How Language Works
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laurikovacHow Language Works
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laurikovac"[Crystal] succeeds again and again with clarity, wit, and
enthusiasm .... A marvelous ride." -The New York Times
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How BabiesBabble,
Words Change Meaning,
and Languages Live or Die
How Language Works
How LanguageWorks
How BabiesBabble,
Words Change Meaning,
and LanguagesLiveor Die
D vid Crysta I
/\VI 1-/Y u rrwmbn of Penguin Group (USA) Inc, New York
Published by the Penguin Group
Con n
Penguin Group (USA) Inc. 375 Hudson Street. New York. New York 10014. USA Penguin Group (Canada).
90 Eglinton Avenue East. Suite 700. Toronto. Ontario M4P 2Y3. Canada (a division of Pearson Penguin Canada Inc.)
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List of figures ix
Penguin Books Ltd. Registered Offices 80 Strand. London WC2R oRL. England
Preface xi
Originally published in the United Kingdom by Penguin Books 2005
First published in the United St.1tes hy The Overlook Press 2006
First trade paperback edition published by Avery 2007
Published by arrangement with The Overlook Press. PettT Mayer Publishers. Inc.
Introducing language
Copyright"' 2005 by David Crystal
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduc_cd, ~Gmned. or distrihutrd in ,rny printed or 1 How what works? 1
electronic form without permission Please do not participate in 01 encourage piracy of copyrighted
materials in violation of the author's rights. Purchasr only authorized editions 2 How to treat body language 5
Most Avery books are available at special quantity discounts for hulk pure hasp for salr') promotions. premiums. fund 3 How we use the 'edges' of language 11
raising. and educational nt'eds Special books or book excerpts J!so can he created to fit specific_nt'e<ls. For details. write
Penguin Group (USA) Inc. Special Markets. 375 Hudson Street. New York. NY 10014
Library ofCongrt'SS Cataloging in Publication Data Spoken language
'I' CrystJI. David. datt.·
How language works: how babies babble, words change mraning, and languages live or die/ Dctvid Cry~tal
p cm
4 How we make speech sounds: phase 1 18
Includes bibliographical refercrKcs and indcx. 5 How we make speech sounds: phase 2 25
ISBN 978-1 58133-291 7
I. Language and languages I Title 6 How we transmit sounds 32
2007028115
7 How we hear speech sounds 39
Printed in the United States of America
8 How we perceive speech 44
13579108642 9 How we describe speech sounds 51
Book design by Rowland Phototypesetting Ltd. Bury Sr Edmunds. Sujfolk 10 How we describe consonants and vowels 58
While the author has made every effort to provide accurate telephone numbers -1nrl l111t·111t't ;1ddre~~eo:, .it tlw time of 11 How we organize the sounds of speech 66
publication, neither the publisher nor the ~wthor assumes any re~ponsihility for <'I n11.., or IOI t h.111~1·-; th.11 O(n1r after
publkation. Further. the publisher docs not h,1vt·;my control over .rnd doc'> 1101 .1'>'>1111w .111v 11",11011-.,dHlity lor .111thoror
12 How we use tone of voice 73
third party Wf'h'iiH•s or their< ontent
13 How children learn speech sounds: the first year 79
14 How children learn speech sounds: later years 85
11, I low sp1•c·1·hcan go wrong go
Written language Discourse
41 How we discourse 260
16 How we write 97
17 How we make writing systems: early times 105 42 How conversation works 267
18 How we make writing systems: modern times 113 43 How we choose what to say 275
44 How we can't choose what to say 282
19 How we read 121
20 How we write and spell 127
21 How we learn to read and write 133 Dialects
22 How reading and writing can go wrong 140
45 How we know where someone is from 289
23 How writing and speech differ 147
46 How to study dialects 295
24 How the electronic medium differs 153
47 How we know what someone is: the ethnic issue 302
48 How we know what someone is: the social issue 309
Sign language 49 How we know who someone is: the stylistic issue 316
50 How we know where someone is: the contextual issue 322
25 How sign language works 159
51 How dialects differ from languages 329
26 How sign languages vary 164
Language structure Languages
52 How languages die 336
27 How the brain handles language 171
28 How to investigate language structure 180 53 How languages are born 343
54 How language began 350
29 How we mean 186
