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Kingship, Karaole and the Question of Loyalty in Colonial

Akoko-Yoruba, 1900-1960
Sunday Ogunode1
1 Adekunle Ajasin University

Funding: No specific funding was received for this work.

Potential competing interests: No potential competing interests to declare.

Abstract

Communal bonding was commonplace in African societies in the pre-colonial period and the traditional rulers were
veritable agents that ensured the viability of the cord of fraternity between and among different interests, groups, and
families in the pre-colonial period. While it is trite to say that colonial rule succeeded in dislocating the agency and

personality of the traditional rulers throughout the colonial enterprise in Africa, the traditional political institution survived
the various stages of mutations that colonial rule subjected it to through its adaptive dynamism and resilience. The
reinterpretation of the karaole form of salutation as one of the many forms of power politics manifestation used to
ensure stability and communal cohesion shall be examined in this paper using the historical analytical method to

critically deploy data garnered from primary and secondary sources.

Dr. Sunday Abraham, OGUNODE

Department of History and International Studies,
Adekunle Ajasin University,

Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria

[email protected] & [email protected]

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As an institution that has survived despite its travails, the dynamism of the chieftaincy (kingship) institution in Nigeria
cannot be overemphasized. Beyond attesting to its dynamism, the changing role, power, and perception of the institution

in different dispensations are a clear manifestation of its resilience.1

Introduction

Before the introduction of colonial rule to Africa and indeed, Nigeria, kingship and other indigenous political institutions
provided an organized form of political administration with uniquely developed democratic principles and guidelines.

Traditional communities were able to survive different stages of evolution and development due to the enduring and
cohesive nature of the pre-colonial African political system developed in line with individual community historical, socio-
political, and economic peculiarities. The socio-political disturbances and changes in the 18th and 19th centuries greatly
impacted the kingship and chieftaincy institutions in most parts of Yorubaland. At the close of the 19 th century, however,
new foci of power rivaling the powers of the kings and other traditional rulers emerged. The attractive economic

colouration and patronage given to kingship, the kings, and other traditional rulers since the colonial period has helped to
galvanize more people into showing interest in royal power politics. The point of emphasis here is that, due to some
failures after 1900, for example: (economic patronage/colorations, rivalries, and complex power play), there emerged in
Yorubaland traditionally recognized ruling houses and those that emerged due to legal pronouncements. This
development greatly altered the traditions and the political history of many indigenous communities. Emerging from this is
a complex power play among traditionally recognized ruling houses and those that evolved due to legal maneuvering

strengthened by scripted chieftaincy Commissions of Inquiry, chieftaincy declarations, and the eventual recognition by the
government of the day. Arising from this development that threatened the position of the traditional rulers, especially the
kings, was the deliberate effort put in place to mitigate a further reduction in their powers and relevance while pushing for
improved fortune. One pervasive feature that characterized and shaped social interactions during colonial rule was the
silent but potent problem of mutual suspicion and distrust among royal family members and the people. The common
manifestation of this delicate trend in social interaction and the attempt at reinventing the dislocated agency and
personality of the kings and other traditional rulers was a conscious (re) interpretation of the Karole form of greeting.
Karole means ‘let the body be strong. This form of greeting was rightly used in pre-colonial times to see to it that the king
was in a good state but also used to validate the people’s support for his leadership and expression of communal concern
for the king’s wellbeing.

A brief run through the historical antecedence of the kingship institution in Yorubaland reveals its evolutionary dynamism
and adaptive nature to changes brought upon it through the ages. Analysis of the traditional political institution that
evolved in Akoko-Yoruba communities before the advent of colonialism particularly emphasized the plurality of Akoko-
Yoruba which made it difficult to ascribe political power to one recognizable individual as the overall leader of all Akoko-
Yoruba communities before the establishment of colonial rule in most parts of the area by 1900. Kingship at its pristine

