Daniel Katz
Daniel Katz
Daniel Katz
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SUPPLEMENT
Daniel Katz, Ph.D., Ann Arbor, Michigan, has been Professor of Psychology and Pro-
gram Director, Survey Research Center, at the University of Michigan since 1947 and
has also taught at Princeton University and Brooklyn College. He is a member of vari-
ous professional organizations, and has been editor or editorial-board member of a num-
ber of scholarly journals in his field. Among his publications are "The Functional Ap-
proach to the Study of Attitudes" (1960), Research Methods in the Behavioral Sciences
(with Leon Festinger; 1953), Political Parties in Norway (with Henry Valen; 1964),
and The Social Psychology of Organizations (with Robert Kahn; 1966).
150
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ATTITUDE FORMATION AND PUBLIC OPINION 151
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152 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
not only among undergraduates in sci- at a depth level.7 The major assump-
ence courses but also among English tions in these studies were that attitudes
majors. Similar experiments concerned reflected the basic value patterns of the
with communications about political, individual and that these value patterns
economic, and social beliefs yielded the were the product of his unconscious
same type of outcome.5 When a state- conflicts and his defensive mechanisms
ment appeared over the name of John for handling such conflicts. Thus, prej-
Adams, its true author, it received a udices toward out-groups reflect sup-
much more favorable evaluation than pressed hostility deriving from child-
when it appeared over the name of hood experiences in the socialization
Karl Marx. process. When the child is punished
The experiments just cited dealt with for aggression, thwarted by parents
the prestige of the source in affecting but still dependent upon them for af-
the evaluation of messages. Even ear- fection and security, he learns to re-
lier experiments had shown that atti- press his aggressive tendencies. He
tudes could be changed by the prestige may, however, become a hostile person
of numbers, that is, that people would and as an adult express his hostility
modify their beliefs and attitudes to toward socially approved scapegoats.
accord with majority opinion-the so- The authoritarian personality, lacking
called band-wagon effect. The study of insight into the conflict between his ag-
compliance and conformity thus has a gressive and social needs, and not aware
long history. During the 1930's more- of the source of his insecurity, de-
over, research demonstrated that Lipp- velops a rigidity of cognitive struc-
mann's doctrine of stereotypes6 could ture and an intolerance of ambiguity.
be substantiated even among sophis- He tends, moreover, to fall back upon
ticated audiences. The ready-made conventional stereotypes, dichotomous
stereotypes of the culture or of the thinking, and power-oriented identi-
subculture did, in fact, furnish coding fication. He is both more submissive
categories for people, so that they re- to those above him in the pecking order
sponded to new information not by as- and more exploitive toward those below
similating it in terms of its meaningful him. His attitudes thus are determined
content but by distorting it to fit their at two levels: emotionally, his substan-
stereotyped codes. tive values are congruent with acts
of hostility toward less-favored groups
The authoritarian personality
and, cognitively, his mode of thinking
The doctrines of suggestion and stere- is simplified, restricted, and accepting of
otypes had pretty well run their course in-group-out-groupdistinctions.
when a new input into the emotional Research support for this general
concept of man came from researchers hypothesis is highly suggestive though
following a neo-Freudian point of view. not conclusive. In general, significant
In the 1940's and 1950's, the work of correlations have been found between
the California investigators on the au- social prejudice and the F-scale-the
thoritarian personality explored the mo- measure designed as a test of authori-
tivational sources of attitude formation tarianism. This positive relationship is
not as clear a confirmationas might be
5 Irving Lorge, "Prestige, Suggestion and
Attitudes," Journal of Social Psychology, 7 7 T. W.
Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik,
(1936), pp. 386-402. Daniel J. Levinson, R. Nevitt Sanford, The
6 Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper
York: The MacmillanCompany,1922). & Brothers, 1950).
