Thomas Sankara Speaks

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Thomas
Sankara
Speaks
The Burkina Faso Revolution 1983-87
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Thomas Sankara speaks : the Burkina Faso
DT555.83.S26 S3 25Uo/
Sankara, Thomas.
NEW COLLEGE OF CALIFORNIA (SF)
DT 555.83 .S26 S3 1988

Sankara, Thomas.
Thomas Sankara speaks
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Sankara, Thomas. the Burkina
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Thomas Sankara speaks 8 /[ translated
Faso revolution, 1983-87
by Samantha Anderson J. X
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New York : Pathfinder Press, 1988 ilbHJ
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1. Sankara, Thomas
—Interviews
interviews,. 2.
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Burkina Paso Politics and government.
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THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
The Burkina Faso Revolution 1983-87
PATHFINDER
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\ Translated by Samantha Anderson
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Contents
Preface
We Fought to Repel the Enemy
Preface
On October 15, 1987, Thomas Sankara, the thirty-seven-year-old

president of the West African country of Burkina Faso, was assassi-
nated in a counterrevolutionary military coup by troops loyal to Capt.
Blaise Compaore. Twelve of Sankara' s aides were also murdered.
The revolutionary government established four years earlier on Au-
gust 4, 1983, was destroyed.
This book's purpose is to make Sankara' s political legacy avail-
able in English for the first time; his ideas can now be read and
studied. It is a contribution to all those in Africa and around the
world who, inspired by Sankara' s example, need to know the revo-
lutionary course he fought and died for.
In 1970 Thomas Sankara, at age twenty, left what was then Upper
Volta to attend military school in Madagascar. While in training
there to become an officer in Upper Volta' s armed forces, he began
to be exposed to political ideas and developments from around the
world. He was living in Madagascar in May 1972 when tens of
thousands of students and workers took to the streets of the capital
city and toppled that country's government. Sankara subsequently
spent time in France where he came into contact with a variety of
left-wing political views.
After returning to Upper Volta, Sankara became well-known fol-
lowing the December 1974 outbreak of a border war with neighbor-
ing Mali. Sankara was praised by the press as a hero for his role in the
fighting, although he himself later characterized the war as "useless
and unjust."
In early 1983, Sankara was appointed prime minister in the re-
cently formed military government headed by President Jean-Bap-
tiste Ouedraogo. Sankara used his post to issue strong anti-im-
perialist statements and to urge the people of Upper Volta to organize

themselves to defend their rights against both domestic and foreign
monied interests. Along with other radical-minded junior officers,
Sankara came into increasing conflict with proimperialist forces in
the government. On May 17, 1983, he was deposed as prime minis-
II • THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
ter and placed under arrest by these elements.

Within days, thousands of young people took to the streets de-
manding Sankara's freedom. Some of his supporters made their way
to P6, near the southern border with Ghana, where they received mil-
itary training from rebel troops under the command of Capt. Blaise
Compaore. On August 4, these forces acted to end the military stale-
mate with the Ouedraogo regime. Two hundred and fifty soldiers
marched on the capital city of Ouagadougou and, in collaboration
with other opponents of the regime, freed Sankara from house arrest
and overthrew Ouedraogo. Sankara became president of the new Na-
tional Council of the Revolution. Thousands poured into the streets
in celebration the next morning.
Most of the world took little note of what happened in Upper Volta
that August 4. Even to those who did, it appeared to be just another
in the series of military coups in that country over the previous seven-
teen years. Thomas Sankara was virtually unknown outside West Af-
rica.
As the political course of the new government under Sankara's
leadership became known during its first year, however, revolution-
ary-minded people throughout the world started to follow what was
happening there. It was clear that a deep-going revolution was un-
folding in one of the poorest countries in the world.
A French colony until official independence in 1960, Upper Volta
bore the scars of modern imperialist domination imposed on pre-
capitalist forms of exploitation. The infant mortality rate in 1981 was
208 for every 1 ,000 live births —
the highest in the world; 92 percent
of the population, and 98 percent in the countryside, were illiterate in
a country with some sixty different ethnic, tribal, and language
groups; the average yearly income was $150; there was one doctor
for every 50,000 people.
At the time of the revolution, 90 percent of Upper Volta' s 7 mil-
lion people lived and toiled in the countryside. In addition to paying
a government head tax dating from colonial days, peasants per-
formed compulsory labor for village chiefs. Only 10 percent used
draft animals for plowing, while the rest used only the most basic
hand tools for agriculture. With the continual southward advance of
the Sahara desert —
a product of imperialist-imposed patterns of ag-
riculture and trade —
drought and famine had plagued the country
since at least 1970.
To provide water for their families, peasant women made daily
round-trips on foot of as much as ten miles to reach the nearest well.
Many still faced age-old forms of oppression such as forced mar-
PREFACE • III
riages, the bride price, and female circumcision.