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stage was symbolic, sacred, and revered. The office and the person of the king were held in great awe by the people. The
king reigned and ruled.2 The members of the royal family were always interested in the well-being of the king who was
seen as the representative of not only the royal family but the people, a true symbol of tradition, the embodiment of
history, and the kingdom under his watch. As shall be revealed later in this paper, the traditional rulers that hitherto
objected to the society became subject to the society due to the watering down of their powers and authority under
colonial rule. As the kings lost their powers to reign and rule and became less relevant in the colonial power equation,

what was left for them was how to survive and retain whatever was left of their status as experts in local governance and
viable mobilizers of human and material resources at the grassroots. To understand the trajectory of the impact of colonial
rule on the kingship institution in Akoko-Yoruba, the Ebi social system, and the ajobi and ajogbe alternative indigenous
theories of social interaction and societal revalidation are employed to analyse the thrust of the paper.

Theoretical Framings

Section 2 of the Chiefs Law of Ondo State3 states that: “chief means a person whose chieftaincy title is associated with a
native community and includes a minor and a recognized chief.” Recognized chiefs are now the traditional obas within the
contemplation of the law.4 Recognized chiefs are now the kings under a law that has no recourse to traditions of divine or
sacred kingship which was rooted in the Ebi5 (this concept represents a larger family tie that comprises direct blood
relations and extended family members who may not necessarily share direct blood link but belong to the same family

tree) and ajobi6 (ties built on relationship by blood). The two concepts are the root word of alajobi (the connecting
compound expression used to describe large family groups related by blood) and family ties. Indeed, kings in the Yoruba
pristine culture were persons of great personification and held in high esteem among those they ruled. The blue blood tag,
which is the true mark of royalty, was not for everyone as far as the Ebi framework and job concept of society (ties built on
relationship by blood) are concerned. Akinjogbin explained that the uniqueness of the Ebi social system was its ability to
bring together all the blue-blood members of the royalty in an Ebi commonwealth. This was a political arrangement that,
according to Akinjogbin, is peculiar to itself.7

Before 1900, the kings were revered as divine beings and second-in-command to the gods a( lase ikeji Orisa) and were,
as a matter of tradition, forbidden to be seen outside. They were meant to live in seclusion. The tradition of seclusion did

not, however, forbid them from active involvement in the defense of their kingdoms and conquered areas. Indeed, pre-
colonial Yoruba kings were great warriors with great mastery of the art of war and democratic leadership. By the turn of
the 19th century, this unique socio-political arrangement was reduced as a result of the Yoruba civil wars. The ravaging
19th-century Yoruba civil wars seriously affected the powers of the kings as rulers of their respective kingdoms and other
territorial interests. The emerging class of powerful and ambitious traditional military aristocrats in the course of the wars

created an arena of conflicting interests and a strong manifestation of serious power politics. Consequently, by the end of
the wars in 1893, the kings were exposed to many dangers, chief among which was the imposition of strangers (those not
related by blood) to the ebi and ajobi family bond. This was the beginning of non-royal blood individuals or groups,
ambitiously fighting to become members of the royal lineage, hence the breakdown of the alajobi. This is what Akiwowo

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called “variations on the theme of sociation”.8 The breakdown of alajobi as a result of the intrusion of foreign elements led
to the emergence of its variation: the alajogbe (which was more of a forced relationship with no blood ties). These factors
disrupted the sacredness and purity of the alajobi (family bond) and delimited the powers of the Yoruba kings. Indeed, the
disruptions caused by the Yoruba civil wars and other socio-political disturbances contributed to the realignment of forces,
kingship intrigues, and strained power relations in the 20th century.

The establishment of colonial rule in Yorubaland was also a factor that reduced the sacredness and purity of thealajobi
and the traditional Yoruba political structure by the impact of the 19 th century Yoruba civil wars which further weakened
the already troubled traditional political institutions and also gave strength to the previously planted seed of socio-political
discontents among the hitherto united towns and cities in Yorubaland. It was this state of irreconcilable differences among
the various Yoruba communities, coupled with other factors that helped the colonialists to establish colonial rule in many
parts of Yorubaland. Colonial administration and its many harsh policies did more harm than good to kingship and other
institutions in Yorubaland. More non-blue-blood individuals who were in the ‘good books of the colonial government and
desired to be part of the royal ruling houses were adequately compensated with royalty during the colonial years. This
trend of imposition of non-blue blood individuals also continued even after the attainment of independence. The difficult

phases that kingship has undergone since colonial rule notwithstanding, the study presented discussions on how kingship
institution and their custodians have continued to serve as a viable source of cultural validation and societal cohesion in
Akoko-Yoruba communities, Nigeria’s political space, and beyond. The ebi social system and the ajobi and ajogbe
alternative theory of understanding social interactions in indigenous Yoruba society.