55 How language changes 357
30 How we analyse meaning 192
56 How language families work 364
31 How we learn vocabulary 198
57 How the Inda-European family is organized 371
32 How children learn to mean 204
58 How other Eurasian families are organized - part one 380
33 How dictionaries work 210
59 How other Eurasian families are organized - part two 387
34 How names work 217
60 How the Inda-Pacific island families are organized 393
35 How vocabulary grows 224
61 How African families are organized 397
36 How we study grammar 230
62 How American families are organized 403
37 How words work 236
38 How we classify words 242
39 How sentences work 247 Multilingualism
40 I low Wl' learn grammar 254
(n I low multilingualism works 40l)
64 How we cope with many languages: translate them 416
65 How we cope with many languages: supplement them 423
66 How we cope with many languages: learn them 430
67 How we cope with many languages: teach them
68 How we cope with many languages: plan them 444
437
ures
69 How not to look after languages 451
Looking after language
70 How to look after languages: recognizing principles 457
71 How to look after languages: recognizing functions 462
72 How to look after languages: recognizing varieties 469
73 Teaching people to look after languages 477 1 General arrangement of the vocal organs 19
2 The main parts of the tongue 30
3 Movement of a single air particle 33
Further Reading 485 4 Sine waves of equal frequency but different amplitude 36
Index 487 5 Waveforms of a vowel [a:] and consonant [s:] 38
6 Anatomy of the ear 40
7 The International Phonetic Alphabet 54
8 The cardinal vowel diagram 63
9 Vowels in Received Pronunciation 64
10 Egyptian hieroglyphs over time 110
11 Sumerian pictograms related to cuneiform 112
12 Some alphabetic systems 114
13 Anatomy of the eye 122
14 Two-handed and one-handed finger-spelling 169
15 Different views of the brain 172
16 Surface areas of the cortex 175
t I 17 Lexical isoglosses for -r in Britain 298
I
18 Some words for father in Inda-European 366
19 The Inda-European family of languages 367
Pre
Publisher's note: For this American paper-
back edition of How Language Works, the pub-
lisher has retained the British spelling and
style of the original hardcover edition.
I know an artist who has spent his whole life painting a still-life, in
innumerable versions, in order to get it right. I know another who continu-
ally repaints a scene, in various lights and circumstances, in order to
obtain fresh insights into it. There is no end to the process. It is always
,,I the next work which will achieve the longed-for resolution.
'I
The study of language is no different. I have lost count of the number
of times I have tried to introduce this subject to one readership or another.
There are, I imagine, only so many ways of telling the language story, but
one goes on looking for new angles, new insights. The present book has
been an interesting exercise in taking familiar ideas and rethinking them
with a focus on the 'how' rather than on the 'what', 'why', 'where', or
'when'. I have quite consciously incorporated material from my earlier
expositions displaying those other emphases, but I hope I have managed
to present it here in a fresh and interesting way.
It is not necessary to read the book 'from left to right'. Each chapter
is designed as a self-contained unit, and there are many cross-references
to associated chapters. This is the distinctive feature of any 'how'
approach. The section in a car manual which tells you about its tyres can ·x
be read independently of the one which tells you about its lights.
This is a book about how language works, not about how the study
of language works. That would be called 'How linguistics works' - or
rwrhaps lwttt·r. 'I low linguists work'. I am a linguist, so you will see from
these pages how I work, how I think about language. But there is no
attempt in these pages to represent the full range of opinions - at times
often very divergent - about the way language can or should be studied.
This is above all a personal account. Nor is there much on the methodology
of linguistic enquiry: while I talk a lot about child language, for example,
I do not say anything about the range of methods that linguists use when
h t WO k
they are investigating child language. I have therefore included a short
bibliography of further reading for those who reach §73 and wish to take
such things further.