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ATTITUDE FORMATION AND PUBLIC OPINION 153
desired, in that the F-scale is not a been found to respond more to authori-
pure measure of personality disposition. tarian appeals from people in positions
It also taps a conservative ideology, so of authority than people who score
that the correlations found may be lower on the scale." And subjects who
more a demonstrationof the consistency are given some understanding of the
of ideological patterns than a relation- psychodynamics underlying prejudice
ship between personality mechanisms maintain a significant change in atti-
and prejudice.8 Nonetheless, the con- tude over time, whereas those who are
sistencies predicted by the proponents presented the usual information mate-
of this view are many and striking. It rials show a great deal of backsliding in
has been demonstrated, for example, the same time period.12
that attitudes toward international af-
fairs are also significantly correlated Instrumental characterof attitudes
with the F-scale, with the more interna- Another trend in attitude research
tionally minded people scoring lower on has studied the instrumental character
authoritarianism.9 In addition some of attitudes for need satisfaction of a
laboratory studies have confirmed the more obvious kind, as in the utilitarian
rigid character of thinking of the high model of Jeremy Bentham. For ex-
F-scorers. People low on this measure ample, people are said "to vote their
are better able to handle problem- pocketbooks," that is, to support the
solving in dilemma-type situations than political candidates and parties repre-
people high on the measure.10 Finally, sentative of their economic interests.
attempts to arouse and to change emo- More broadly, attitudes are the means
tionally held attitudes based upon a for reaching any recognized goal. Thus,
recognition of their ego-defensive basis, people will change their attitudes to
as postulated in this approach of insure acceptance in a group and to rise
Adorno and his colleagues, have been to positions of leadership. Soldiers in
successful. Thus high-F subjects have combat in World War II gladly ac-
8 Herbert H.
Hyman and Paul B. Sheatsley, cepted Negroes as replacements in their
" 'The Authoritarian Personality': A Methodo- platoons; some American leaders have
logical Critique," Studies in the Scope and changed their attitudes about racial
Method of "The Authoritarian Personality,"
ed. Richard Christie and Marie Jahoda (New
segregation because of the needs of a
York: Free Press, 1954), pp. 50-122.
different image of the United States in
9 Daniel J. Levinson, "The Authoritarian the nonwhiteworld.
Personality and Foreign Policy," Journal of With the rise of field theory in psy-
Conflict Resolution, 1 (1957), pp. 37-47. chology the utilitarian model more ex-
10 Milton Rokeach found that subjects high
in authoritarianism were more rigid in solv- plicitly became a model of subjective or
ing a problem in which the effects of mental psychological perceptions and probabili-
set have to be counteracted than were those ties. Field theory maintained that ob-
low in authoritarianism, Milton Rokeach, jective realities become important only
"Generalized Mental Rigidity as a Factor in
Ethnocentrism," Journal of Abnormal and 11 Morton Wagman, "Attitude Change and
Social Psychology, 43 (1948), pp. 259-278. the Authoritarian Personality," Journal of
R. Brown corroborated this finding, but only Psychology, 40 (1953), pp. 3-24.
when subjects worked under conditions of 12 Daniel Katz, Irving Sarnoff, and Charles
stress, Roger Brown, "A Determinant of the McClintock, "Ego Defense and Attitude
Relationship between Rigidity and Authori- Change," Human Relations, 9 (1956), pp. 27-
tarianism," Journal of Abnormal and Social 46. Also Katz, Sarnoff and McClintock, "The
Psychology, 48 (1953), pp. 469-476. Other Measurement of Ego Defense as Related to
investigators have not been able to replicate Attitude Change," Journal of Personality, 25
the Rokeach results. (1957), pp. 465-474.