Karole, Akoko-Yoruba kings, and the question of loyalty

For a better exploration of the thrust of this paper, it is important to start with a brief explanation of the concept of power
politics with the understanding that karaole is one of the silent forces employed by the kings in Akoko-Yoruba to reinvent
their traditional hold on power and legitimacy. In the context of this paper, power politics was used in its narrow
interpretation to assess how its usage by the traditional rulers has impacted the kingship institution in Akoko-Yoruba in the
period under review. Pieces of information gathered from purposive interviews conducted across communities in Akoko-
Yoruba revealed that power politics manifested in different forms from one town to another. The traditional rulers in Akoko-
Yoruba were very much aware of the concept and its application as a means to an end.

Traditionally, karaole (let the body stay strong) was the greeting specially made to the kings by royal family members and
other well-wishers to ascertain the king’s state of health and his availability for the administration of the kingdom. A
resounding response from the king from his place of seclusion or closet was always received with a deep sigh of relief as
the people were reassured of the readiness and availability of the Oba to continue to provide the needed leadership and
direction of affairs of the kingdom. Loyalty then was non-negotiable as disloyalty was severely punished. The sacredness
of the institution of kingship in Akoko-Yoruba as elsewhere in Yorubaland created consciousness in the minds of the
people who needed not be reminded of the danger of desecrating the hallowed institution. Ancient landmarks like
covenants, oath-taking, and restraining taboos connected to the institution of royalty and the founding of the towns were

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very potent in the pre-colonial phase of the kingship institution in Akoko-Yoruba communities. These components of
ancient landmarks are still used by the traditional rulers in Akokoland to stem potential threats to their powers and
authority.

The kings and their subordinate chiefs in Akoko-Yoruba in the pre-1900 era was sure of their survival as the people
voluntarily presented gifts to them in kind and cash. The people took the upkeep of the traditional rulers as their traditional
responsibility and found it a worthy gesture towards those who had been appointed by the gods to intercede on their
behalf. Services on the kings’ farmlands were rendered free of charge by some select members (usually drawn from the
age grades) of the towns or kingdoms. As revealed in chapter three, colonialism introduced many strange dimensions to
the indigenous political institution across Nigeria without the exception of Akokoland. Akokoland towns and communities
that were hitherto not under any unified political control or hegemony were forced to accept a new political order. By the
beginning of colonial rule Akoko-Yoruba communities were brought under the control of the Kabba Province and later
Owo Province after many years of protests by the traditional rulers in Akoko-Yoruba. The Olukare of Ikare-Akoko, the
Olubaka of Oka-Akoko, and the Olisua of Isua-Akoko were some of the royal voices that fought for the restoration of
Akokoland to the people. Removing Akoko-Yoruba from the Kabba and Owo hegemonic domination was eventually
achieved but not without its huge negative consequences on the kingship institution.9 This development altered many
aspects of the political traditions in the area. Western education and the excessive politicization of the kingship institution
by later political elites further imperiled the institution in terms of relevance and authority. The kingly greeting of karaole

gradually lost its viability and the traditional trust that was characteristic of it as the kings no longer trust members of the
royal family who were equally eager to ascend the throne. Loyalty became a matter of convenience, not compulsion. The
issue of loyalty in the modern sense of its usage was succinctly captured by Adewale when he observes that:

When you talk of loyalty in the traditional political space, we are deceiving ourselves. Loyalty is a complex concept
that in the context of modern political reality can only be elastically explained. The real question to ask is how the
Oba has managed the issue of loyalty among his chiefs, princes, and the people. Sincerely, those who work with
me have the choice to cooperate with me or do otherwise. For loyalty to be ensured, the Oba must be able to
know those chiefs who are with him and those who are not. Knowledge of this will help Oba to develop a viable
strategy on how to relate with them. This is where a clear understanding of power politics and its usage becomes
helpful. 10