David Crystal
'Language', the title of this book says. But what is meant by 'language'?
Consider the following expressions:
body language
spoken language
written language
sign language
computer language
the French language
bad language
animal language
the language of birds
I,
the language of cinema
I,
the language of music 0
I, s
Ii
the language of love
Plainly the word is being used in many ways - some technical, some
figurative - and the senses go in various directions. If a reviewer were to
remark, after an impressive orchestral concert, 'The conductor and the
musicians were all speaking the same language', we would interpret this
to be a comment about their playing, not their chatting. And the same
point applies to other linguistic terms, when used in special settings. I
have sepn books called The Grammar of Cooking and The Syntax of Sex.
Tlw first w;1s ;1 nillt·<·tion of recipes as was the second.
How Language Works is not about music, or cookery, or sex. But it is Terrestrial observers also need to be able to answer them, as a preliminary
about how we talk about music, cookery, and sex - or, indeed, about stage in the study of language. If we pick up a manual called How Cars
anything at all. And it is also about how we write about these things, and Work, we do not expect to find in it chapters on bicycles and lawn-mowers.
send electronic messages about them, and on occasion use manual signs Nor, in How Language Works, will there be much space devoted to the
to communicate them. The operative word is 'how'. It is commonplace to use of facial expressions and body movements or to the way animals
see a remarkable special effect on a television screen and react by exclaim- communicate. Why not?
ing 'How did they do that?' It is not quite so usual to exclaim when we
observe someone speaking, listening, reading, writing, or signing. And yet
if anything is worthy of exclamation, it is the human ability to speak,
Modes of communication
listen, read, write, and sign. Because not all of these forms of communication are language, in the
An alien visitor to Earth might well wonder what was going on. It sense of this book. Communication is a much broader concept, involving
would see humans approach each other, use their mouths to exchange a the transmission and reception of any kind of information between any
series of noises, and - apparently as a result of making these noises - kind of life. It is a huge domain of enquiry, dealing with patterned human
cooperate in some activity. It would see human eyes look at a set of marks and animal communication in all its modes. Those who study behaviour
inscribed on a surface, and the eye-owners then behaving in the same way usually call this domain semiotics. Linguistics, the science of language, is
- going out of one door rather than another in a theatre, for instance. just one branch of semiotics.
Rather less often, it would see some humans using their hands and faces There are five modes of human communication, because there are
to achieve the same results that others obtain through the use of their only five human senses which can act as channels of information: sound,
mouths. In each case it might think: 'How did they do that?' And in each sight, touch, smell, and taste. Of course, if you believe in telepathy, you
case the answer would be the same: 'through the use of language'. would need to recognize a 'sixth sense' available for communication; and
But our alien would also observe other kinds of behaviour. It would perhaps there are life forms which interact using still other modes, such
see humans smiling and frowning at each other, or waving and gesturing, as the non-visible areas of the electromagnetic spectrum. But the five
or stroking and kissing. It would notice that the effect of carrying out traditional human sensory modes are all we need to put the subject of
these actions was similar in some respects to that produced by the use of this book into a more general perspective.
spoken noises, written marks, and manual signs. It might well reflect: can The information we send and receive using these modes is usually
these actions therefore be called 'language' too? called the meaning of our communication. But the five modes are not
Our alien would also see apparently similar behaviour among other equally relevant for the transmission and reception of meaning. In fact,
species. It would see a bee find a source of nectar, return to a hive, and two of them play hardly any role at all in human beings - the olfactory
perform a series of dance-like body movements. Other bees would then (smell) and gustatory (taste) modes. We do not routinely emit smells in
N move off in the direction of the nectar. Animals of all kinds would seem order to communicate with others (the controlled flatulent behaviour of m
to be sending information to each other in analogous ways. Is this the some small boys notwithstanding), and there is a very limited amount of
same sort of behaviour as the humans are displaying, our alien observer information about the outside world which we can receive through the
might think? no animals also have language? mediums of smell and taste. Ry contrast, the use of sound - the auditory-
Tlwst· q1wstio11s involvt• 111on· th;m hypotl11·tH;d t'Xlraterrestrials. vocul mode - is fundamental tot ht· not ion of' lan~uage. and t lw propPrt il's
,,
of this mode will form the major part of this book (§4). Speech is the
primary manifestation of language, in all cultures.