In the few fertile areas near rivers, thousands were still losing their
sight from onchocerciasis, or river blindness, by middle age. This
disease, caused by worms spread by black flies that breed in fast-
moving water, forced thousands off arable land.
Upper Volta had a minuscule modern working class, made up of
some 20,000 factory workers employed mostly in small-scale hand-
icraft production and manufacturing. Even modest-sized modern in-
dustrial plants were practically nonexistent with the exceptions of
some cotton and textile mills, a bicycle assembly factory, a sugar
mill, a soap factory, and a handful of other light manufacturing.
Construction, public works, and transportation employed another
10,000 people. There were around 40,000 civil servants, teachers,
and other workers as well.
The democratic and anti-imperialist revolution inherited a legacy
of misery, exploitation, and oppression. The new revolutionary gov-
ernment led by Sankara faced tremendous problems, but the road to
resolving them had been opened. Committees for the Defense of the
Revolution mobilized the population for massive immunization cam-
paigns; irrigation projects; defense; school and road building; and lit-
eracy drives in the three main indigenous languages. Organizations
of youth, women, and elders were initiated.
The prices peasants received for basic food crops were increased
and reforestation projects were begun. The head tax was abolished
and compulsory labor performed for village chiefs was outlawed.
The land was nationalized to guarantee peasants access to the soil
and to the products of their labor. Basic health-care services were
made available to millions for the first time, and infant mortality fell
dramatically, to 145 for every 1 ,000 live births by 1985. River blind-
ness was effectively brought under control by 1987 through cooper-
ation with a United Nations-sponsored program.
The tasks posed by Burkina Faso's backward class structure made
the character of its revolution different from many other democratic,
anti-imperialist revolutions. At the same time, it faced a fundamental
challenge common to all revolutions today: drawing the working
people into political activity in their own interests. Sankara sought to
lead the Burkinabe masses toward becoming the initiators of social
and political change, not the objects of a government bureaucracy
and officer caste alien to their lives and concerns. Despite the dif-
ficulties, real progress was made.
Sankara explained on August 4, 1987, at the celebration of the
fourth anniversary of the revolution, that "for the new society, we
IV THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
must have a new people, a people that has its own identity, knows
what it wants and how to assert itself, and understands what will be
necessary to reach the goals it has set for itself. Our people, after four
years of revolution, are the embryo of this new people. The unprec-
edented decline of passive resignation among our people is a tangible
sign of this. The Burkinabe people as a whole believe a better future
is possible."
"We must assimilate the main lesson of this experience," Sankara
said. "The democratic and popular revolution needs a convinced peo-
ple, not a conquered people — a people that is truly convinced, not
submissive and passively enduring its destiny."
Readers can judge for themselves in these pages how Sankara
practiced internationalism, an completely in-
internationalism
tertwined with his commitment to defend the interests of the Bur-
kinabe toilers. He fought for Nicaragua's right to live in peace; for
breaking all ties to the apartheid regime in South Africa; for united
action to repudiate the Third World debt owed to imperialist govern-
ments and banks; for concrete aid to national liberation movements
from the African National Congress of South Africa and the Polisario
Front of the Western Sahara, to the Palestine Liberation Organization
and the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front of New Caledonia.
He defended the links forged between Burkina Faso and neighboring
Ghana, which, like Burkina, had been the target of hostility and at-
tack by Washington, London, Paris, and the International Monetary
Fund.
Sankara publicly expressed his deep admiration for the Cuban rev-
olution and its communist leadership and visited Cuba twice during
the four years of the revolution. In 1984 the Cuban government pre-
sented Sankara with the Jose Marti Order. "Our revolution reserves
it for very specific cases," explained Armando Hart, a member of the
Cuban Communist Party Political Bureau, in his speech at the cere-