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154 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
as they are perceived and cognized by tween relations of liking and disliking
the individual and that the field of and unit-forming relations such as simi-
forces responsible for behavior consist larity, proximity, causality, and owner-
of the individual's own interpretation ship. A positive unit relationship calls
of his experiences and external influ- for a positive sentiment relationship.
ences. Hence, one could no longer Things perceived as similar should be
assume that people would adopt atti- similarly evaluated. Moreover, if a
tudes to advance their own self-interest given person P likes another person O,
as objectively defined. Rather, their and P likes some object X, then a
own conceptions of desirable goals balanced state exists if O also likes X.
would have to be ascertained as well as Other balanced conditions would be
the perceived instrumentality of atti- that P likes O and dislikes X, and O
tudes for achieving these goals.13 dislikes X; or that P dislikes O and
likes X and O dislikes X. Unbalanced
Consistency models conditions are unstable and generate
Field theory thus directed attention forces for change to achieve balance.
to perception and cognition. Since peo- Jordan's research reports that balanced
ple seem to organize their perceptions relations are evaluated as more pleasant
and beliefs in meaningful and sensible than unbalanced states.16 De Soto
patterns, one outcome has been the found that subjects learned sets of hy-
development of models of cognitive con- pothetical relationships among individ-
sistency. These models postulate that uals with respect to mutual attraction
inconsistent beliefs create imbalance more readily when the structures were
and that there is a push toward balance symmetric than when asymmetric.17 In
or symmetry. In other words, the as- a follow-up study Zajonc and Burnstein
sumption is that man has a strong need reported two findings: (a) that an un-
for consistency and that he changes his balanced structure was more difficult
attitudes to eliminate some incompati- to learn than a balanced one, but only
bility in his cognitions. The incompati- when the issue was an important one,
bility may result from discrepancies and (b) negative relationships were
between belief and behavior or from more difficult to learn than positive
contradictory attitudes, as long as the ones.18
behavior and attitudes have cognitive Newcomb has adapted the Heider
representation.14 model to his study of changes in atti-
Consistency models stem from the tudes and mutual attraction among
work of Heider, who dealt with the students living together in a university
ways in which people view their rela- house. They were complete strangers
tions with other people and with their
environment.15 He distinguished be- (1946), pp. 107-112; Fritz Heider, The Psy-
chology of Interpersonal Relations (New
13 Cf. Dorwin
Cartwright, "Some Principles York: John Wiley & Sons, 1954).
of Mass Persuasion," Human Relations, 2 16 Nehemiah Jordan, "Behavioral Forces
(1949), pp. 253-267. That Are a Function of Attitudes and Cog-
14 For a cogent presentation and discussion nitive Organization," Human Relations, 6
of models of cognitive consistency, see Robert (1953), pp. 273-287.
B. Zajonc, "The Concepts of Balance, Con- 17 Clinton B. DeSoto, "Learning a Social
gruity and Dissonance," Public Opinion Quar- Structure," Journal of Abnormal and Social
terly, 24 (1960), pp. 280-296; also Roger Psychology, 60 (1960), pp. 417-421.
Brown, Social Psychology (New York: Free 18 Robert B. Zajonc and Eugene Burnstein,
Press, 1965), pp. 549-609. "The Learning of Balanced and Unbalanced
15 Fritz Heider, "Attitudes and Cognitive Social Structures," Journal of Personality, 33
Organization," Journal of Psychology, 21 (1965), pp. 153-163.
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ATTITUDE FORMATION AND PUBLIC OPINION 155
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156 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
Dissonance theory thus is not con- original position and new inputs be-
cerned with the factors often studied in cause he has had some choice in taking
attitude change, such as situational de- action which brings him into conflict.
terminants of a rewarding or a punish- Personality conversion, though its in-
ing kind or personality predispositions cidence is not great, has been a problem
in and of themselves. It is concerned for attitude theorists. Dissonance the-
with the internal stress produced by ory may fill this gap.
cognitive inconsistencies. By focusing In general, dissonance theory would
upon this area of tension it calls atten- maintain that any factor contributing
tion to sources of attitude change which to the strength of an individual's cog-
have been ignored or which contradict nitive discomfort would lead to change
the usual assumptions about the con- either of behavior or belief. The limit-
ditions under which beliefs and attitudes ing condition for producing dissonance
can be modified. Two instances of such is choice or commitment, that is, the
novel predictions can be cited. In the individual himself agrees to engage in
first place, it is assumed, not without some activity which makes salient the
evidence, that a communicator highly contradiction in cognitions. Without
acceptable to an audience and repre- such commitment, the individual will
senting some of their values will be merely ignore the more hostile commu-
more influential than a communicator nicator, avoid the punishing or effortful
who has more social distance from the task, and persist in his own convictions.