Aminu while buttressing Adewale’s view aptly submitted that:

A wise Oba will find a way to win the disloyal chiefs, ambitious princes, and other interest groups to his side as
avoiding them could be counter-productive to his power and the progress of his domain. The wise thing to do is to
court new friends from known enemies rather than relying too much on already-established friends. The danger is
that, when you rely too much on old friends, however reliable without making new ones, the day they turn their

back on you, your fortune may change completely for the worst. So, making friends with known enemies is a wise

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strategy for living long and taking charge.11

The emphasis is on the effect that, the kingship institution in Akoko-Yoruba communities, as we have it in other parts of
Yorubaland and Nigeria in general has continued to show flexibility as it continues to evolve new paradigms to enable it to
adapt and show continuity in the modern age. The point must be made that the karaole greeting is now a silent but useful
instrument used by dissenting princes, ambitious chiefs, and members of ruling houses to determine the timing of their
access to the throne. The kings interviewed in Akoko-Yoruba communities agreed that their survival is largely dependent
on how well they can manage the various interest groups in their respective domains. Being in charge for a long time
required two-edged politics. The king who wants to stay in charge and have full control of his domain must play the

government politics and the people’s politics as well. One-sided politics in this modern era is not in the best interest of the
traditional rulers. There must be a real balance of power play within and outside the royal jurisdiction. Given the
unpleasant politics that now characterized the selection and election of a new Oba, the traditional rulers have as a matter
of survival and strategy become weary of greetings from those who lost out during the contest for ascendancy to the royal
office. As noted by Sunday,

The wise counsel of the Oloje of Igasi-Akoko has helped my reign as theOsunla of Erusu-Akoko. The Oloje
advised when he remarked that: see kabiyesi, all these members of the ruling house (chiefs and princes and
other interests) that visit every morning to greet you do so to confirm whether the crowned head is still living, hale,
and available to continue the administration of the kingdom. So, each time they come, always ensure that you give
them a resounding response, and beyond this, treat them with great love and equally show interest in their
wellbeing. This is how to prove to them that you are their king, father, and friend. Wishing you bad becomes a hard
task for them.12

Kings in Akoko-Yoruba while countenancing the danger posed by many interest groups in their domains, believed that
their emergence was divinely arranged and mortals could only try, but they would only succeed if the end of their reign
had come. This should not be understood in the context that, the kings are indispensable. The place of the people in the
survival of the institution cannot be wished away. The institution of kingship has always been people-centered. The point

must be made that kingship and other traditional political institutions throughout Nigeria are not what they used to be in
their pristine state, while this is true, the traditional content of the institution has not been eroded as consultation through
the ifa oracle is still relied on in the selection and installation of a newOba in Yorubaland. Traditional rites before and after

the installation/coronation of a new Oba are still given serious priority. However wealthy, powerful, and connected an
individual might be, if he or she must wear the royal crown, such a person must pass through all the layers of traditional

rites. Ordinary heads do not wear the crown as doing so comes with great consequences. In Yorubaland, when royalty is
bestowed on you, it places you in another realm far beyond the ordinary mortal. Whatever opinions the politicians and

other critics might hold, the crowned head is not an ordinary head and the holders of modern political powers may use
their access to an instrument of state to enforce control of the traditional rulers, their actions or inaction cannot change the

fact that the institution of traditional authorities has come to stay.13

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Conclusion

Discussions have so far centered on how colonial rule informed the (re) interpretation of thekaraole form of greeting by

the Akoko-Yoruba traditional rulers as a means to an end. As mutual distrust became a pervasive feature in colonial
Akoko-Yoruba communities due to the deliberate adoption of the divide-and-rule instrument of governance by the colonial

administration, a development that succeeded in straining relationships and destroying communal bonds, the kings to
survive became apprehensive and weary of all while still maintaining their status as the father of all. Indeed, the re-