mony. "It is a token of well-deserved recognition for those who have
rendered outstanding service to the cause of their people, to interna-
tional relations between our countries; to dignity and honor; or to the
struggle against imperialism, colonial and neocolonial domination,
and for genuine national liberation. You, Comrade Thomas Sankara,
combine all these qualities."
Sankara electrified those who heard him speak in Harlem in Oc-
tober 1984 while visiting New York City to address the United Na-
tions. On November 8, 1986, he spoke on behalf of 180 international
delegations gathered in Managua, Nicaragua, to a rally of 200,000
people commemorating the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
PREFACE V
of the Sandinista National Liberation Front and the tenth anniversary

of the death in combat of its principal founder, Carlos Fonseca.
Millions of African youth identified with Sankara's implacable
opposition to both moral and material corruption, his willingness to
speak out and concretely defend the most oppressed, and his confi-
dence and revolutionary optimism. He quickly became known from
Accra to Harare to Cuba's Isle of Youth.
Thousands of youth demonstrated this sense of identification on
the morning after Sankara's assassination, and for many days there-
after, when they gathered at the site of the shallow graves in which
his body and those of his murdered supporters had been hurriedly
dumped. Many placed handwritten notes on Sankara's grave with
messages such as, "We are all Sankara," and "Sankara, cowardly
murdered by traitors."
One week before his murder, Sankara spoke to a gathering in
Ouagadougou commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the as-
sassination of one of this century's great communist leaders, Cuban
revolutionary Ernesto Che Guevara. "Fearless youth," Sankara said,
"youth thirsty for dignity, thirsty for courage, thirsty for ideas and
for the vitality that he symbolizes in Africa —
sought out Che Gue-
vara to drink from the source, the life-giving source that Che's rev-
olutionary heritage represented to the world." Thomas Sankara him-
self learned from that heritage and his ideas have added to it.
"If you kill Sankara, tomorrow there will be twenty more San-
karas," he defiantly predicted in the face of threats against the revo-
lution in October 1983. For all those thirsty for revolutionary ideas,
this book is a contribution to that tomorrow.
The contents of this book span the period from March 1983 to Oc-
tober 1987. Over three-quarters of the pieces are published here for
the first time in English. All the speeches and interviews have
been newly translated except "Nicaragua Must Be Supported by
All of Us," Sankara's speech in Managua, Nicaragua, on
November 8, 1986, which was translated by the Managua Bureau
of the socialist newsweekly the Militant and the monthly Per-
spective! M undia I.
The under which speeches and interviews appear were cho-

titles
sen by the editor. A small number of footnotes have been added to

the end of several pieces as an aid to readers. In addition, readers will
find a chronology of events and a glossary of individuals and terms.
Samantha Anderson translated and edited the book. Its publication
VI THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
would not have been possible without the invaluable assistance of

Burkinabe and other Africans living in New York, Montreal, and
Paris. They provided many items for the book and helped with dif-
ficult aspects of the transcription of tapes and the translation.
Pathfinder gratefully acknowledges the many photographs pro-
vided by the Jose Marti Foreign Languages Publishing House of
Havana, Cuba, and Pathfinder/Pacific and Asia of Sydney, Aus-
tralia; Barricada, the daily newspaper of the Sandinista National
Liberation Front of Nicaragua; David Gakunzi, editor of the Paris