The tactile and visual modes fall somewhere between these two ex-
tremes. They are often technically described as being channels of non-
verbal communication because the way in which we use facial expressions, \ re
gestures, and touch behaviour seems to contrast with the words and
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sentences we describe as verbal language. But ordinary people do not
talk about nonverbal communication. Instead, they simply refer to body
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language.
Is this use of 'language' the same as the one we use when we talk
about speech, writing, and signing, or about English, French, and Chinese?
Should large sections of this book be devoted to how facial expressions
and manual gestures work? The answer is no, and to understand why When people talk about body language (§1),they are referring to those
we need to briefly consider the differences between what is involved in features of bodily behaviour which are under some degree of conscious
nonverbal tactile and visual communication, on the one hand, and in control, and which they can therefore use to express different sorts of
language, on the other. We shall see that these differences also enable meaning. The meanings involved are all fairly 'primitive' expressions
us to disregard animal communication, as well as the other figurative of attitude or social relationship, such as affection, aggression, sexual
applications of the term. We shall be left with a trinity of mediums - attraction, greeting, congratulation, gratitude, surprise, and the signal-
speech, writing, and sign - which manifest our concept of 'language'. ling of attention. Both tactile and visual modes of communication are
employed.
The tactile mode
The tactile mode of nonverbal communication operates when parts of the
body make planned physical contact with other people. A very wide range
of meaningful activities is expressed by such contact, as this small selec-
tion of terms suggests: 3
s0
dig, embrace, hold, jog, kick, kiss, nudge, nuzzle, :r:
pat, pinch, punch, shake, slap, spank, tickle
They operate within a complex system of social constraints. Some of U"1
11
I the acts tend to be found only in private - notably, sexual touching. Some
are specialized in function: examples include the tactile activities which
we permit from doctors, dentists, hairdressers, or tailors. And some are
restril'led to certain ceremonies or ol'Casions - a handshake which signals
a formal agreement, for example, or a laying on of hands in the context ing their message, expressing such meanings as puzzlement or disbelief.
of religion or healing. We use our body posture to convey our attitude towards an interaction -
The communicative value of tactile activities is usually fairly clear for instance, whether we are interested or bored. Several kinds of social
within a culture, but there are many differences across cultures. Some context are associated with specific facial or body behaviours, such as
societies are much more tolerant of touching than others, so much so that waving upon meeting or taking leave. Ritual or official occasions are often
a distinction has been proposed between contact and non-contact societies associated with gesture and posture - as with kneeling, standing, bowing,
- those that favour touching (such as Arabs and Latin Americans), and and blessing.
those that avoid it (such as North Europeans and Indians). In some cul- Some visual effects are widely used in the cultures of the world. An
tures, conversationalists touch each other two or three times a minute; in example is the eyebrow flash, used unconsciously when people approach
others, no touching takes place at all. each other and wish to show that they are ready to make social contact.
Related to our use of body contact is the way we use body distance Each person performs a single upward movement of the eyebrows, keep-
and orientation to communicate meaning. There are norms of proximity ing them raised for about a sixth of a second. The effect is so automatic
within a culture (distance zones) which can inform us about the social that we are hardly ever conscious of it. But we become uneasy if we do
relationship between the participants. Latin Americans, for example, not receive an eyebrow flash when we expect one (from someone we
prefer to stand much closer to each other during a conversation than know}; and to receive an eyebrow flash from someone we do not know
do North Europeans. In a traditional caste system, such as in India, the can be uncomfortable, embarrassing, or even threatening.
acceptable distance zones between the members of different castes can Most gestures and facial expressions, however, differ across cultures.
vary greatly - from less than 2 metres to over 20. Sometimes the differences are very noticeable, especially when we visit a
society which uses far more gestures and facial expressions than we are
The visua I mode used to (e.g. Italian, compared with British) or far fewer (e.g. Japanese,
compared with British}. We even coin phrases to express our sense of
We use the visual mode to communicate nonverbally in several ways. We these differences, as when an English person describes Italians as 'talking
can gesture, vary our facial expressions, make eye contact, and alter our with their arms' or Westerners refer to people from Asian countries as
body posture. Each of these behaviours performs a variety of functions. 'inscrutable'.