group. According to dissonance theory, The qualification of choice and com-
however, the communicatorcloser to his mitment does limit the general useful-
audience will produce less change than ness of the dissonance notion. The
the distant speaker if one condition can major battle is often one of securing
be met, namely, that the audience can commitment or consent to a course of
somehow be committed to really listen action in the first place. On the other
and consider the arguments of the hand, such engagement does not neces-
speaker. If they do listen, greater sarily mean a profound decision on the
dissonance will be created by the part of the individual. All it implies
speaker less acceptable to the audience is a willingness to enter a situation,
than by the one more acceptable. assume a role, or take some action. So
In the second instance a very similar long as he perceives that he has acted
prediction is made, namely, the more voluntarily, the requirement is met.
strongly an attitude is held, or the more Advertisers have long employed tech-
extreme the individual's position, the niques to elicit such behavior by secur-
greater the change will be. Again, ing some response through return mail
however, the necessary condition is suf- or by getting people to try their prod-
ficient commitment on the individual's uct. Moreover, the commitment does
part to receive new inputs or engage not always have to be obtained in full
in some form of activity inconsistent by the communicationitself. The mes-
with his attitude. Most theories of sage may capitalize upon some partial
attitude hold to the opposite view, previous commitment. Though national
namely, that the more extreme an atti- political campaigns give some attention
tude position or the more firmly it is to converting the opposition, a great
held, the more difficult it is to change deal of political work concentrates upon
the individual. The critical condition, maximizing support from those already
then, is one in which the person experi- partially and even marginally commit-
ences some incongruity between his ted to the party.
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ATTITUDE FORMATION AND PUBLIC OPINION 157
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158 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
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ATTITUDE FORMATION AND PUBLIC OPINION 159
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160 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
they do not pursue economic goals or class identification. In his famous Ben-
other single-type objectives exclusively. nington study, T. Newcomb also dem-
It is also due to the limitations of the onstrated that the girls who made the
cognitive process, which is essentially Bennington group their frame of refer-
nearsighted. Immediate and obvious ence took on the norms of that sub-
factors are overweighted compared to culture more readily than those who did
more temporally and spatially remote not accept this frame.32 Stouffer and
factors. his associates employed the concept of
(3) Older research findings on the reference group in developing their no-
compelling force of majority opinion tion of relative deprivation of men in
and of the prestige of status and au- the armed forces during World War
thority can be assimilated within a II.33 Satisfaction and discontent were
functional framework by considering not as strongly related to favorable or
the types of motivation and cognition unfavorable conditions as they were to
involved. It is not sheer numbers that the relative expectations of men deter-
produce an impression of majority opin- mined by their group frames of refer-
ion to which people conform but the ence. Though better-educated soldiers
character of the majority in relation to had a higher promotion rate than
the individual's psychological group the less-well-educatedgroup, the former
membership. If the majority lie out- were more dissatisfied about their
side the individual's own group the chances of promotion than the latter.
effect upon him will be much less The prestige of authority when con-
than if it is a majority of his own sidered in relation to a functional ap-
group. The concept of reference group, proach also becomes a more complex
introduced by H. Hyman, specifically phenomenon. People will conform to
deals with this phenomenon.30 The pronouncements of authority, but not
reference group is not necessarily the necessarily in a blind irrational fashion.
group in which the individual has The demands made upon them must fit
formal membership. It is the group their cognitive structures, which help
with which he identifies, the norms of them understand and operate in the
which furnish the frame of reference real social world. They are much more
for evaluating ideas and making de- likely to accept authoritative requests
cisions. Motivationally, it furnishes so- which are in accord with their notions
cial support for the person and cogni- of legitimacy and relevance. Thus, the
tively it meets his needs for object union leader's stand on issues related
appraisal and mental structure. to labor-management negotiations will
H. Cantril and R. Centers, in study- be more readily followed by union mem-
ing the role of social classes on attitude bers than his stand on political issues.