magazine, Coumbite; Margaret Novicki, editor of Africa Report in
New York; and Ernest Harsch, who also provided several of the
speeches included in the book.
Doug Cooper
July 1988
Chronology
1949-1979
December 21, 1949 Thomas Sankara born in Yako, Upper Volta.
December 11, 1958 Republic of Upper Volta proclaimed an "autonomous
state" within short-lived French Community;
Maurice Yameogo elected president, December
1959.
August 5, 1960 Official independence from France.
January 3, 1966 Mass demonstrations in Upper Volta against govern-
ment austerity measures; coup installs Lt. Col.
Aboubakar Sangoule Lamizana as head of military
regime.
1966 Sankara enters military preparatory school in
Ouagadougou; graduates, 1969.
1970 Enters military academy in Antsirabe, Madagascar.
1972 While Sankara is in Madagascar, strike among medi-
cal students begins there in January; protests in-
volving tens of thousands of students and workers
in the capital topple the president inMay. After re-
turning home, Sankara attends session at parachute
school in Pau, France.
December 1974- First war between Upper Volta and Mali.
January 1975
December 17- Two-day general strike wins wage increases and tax
18, 1975 cuts for workers.
1976 Sankara takes command of new National Training
Center for Commandos in P6, Upper Volta.
January-May 1978 Sankara attends training session at parachute school in
Rabat, Morocco, and meets Blaise Compaore for
first time.
May 24-31, 1979 Strike by four union federations obtains release of im-
prisoned trade unionists.
1980
October 1- Strikeby teachers' unions against erosion of purchas-
November 22 ingpower and victimization of members; becomes
general strike on October 4-5 and November 4-5.
2 THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
November 25 Coup by army chief of staff Col. Saye Zerbo ousts

General Lamizana; Military Committee for the En-
hancement of National Progress (CMRPN) formed
with Zerbo as head.
1981
September 9 Having refused to join CMRPN government, Sankara
sends Zerbo a letter of protest following public an-
nouncement of Sankara' s appointment as secretary
to the president in charge of information; Sankara
subsequently accepts post on temporary basis.
1982
April Voltaic Union Confederation (CSV) organizes three-
day strike against ban on right to strike.
April 12 Sankara resigns from CMRPN government; he is ar-
rested and sent to Dedougou to await court-martial;
Compaore and Henri Zongo also resign from
CMRPN and are arrested.
November 1 CMRPN suspends right to strike.
November 7 Coup by Col. Gabriel Some Yoryan ousts Zerbo; Pro-
visional Council for the Salvation of the People
formed and becomes Council for the Salvation of
the People (CSP) on November 26 with Comdr.
Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo as president; Sankara and
other junior officers who support him, including
Jean-Baptiste Lingani, Compaore, and Zongo, do
not participate in coup.
1983
January 10 Sankara designated prime minister by CSP.
March 7-12 Sankara attends New Delhi Summit Conference of the
Nonaligned Movement; meets Cuban President
Fidel Castro, Mozambican President Samora
Machel, Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice
Bishop, and others.
March 26 CSP-sponsored mass rally of thousands in Ouagadou-
gou where Sankara gives major speech.
April 30 Libyan leader Muammar el-Qaddafi visits Ouaga-
dougou.
May 15 Sankara speaks at mass CSP rally in Bobo Dioulasso.
May 16 Guy Penne, adviser to French President Mitterrand on
African affairs, arrives in Ouagadougou.
May 17 Coup by CSP members, including Colonel Some Yo-
CHRONOLOGY 3
ryan and Jean-Baptiste OuSdraogo. Sankara, Lin-