Movements of the face and body give clues to our personality and emo- Even when a visual effect seems to be shared between societies, we
tional state. The face, in particular, signals a wide range of emotions, such have to be careful, for it can convey very different meanings. A thumbs-up
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as fear, happiness, sadness, anger, surprise, interest, and disgust. Many of sign has a positive 'all is well' or 'I am winning' meaning in Western
6
:r the expressions vary in meaning across cultures, and we have to learn Europe, the USA, and other cultures influenced by its use as a symbol of
how to interpret the sometimes very subtle movements in the faces of combat survival in Roman times. But in the Arab world, as well as in parts
people whose racial characteristics differ from our own. of West Africa and Asia, it is a symbol of insult, equivalent to giving r---
In addition, the face and body send signals about the way a social someone 'the finger' ('up yours!') in the West. As a consequence, it was
interaction is proceeding. We use eye contact to show who is the focus of never entirely clear, during the aftermath of the Iraq War of 2003, when
our communication, in a group, or to prompt a pt•rson to speak next. We Iraqis were seen on television giving a thumbs-up to American troops,
11st·/i1ci11/
cx1m·ssio11s to givP feedback to ollwr\ ;1lill11Ihow we are rerciv- whPt h1•rl his was Ihe t radii ional gt•stun· hPing used as an insult or whether
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1: it was the Western version being adopted as a sign of cooperation and a attach another piece of utterance. Similarly, there is no limit to the number
I,
symbol of freedom. of words in a language; new words are being invented every day.
Conversely, a particular meaning can be conveyed by a variety of By contrast, there is no productivity in tactile or visual body lan-
different visual signals. To express humility or deference, for example, guage. The number of tactile or visual body signals in everyday behaviour
Europeans tend to extend or lower their arms, and they sometimes bow is very small - a matter of a few hundred only (compared to the million
their heads. But in other cultures we find more profound bowing, using or more words in a language such as English) - and they do not increase
the whole of the upper half of the body, as well as crouching, crawling, very easily. We can readily invent a new word - I can do so now, and talk
and prostration. We also see other kinds of hand or arm movement, such about 'bodylinguistic' behaviour - but it strains the imagination to think
as the placing of the palms together in an upward orientation (as in the what we could do if we were asked to invent a new facial expression or
Indian subcontinent). bodily gesture. Nor do these nonverbal features combine to produce a
wide range of varying sequences, as we routinely encounter with sen-
tences. Only in the world of artistic expression, such as in the various
Properties of language forms of Indian dance, do we find a significant expansion of the body-
Body language is evidently an important means of human communi- language repertoire, in the codified hand signs known as mudras.
cation, and when it comes to basic emotions and social relationships, it is Another important difference between language and body language
a familiar experience that a gesture, facial expression, or piece of bodily lies in the far greater structural architecture of speech, writing, or sign.
contact can 'speak louder' than words. However, the potential of body Language makes use of two fundamental levels of structural organization.
language to express meaning is very limited, compared to that which is At one level, we find the use of sounds or letters - t, s, e, and so on - which
made available through speaking, writing, or signing. Language, as we have no intrinsic meaning. We cannot sensibly ask 'What does "s" mean?'
shall discuss it in this book, displays certain properties which enable us At another level, we find these sounds or letters combining in different
,1 to express far more than any piece of nonverbal communication could ways to form elements that do convey meaning - the words, phrases, and
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ever do. We can express our surprise or anger using our bodies; but if we sentences. We can sensibly ask 'What does "sit" mean?'
