangement thus is that of two series of
brackets, or two staircases turned upside down. The higher the
masonry rises, the more do the clear space narrow and the two lines
of hanging steps approach until they meet and the arch is complete.
What keeps the projecting stones from toppling into the clear space?
Nothing, obviously, but such weight as is put on their inner or
embedded ends. Suppose a stone projects a third of its length
beyond the one below, so that its center of gravity is still above the
lower stone. It will then lie as placed. Suppose still another stone
again projects a third of its length beyond the second. Its center of
gravity now falling outside the lowest block, it will topple both itself
and the second one. Only if other blocks are inserted behind will
their counterweight hold up the projecting blocks. Obviously, there
will be more such counterweights needed the higher the side of the
arch rises. In general, the area of wall needed as counterweight is at
least as great as the area of overhanging. If the arch is to clear ten
feet horizontally—hanging over five feet from each side—there must
be five feet or more of masonry built up on each side of the clear
space. A corbelled arch forming a relatively small doorway in the
face of a wall presents no difficulty, but a corbelled arch that stands
free is impossible.
The same principle holds for the vault, which is a three-
dimensional extension of the virtually two-dimensional arch. The
hollow or half-barrel of the corbelled vault has to be flanked by a
volume of building material exceeding its own content. This need
eliminates corbelling as a possible method of rearing structures that
rise free and with lightness. Hence the clumsy massiveness of, for
instance, Maya architecture, which, so far as it employs the vault,
often contains more building material than spanned space.
Another difficulty, beyond that of counterweighting, which besets
the user of the corbelled arch, is that the projecting stones of each
course are subjected to the same bending strain as a beam. The
weight above strives to snap them in two.
The corbelled arch and vault have been independently devised
and have also diffused. They were employed in gigantic Bronze age
tombs at Mycenæ in Greece—the so-called treasure house of
Atreus,—in Portugal, and in Ireland (Fig. 41). These developments
seem historically connected. On the other hand the Mayas of
Yucatan also built corbelled arches, which must constitute a
separate invention. This parallel development differs from that of the
true arch, which seems everywhere to be derived from a single
original source.

117. The True Arch

The true arch differs from the corbelled in needing no
counterweight. The blocks that form the under surface or soffit of its
span are self-sustaining. The true arch thus yields an æsthetic
satisfaction which can be attained in no other way, especially when it
soars in magnitude. The fundamental principle of the true arch is the
integration of its elements. Such an arch is nothing until completed;
but from that moment its constituents fuse their strength. Each block
has a shape which is predetermined by the design of the whole, and
each is useless, in fact, not even self-supporting, until all the others
have been fitted with it. Hence the figure of speech as well as the
reality of the keystone: the last block slipped into place, locking itself
and all the others. The features of the blocks or “voussoirs” which
makes possible this integration, is the taper of their sides. Each is a
gently sloping piece of wedge instead of a rectangular block. When
bricks replace dressed stone, the mortar takes the place of this
shaping, being thinner toward the inner face of the vault and thicker
toward the interior of the construction.
A true arch in process of erection would instantly collapse if not
held up. It can be built only over a scaffold or “centering.” Once
however the keystone has wedged its parts together, it not only
stands by itself but will support an enormous weight. The greater the
pressure from above, the more tightly are the blocks forced together.
Instability in a true arch is not due to the bending stress coming from
the superimposed mass, as in the corbelled arch or a horizontal
roofing. The blocks are subjected only to crushing pressure, which
stone and brick are specially adapted to withstand. The weakness of
the arch is that it turns vertical into horizontal thrust. With more
weight piled on top, the sidewise thrust, the inclination to spread
apart, becomes greater, and must be resisted by buttressing. This is
what the Hindus mean when they say that “the arch never sleeps.”
 118. Babylonian and Etruscan Beginnings
While the exact circumstances attending the invention of the true
arch are not clear, the earliest specimens preserved are from the
ancient brick-building peoples of Babylonia, especially at Nippur
about 3,000 B.C. Thence the principle of the arch was carried to
adjacent Assyria. Both these Mesopotamian peoples employed the
arch chiefly on a small scale in roofing doors and in tunnels. It
remained humble and utilitarian in their hands; its architectural
possibilities were scarcely conceived. They continued to rear their
monumental structures mainly with an eye to quantity: high and thick
walls, ramps, towers ascending vertically or by steps, prevailed.
The true arch and vault are next found in Italy, among a
prosperous city-dwelling people, the Etruscans, some seven or more
centuries before Christ. All through the civilization of this nation runs
a trait of successful but never really distinctive accomplishment. The
Etruscans were receptive to new ideas and applied them with
energy, usually only to degenerate them in the end. Whether they
discovered the arch for themselves or whether knowledge of it was
carried to Italy from Asia is not wholly clear, since history knows little
about the Etruscans, and archæology, though yielding numerous
remains, leaves the problem of their origin dark. The Etruscans, or
Tyrrhenians as the Greeks knew them, were however active traders,
and a number of features in their civilization, such as liver divination
(§ 97), as well as ancient tradition, connect them with Asia. It is
therefore probable that the principle of arch construction was
transmitted to them from its earlier Babylonian source. The
Etruscans also failed to carry the use of the arch far into monumental
architecture. They employed it in tombs, gates, and drains rather
than as a conspicuous feature of public buildings.

119. The Roman Arch and Dome

From the Etruscans their neighbors, the Romans, learned the
arch. They too adopted it at first for utilitarian purposes. The great
sewer of Rome, for instance, the Cloaca Maxima, is an arched vault
of brick. Gradually, however, as the Romans grew in numbers and
wealth and acquired a taste for public undertakings, they transferred
the construction to stone and introduced it into their buildings. By the
time their polity changed from the republican to the imperial form, the
arch was the most characteristic feature of their architecture. The
Greeks had built porticos of columns; the Romans erected frontages
of rows of arches. The exterior of their circus, the Coliseum, is a
series of stories of arches. Much of the mass of the structure also
rests upon arches, thus making possible the building of the huge
edifice with a minimum of material. On the practical side, this is one
of the chief values of the arch. The skill which evolved it eliminates a
large percentage of brute labor. Earlier peoples would have felt it
necessary to fill the space between the interior tiers of seats and the
outer wall of the Coliseum.
Once the fever of architecture had infected them, the Romans
went beyond the simple arch and vault. They invented the dome. As
the simplest arch, such as a doorway or window, a perforation in a
wall, is essentially two dimensional, and a vault is the projecting of
this plane area into the three dimensions of a half cylinder, so the
dome can be conceived as the extension of the arch into another
three-dimensional form, the half sphere. Their relations are those of
a hoop, a barrel, and a hollow ball. Imagine a vault revolved on a
central vertical pivot, and it will describe the surface of a dome. Two
intersecting arches can be served by a single keystone.
Theoretically, more and more arches can be introduced to intersect
at the same point, until they form a continuous spheroid surface.
Neither construction nor the evolution of the dome did actually take
place by this method of compounding arches, which however serves
to illustrate the logical relation of the two structures.
The Roman engineers put domes on their Pantheon, the tomb of
Hadrian, and other buildings. In the centuries in which the
Mediterranean countries were Romanized, the dome and the arch,
the vault and the row of arches set on pillars, became familiar to all
the inhabitants of the civilized western world. After Roman power
crumbled, the architectural traditions survived. Even when there was