gani, and others arrested; Sankara imprisoned in
military camp Ouahigouya; Zongo and Com-
in
paore* evade Compaore* returns to P6, where
arrest;
he commands National Training Center for Com-
mandos, and organizes resistance to coup; Zongo
subsequently surrenders from his fortified position
in Ouagadougou.
May 20-22 Thousands take to streets to demand freedom for San-
kara, forcing Ou&lraogo to issue declaration on
May 27 freeing political prisoners; Sankara returns
to Ouagadougou on May 30 under house arrest.
June- August Compaore continues to resist in P6; supporters of San-
kara, left-wing activists, and others come to P6 and
receive military training.
August 4 Compaore and 250 others free Sankara and others
from house arrest; Ou6draogo regime overthrown.
National Council of the Revolution (CNR) takes
power with Sankara as president; Sankara calls for
formation of mass Committees for the Defense of
the Revolution in radio broadcast to population.
August 5 Ouagadougou residents and others take to streets to
celebrate.
August 7 Massive march of support for National Council of the
Revolution in Ouagadougou.
September 30 Flight Lt. Jerry Rawlings, Ghanaian head of state and
government, meets with Sankara in P6.
October 2 Sankara presents "Political Orientation Speech," on
behalf of CNR.
October 31 Upper Volta elected to UN Security Council for two-
year term.
November 4-8 Bold Union military maneuvers held with Ghana.
December Economic, scientific, and technical cooperation
agreement signed with Cuba.
December 21 President Eduardo dos Santos of Angola stops in
Ouagadougou for meeting with Sankara.
1984
January 3 People's Revolutionary Courts begin first session;
among those tried are the former president, San-
goule" Lamizana, who is acquitted, and three of his
collaborators; deliberations are broadcast over na-
tional radio.
Early February CNR decrees abolition of tribute payments and ob-
ligatory labor to traditional chiefs in countryside.
February 10-12 Rawlings makes official visit to Ouagadougou.

March 20-21 National Union of African Teachers of Upper Volta
(SNEAHV) leadership, associated with banned
Voltaic Progressive Front, provokes strike against
the revolutionary government after three of its lead-
ers are arrested on charges of subversion.
March 22 National Council of the Revolution fires 1 ,500
teachers.
March 31 Sankara leaves for official visit to Algeria, Mauri-
tania, and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic.
April 8 Land distributed in Ouagadougou for housing con-
struction.
April 26 Sourou Valley project launched to irrigate 16,000
hectares (39,500 acres) of land near Ouagadougou.
May 27 Official visit to Ivory Coast cancelled after Ivory
Coast President Felix Houphouet-Boigny refuses
Sankara authorization to meet with Burkinabe stu-
dents and workers in Abidjan, the capital.
May 26-27 Counterrevolutionary plot linked to proimperialist
exile, Joseph Ki-Zerbo, uncovered; of those ar-
rested and tried, seven are executed shortly thereaf-
ter.
June 23 Sankara begins lengthy trip through Africa; visits

Ethiopia, Angola, Congo, Mozambique, Gabon,
and Madagascar.
July 12 Compulsory military service established.
August 4 First anniversary of revolution; thousands of armed
members march in Ouagadougou; Republic
militia
of Upper Volta renamed Burkina Faso (Land of
Upright Men), a combination of words from widely
spoken Jula and Moore languages; agrarian reform
law nationalizes all land and mineral wealth.
August 19 Sankara dissolves first cabinet; new cabinet is formed
shortly after.
September 22 Day of solidarity with housewives proclaimed in
Ouagadougou; men encouraged to go to market and
prepare meals to experience for themselves condi-
tions faced by women.
September 25-30 Sankara' s Cuba, where he
first visit to is awarded the
Jose Marti Order.
October Sankara becomes chairman of West African Eco-
nomic Community.
October 1 National Council of the Revolution decree cancels
long-standing head tax on rural Burkinabe;
launches People's Development Program, which
1
CHRONOLOGY 5
lasts until December 1985.

October 4 Sankara speaks at Thirty-ninth Session of the UN
General Assembly in New York.
November 5-9 Sankara visits People's Republic of China.
November 12-15 Sankara attends Twentieth Summit of the Organiza-
tion of African Unity in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia;
helps lead successful fight to admit Saharan Arab
Democratic Republic.
November 25 Fifteen-day mobilization begins to vaccinate all
Burkinabe under age fifteen against meningitis,