evaluation of the sincerity of the karaole form of salutation was one of the instruments of power politics used by the
Akoko-Yoruba traditional rulers to validate their agency and personality while ensuring stability in their domains. As loyalty

became a matter of convenience rather than compulsion as it was in the pristine state of the kingship institution, it is only

safe for the traditional rulers especially the kings to rethink ways of staying in charge while courting the support of the
royal family members and the people. Despite the adverse impact of colonial rule on the status and roles of the kings and

other traditional rulers in Akoko-Yoruba and other parts of Yorubaland, the kingship institution has continued to show
resilience, adaptive dynamism, and continuity. As the kings continue to seek better ways to reinvent their agency as an

expert in local governance and reliable mobilizers of human and material resources, they shall stay weary and suspicious
of all, notwithstanding their role as the father of all. The strategic advantage of this lies in the desire of the kings to

continue to reign even if they are not ruling anymore as they have become the subject of society in the modern political
arrangement.

Footnotes

1 A.O. Adesoji, 2010. “Traditional Rulership and Modern Governance in 20th Century Nigeria” being a chapter contribution
in Tunde Babawale. Akin Alao & Bimbo Adesoji (eds.) The Chieftaincy Institution in Nigeria, Lagos: Concept Publications.

p.416. Published for Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization (CBAAC)

2 Atanda J.A., 1991. “Kings in Nigerian Society through the Ages”. An Inaugural lecture delivered at the University of

Ibadan, 24 January. p.6.

3 See Gboyega Kusamotu, 1994. Chieftaincy and the Law, Ikirun: Gboyega Publisher, p.1.

4 See “Ogun State and Oyo State Chiefs Laws, 1978, Section 2; Obas and Chiefs Law of Lagos State, 1981.”

5 Details on Ebi concept can be found in I.A. Akinjogbin, “The Ebi System Reconsidered”, a seminar paper delivered in the
Department of History, University of Ife on 10th of January, 1979. p.2. See also I.A. Akinjogbin,2002.Milestones and

Concepts in Yoruba History and Culture A Key to Understanding Yoruba History. Ibadan: Olu-Akin Publishers

6 Details on Ajobi and Ajogbe concepts can be found in Akinsola Akiwowo, 1980. “Ajobi and Ajogbe: Variations on The
Theme of Sociation”, An Inaugural Lecture delivered at the University of Ife. Inaugural Lecture Series 46, p.15.

7 I.A. Akinjogbin, 1979. “The Ebi System Reconsidered”, a seminar paper delivered in the Department of History,

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University of Ife on 10 th of January.p.21. See also I.A. Akinjogbin, 2002.Milestones and Concepts in Yoruba History and
Culture A Key to Understanding Yoruba History (Ibadan: Olu-Akin Publishers). pp. 117-119.

8 Akinsola Akiwowo 1980. “Ajobi and Ajogbe: Variation on the Theme of Sociation”. An Inaugural lecture delivered at the
University of Ife, University of Ife Press, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. Series 46.

9 This issue has been properly explained in the chapter three of this work.

10 Oba Timothy Adewale Afiwasaye I, 86, The Olojo of Ojo, Ajowa-Akoko. 10/04/2018. Same view received the support of:
Oba Josiah Kolawole, 87, Elesuku of Esuku, Ajowa-Akoko and Oba Ipinmoroti, Timothy, 70, Oluro of Uro, Ajowa-Akoko,

Ondo State. 7/04/2018

11 Aminu, C.O., 92, community leader/farmer, Amo, Erusu-Akoko. 6/4/2018.Oba Jimoh, Clement Omo-Ola, 65, Oloso of

Oso, Ajowa-Akoko. 7/04/2018. Ipinlaiye, A.E., 82, the Oloje of Igashi-Akoko, Igashi-Akoko, Ondo State. 15/4/2018.

12 Oba Sunday Olaniyi Mogaji, Imole I, 63, the Osunla of Erusu-Akoko, Ondo State. 10/4/2018

13 Oba Sunday Olaniyi Mogaji, Imole I, 63, the Osunla of Erusu-Akoko, Ondo State. 10/4/2018

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