'' ',1
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want to explain why we are surprised or angry, we need to use language. This property is called duality of structure, or double articulation,
i 11,, ✓,
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C) Probably the most remarkable property of language is the way it and it is not present in body language. The movements which form the
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s signals of body language always convey some kind of meaning. If I raise
enables us to talk about virtually anything we want. And if it lets us
'!'; down, by not immediately providing the required words and sentences, my left eyebrow significantly, or smile, or give a thumbs-up sign, the
·1;1 we change it so that it will do so. This is what is meant when we say that action automatically sends a meaning, and within a culture this meaning
11
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remains the same whenever the same action is used. We cannot build up a
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human language is productive. Productivity is the capacity to express
and understand a potentially infinite number of utterances, made by wide range of body-language 'sentences' which mean something different
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'' combining sentence elements in new ways and introducing fresh combi- from the meaning of the elements they contain. Body language cannot be
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'II nations of words. Most of the sentences we read in a book are original, in analysed into two levels of structure.
11
I'! the sense that no one has used those particular combinations of words For the same reasons, we cannot call 'animal communication' lan-
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and constructions bcforP. Nor is there any limit lo I Ill' l1·11gl h of a sentence: guage. The facial expressions, gestures, and tactile behaviours of the
;111ys1•11l1·1K!'
1·;111
lw l11;11k lo11g1·rhy ll';i111•.
e1111/ (ll1 •,,ll111· s1111iLn word) to ;111i111al
kingdom lack produl"I ivily and duality of structure in the same
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way that human body language does. Even the most sophisticated kinds
of behaviour, such as bee-dancing or birdsong, are highly limited in what
they can do, compared with language. Bees can 'talk' about nectar but not
about much else.
There are several other important differences between animal com- w
munication and language. In particular, language enables us to talk about
events remote in space or time from the situation of the speaker: I can
talk about what happened in the near or remote past and speculate about
d
the near or remote future. This property of language - often called dis-
placement - is something which goes well beyond the capabilities of
animal signals, which reflect stimuli (such as the presence of danger or
the direction of a food source) encountered in the animal's immediate
environment. The contrast between what counts as language and what does not is
Despite some superficial similarities, so-called 'body language' and usually clear enough, once we look for evidence of productivity and
'animal language' are very different from what happens in language, in duality of structure in communicative behaviour (§2). But the boundary
the sense of this book. I find it clearer to avoid the use of the term language is fuzzy at times. In particular, some non-linguistic forms of behaviour,
altogether, in fact, and to describe these phenomena in more general both vocal and visual, can be adapted so that they take on some of the
terms - as body communication and animal communication. There is functions of language. There are also some features of language which are
nothing wrong with the 'language' metaphor, of course, as long as we decidedly less complex than others, and where it is unclear whether they
realize that that is what it is - no more than a vague approximation to should count as part of language or not.
the structurally complex and multifunctional behaviour we find whenever
we speak, write, or sign. Making vocal noises
The vocal organs (§4) can be used to make a wide range of noises that
!,, are definitely not linguistic. They express only a biological state, and
communicate no cultural meaning. Examples are coughing, sneezing, and
snoring, as well as the various voice qualities which signal a physical
condition, such as hoarseness. It makes no sense to talk about 'snoring in
English', nor do we expect a foreign language course to teach us how to
S' cough. But a phenomenon such as whistling does something more than ;::
just express a basic biological or psychological state.
When we blow air through tensed and rounded lips, we form a
primitive musical instrument, and a note is the result. We can alter the
pitch levl'I by moving the tongue and cheeks to change the shape of the
inside of the mouth. We can alter its loudness by blowing harder. And we and the utterances are short. They are most commonly heard when people
can alter its quality (making it soft or shrill) by altering the tension of the are at a distance from each other (e.g. when working the land}, but they
mouth muscles or putting our fingers against the lips to make the sound can also be found in a variety of informal settings. Although women are
sharper. It does not come naturally. Children have to learn to whistle. And able to understand whistled speech, it is normally used only by and
the behaviour is subject to social factors: usually it is boys and men who between men.