formation, utilized this concept.31 In- Similarly, the American people will
stead of placing individuals in social obey laws which affect behavior in the
classes according to objective measures public domain more readily than laws
of income and occupation, people them- about private and personal matters.
selves were asked about their subjective
32 Theodore M. Newcomb, Personality and
30 Herbert H. Hyman, "The Psychology of Social Change (New York: Dryden Press,
Status," Archives of Psychology, No. 269 1943).
33 Samuel A. Stouffer et al., The American
(1952).
31 Richard Centers, The Psychology of So- Soldier, Combat, and its Aftermath, Vol. 2
cial Classes (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Uni- (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
versity Press, 1949). 1949).
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ATTITUDE FORMATION AND PUBLIC OPINION 161
This was the problem at issue in en- selves in different dimensions such as
forcing the old Volstead Act. Civil- race, social class, religion, and chara-
rights legislation is easier to pass and teristic beliefs. In general, subjects are
enforce when it is directed against dis- less affected by the race of the target
crimination in the public domain than person than by his belief system. If he
when it is aimed at private behavior. is a Negro but of their social class and
(4) Finally, the psychoanalytic model of their own persuasion in his beliefs,
can be contained within a functional he is more acceptable than a member of
approach as one set of basic determi- their own race but of different social
nants of emotionally held attitudes. It class and different belief patterns.
would be an error, however, to equate The results of these studies have been
all discriminatory behavior against interpreted as showing that prejudice
races and minority groups with preju- is not a negative evaluation of race
dice of an ego-defensive character. Dis- membership as such, but a rejection of
criminatory practices can bring material people of different beliefs and charac-
and psychological rewards to the domi- teristics from the person making the
nant group of a more obvious type than judgement. This is an overgeneraliza-
the expression of repressed hostility. tion of the findings, for they are also
What has made ethnic and national consistent with the theory that racial
prejudice such a powerful force is the prejudice is supported by belief systems
combination of motives it can service congruent with the prejudice. It is
for so many people, thus producing an easier to show discrimination against
overdetermination of social behavior. people who are perceived as inferior,
Moreover, the emotional determinants threatening, and characterized by be-
of racial prejudice receive rich cognitive liefs of an undesirable type than against
support in a culture in which prejudice people who are like oneself save in
has had a long history. Since aggres- racial identification.
sion is repressed by social stimuli, that The implications of the functional
is, the significant others in the child's model for attitude change are clear.
socialization, its release against minority In the first place, the methods and
groups is facilitated by social support types of influence which will affect ex-
for discrimination in one's own group isting attitudes must be differentially
and subculture. This is reflected in the geared to their motivational basis (see
cognitive pattern accompanying preju- Chart,p. 158). Emotionally held beliefs
dice, namely, that the minority group in the service of ego defense will be
is seen as a threat to law and order, the most difficult to change. Change
to property values, to jobs, to health, here requires some acquisition of in-
and the like. Recent studies have sight into one's own internal conflict.
yielded evidence supposedly supportive Attitudes linked to basic value sys-
of a belief-congruence theory of preju- tems can be modified through an ap-
dice.34 Experimental subjects are asked proach which first seeks understand-
to evaluate people varying from them- ing of the nature of the value systems
of the person and the linkage of at-
34Milton Rokeach (ed.), The Open and titudes to these values. In the sec-
Closed Mind (New York: Basic Books, 1960), ond place, the nature of attitudinal
pp. 132-168; David D. Stein, Jane A. Har-
dyck, and M. Brewster Smith, "Race and Be- change varies for the functions already
lief: An Open and Shut Case," Journal of described. It is easier to substitute
Personality and Social Psychology, 1 (1965), one attitude for another when the atti-
pp. 281-289. tude is a means to an end than when it
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162 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
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