whistle. The whistling is a substitute for speech. The whistlers stop whistling
People most often use whistling to carry musical melodies, and some when they are within normal speaking range of each other, and talk in
professional whistlers have developed this musical skill into an art form. the normal way. For this reason, whistled speech has been called a speech
Some people are able to mimic birdsong or other animal noises. But replacement, or surrogate. Because it is used only in certain circumstances,
these imitative abilities have no more linguistic significance than the and can convey only a limited range of meanings, and is not used equally
phenomena they imitate. We move in the direction of language only by all members of the community, it does not really correspond to the
when individual whistles are used conventionally in a culture to express complexity and functional breadth of a spoken language. But it is certainly
a specific and shared meaning. Examples include the 'wolf-whistle', the a step in that direction.
whistle which calls sharply for attention, the whistle of amazement, and
the whistle of empathy ('gosh!'}, which is often more a breathy exhalation
Being paralinguistic
than an actual whistle.
We see the communicative potential of whistling at its most de- There are a number of vocal noises which can be 'superimposed' on the
veloped in the case of the so-called whistle languages, found in some stream of speech. It is possible, for example, to speak while sobbing,
Central and South American tribes, as well as in the occasional European crying, laughing, or giggling, or we can introduce a tremulous 'catch' in
community, such as in the Pyrenees, Turkey, and the Canary Islands. our voice. The auditory effects are usually immediate and dramatic -
Conversations have been observed between people standing at a consider- though the meaning conveyed is sometimes unclear, and always subject
able distance from each other, especially in mountainous areas, carried to cultural variation. A giggle can convey humour, innuendo, sexual inter-
on entirely in whistles. The whistled conversations deal with quite sophis- est, and several other nuances. In Britain it is most commonly used in
ticated and precise matters, such as arranging a meeting or selling some joking; in Japan it is more often a sign of embarrassment.
Q)
0£ goods. We can also change our tone of voice by altering the quality of the
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Whistled speech closely corresponds to the tonal and rhythmical sound we produce in the vocal tract (§5). Normally, the sound produced
patterns of spoken language, and is especially complex when the whistlers by our vocal folds yields a vibrant voicing which we hear in every vowel
speak a language in which pitch levels (tones) are important, such as some and in most of the consonants. But it is possible to speak without produ-
languages of Central America. With very few exceptions, each 'syllable' of cing any voicing at all. The phenomenon is called whispering - and whisper
whistle corresponds to a syllable of speech. Ambiguity is uncommon, conveys meaning, usually a 'conspiratorial' effect of some kind. A related
because the topic of the conversation is usually something evident in the effect is breathy voice, where extra breath is heard on top of what we are
situation of the speakers. However, it is important for both speakers to saying. We produce breathy voice after exercise, when we are 'out of
I
,, use the same musical key, otherwise conf11sio11111;1y aris!'. breath'; but it is also possible to introduce a breathy voice when we are at
Whisllt·d dialog11l's l!·rHI to nmL1i11., •,111.tll1111111lw1of l'Xchangl's, rest, and ii thl'n convPys a nwaning. I onn• heard two neighbours talking
about a woman who had returned from a holiday, saying that she was notion of 'alongside' or 'above and beyond'. Effects like giggle and whisper
'brown all over'. The words 'all over' were uttered in a breathy tone. It are said to be paralinguistic in character, and some scholars include facial
seems she really was. expressions and gestures under this heading as well.
Several other tones of voice can be consciously made by altering the
way in which we make sounds resonate in our mouths and nose. We can
Using manual signals
round our lips so that everything we say comes out in a tone which we
associate with baby-talk or talking to animals ('Who's a lovely little baba/ Many gestural systems have emerged to facilitate communication in par-
'!
budgie, then?'), though we also use the effect when addressing those with ticular situations. They are often referred to as sign languages, but few
whom we are most intimate. We can add a nasal tone of voice if we want have developed any degree of structural complexity or communicative
to add a mildly 'camp' effect to what we are saying - something which range, and it is therefore important to distinguish them from sign lan-
the British comedian Kenneth Williams used routinely. And we can make guage proper - the natural signing behaviour which has evolved for use
our vocal folds move very slowly, to produce an effect often called creaky among deaf people (§25).Nonetheless, they are a definite advance on the
voice or vocal fry. This was something horror-movie star Vincent Price 'basic' kinds of body language that are seen in everyday interaction (§2).
used to do when he wanted to sound especially menacing, but it is also Several professions use sets of conventional signals. Sports players
associated with such attitudes as disparagement and doubt. and officials can use hand and arm gestures to show the state of play, or
These effects all add an emotional colouring to the voice, and their an intention to act in a certain way. Groups of performers (such as acrobats
sound quality and use are conditioned by the language and culture of the or musicians) use them to coordinate their activities. In casinos, officials
speaker. When we speak French we have to learn to round our lips to use them to report on the way a game is going, or to indicate problems
express attitudes in different ways from the way we round them when that might affect the participants. In theatres and cinemas, ushers use
we speak English. When we learn Portuguese we find that nasal tones of them to show the number and location of seats. In sales rooms, auctioneers
voice are used differently. And when foreigners learn English, they have use them to convey the type and amount of selling and buying.
to do different things too: Finns learning English have to stop 'creaking' People controlling cranes, hoists, and other equipment can signal the l.j. ..
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their voice so much, for otherwise they give the impression of being direction and extent of movement. In aviation marshalling, ground staff
i: perpetually disparaging. These effects all seem to be linguistic in character. can send visual information about the position of an aircraft, the state of
On the other hand, they are plainly not like vowels and consonants, its engines, and its desired position. Firemen can send directions about
or words and phrases, in the way they are formed and used. They do not the supply of water, water pressures, and the use of equipment. Divers
show the productivity and duality of structure (§2) which we associate can communicate depth, direction, and time, and the nature of any diffi-
with the rest of language. In many ways they are more like the facial culties they have encountered. Truck drivers can exchange courtesy sig-
expressions and body gestures of visual communication. This suggests nals, give information about the state of the road, or show they are in
they are not really linguistic in character. trouble. Environmental noise may make verbal communication imposs-
We need a way of talking about vocal effects which are on the boun- ible (e.g. in cotton mills), so that workers start signing to each other.
dary between the linguistic and the non-linguistic. showing some but not Race-course bookies send hand and arm signals about the number
all of the properties of language, and the tn111 11u1,1lt111111""1<' has been of a race or horse, and its price. In radio and television production, pro-
devis!·d to fill IIH' hill. The p11m prelix 1•, l10111 !;11•c-k.c·xpn·ssing the dun•rs ;rnd dirt·!·lors ran signal to performers I he amount oft inH' availahlP,
instructions about level of loudness or speed of speaking, and information of human communication. All children with their sensory and mental
about faults and corrections. Religious or quasi-religious groups and secret faculties intact learn to speak before they learn to write. Only in the case
societies often develop ritual signing systems so that members can recog- of a child born deaf is there a natural opportunity to learn a non-auditory
nize and communicate with each other. Some monastic orders have system. Moreover, all languages exist in spoken form before they are
developed signing systems of considerable sophistication, especially if written down. Indeed, some 40% of human languages (over 2,000 in all)
their members are vowed to silence, as in the case of the Trappist monks. have never been written down. For their speakers, the topic 'how language
But in none of these cases are we dealing with systems containing works' could mean only one thing: 'how speech works'.
thousands of expressive possibilities, as we are with 'language proper', or
with signed sentences of any complexity. They all lack productivity and
duality of structure (§2),and they are meaningless outside of the situations
for which they were devised. A Trappist monk would make little headway
signing at a football referee, and vice versa. These signalling systems
are highly restricted methods of communication, invented to solve a
particular problem. They are a step or so above basic body gestures, but
not much more than that.
There are only a few cases where the visual and tactile modes have
been adapted to perform a truly linguistic function, providing alternative
modes of communication to that which we encounter most commonly in
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codes, such as semaphore and Morse. Writing can involve a tactile dimen-
sion, too, as when visually impaired people receive written information
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