yellow fever, and measles; Cuban volunteers par-
ticipate; 2.5 million children in Burkina im-
munized.
December 3 3,000 delegates attend national conference on budget
in Ouagadougou; adopt proposals to deduct one
month's pay from salaries of top civil service em-
ployees and military officers, half a month's pay
from other civil servants to help pay for social de-
velopment projects.
December 3 Sankara announces suspension of all residential rents
for 1985 and start of massive public housing con-
struction program.
1985
Campaign launched to plant 10 million trees in 1985
to slow down the southern advance of Sahara de-
sert.
February 1 Battle for the Railroad launched to build new railway
from Ouagadougou to Tambao in the north.
February 12 Sankara attends meeting of the Entente Council in
Yamoussoukro, Ivory Coast; thousands take to
streets to greet his arrival.
March 1-8 National conference onwomen's emancipation in
Ouagadougou draws 3,000.
March 17-23 Team Work military maneuvers with Ghana.
August 4 Second anniversary of revolution; all-female parade
emphasizes steps toward equality for women.
September 10 Special meeting of Entente Council in Yamous-
soukro, Ivory Coast, reveals mounting hostility by
conservative regimes in the region to Burkina revo-
lution and Ghana.
December 25 Burkina bombed by Malian planes; second Mali-
Burkina war lasts five days; 100 Burkinabe and
Malians killed; cease-fire signed on December
29.
1986
January 3 Sankara releases Malian prisoners of war.

all
February-April Alpha Commando campaign, conducted in

literacy
nine indigenous languages, involves 35,000 people
throughout country.
March 31 -April 4 Conference of Committees for the De-
First National
fense of the Revolution.
August 4 Third anniversary of revolution; five-year economic
plan is announced.
August 27 Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega arrives for offi-
cial visit.
September 3 Sankara addresses Eighth Summit Conference of the
Movement of Nonaligned Countries in Harare,
Zimbabwe.
October 6-12 Sankara visits the Soviet Union.
November 8 Sankara stops in Cuba en route to Nicaragua, meets
with Fidel Castro; speaks in Nicaragua on behalf of
180 international delegations at rally marking
twenty-fifth anniversary of founding of the San-
dinista National Liberation Front and tenth anniver-
sary of the death of Carlos Fonseca.
November 9 Sankara receives Carlos Fonseca Order. Returns to
Cuba for two days of discussions with Raul Castro.
November 17 French President Francois Mitterrand visits Ouaga-
dougou; Sankara denounces French ties to apart-
heid regime in South Africa.
1987
By the beginning of the year, UN-assisted program
brings river blindness, one of Burkina's worst
health problems for generations, effectively under
control.
March 8 Sankara speaks at International Women's Day cele-
bration in Ouagadougou.
March 30-April 3 Second National Conference of Committees for the
Defense of the Revolution.
April 11 Sankara issues declaration launching National Peas-
ants Union of Burkina.
August 4 Fourth anniversary celebration held in Bobo
Dioulasso.
October 2 Sankara speaks in Tenkodogo on fourth anniversary
of "Political Orientation Speech."
October 8 Sankara gives speech opening Che Guevara photo
exhibit to mark twentieth anniversary of Guevara's
CHRONOLOGY • 7
assassination in Bolivia.
October 8-11 Bambata Pan-African Anti-Apartheid Conference
held in Ouagadougou; representatives from twenty-
nine countries and forty different organizations at-
tend. Sankara speaks at closing news conference.
October 15 Sankara is assassinated in counterrevolutionary coup
along with twelve aides; October 15 Popular Front,
led by Blaise Compaore\ dissolves National Coun-
cil calls on the population to
of the Revolution and
demonstrate support for coup; instead, beginning
early the next morning and continuing for many
days, thousands file past the makeshift grave where
Sankara' s body is buried.
ANGOLA
Who Are the
Enemies of the People?
March 26, 1983
Thomas Sankara spoke to a rally of several thousand people in

Ouagadougou on March 26, 1983. At the time, Sankara was prime
minister of the Council for the Salvation of the People. The CSP,
headed by President Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo, had been established
following a November 1982 coup. This speech is translated from
Carrefour africain, April 1, 1983.
Thank you for having gathered here at this January 3 Square. I
congratulate you for responding to the call of the Council for the Sal-
vation of the People (CSP) because by doing this you have shown
that the people of Upper Volta are a mighty people.
When the people stand up, imperialism trembles. As it watches us,
imperialism is worried. It trembles.Even now imperialism is won-
dering how to break the ties being forged between the CSP and the
people. Imperialism is trembling. It is trembling with fear because
here in this very town of Ouagadougou we are going to bury it.
I congratulate you for show those who disparage us, in-

coming to
side and outside the country, that they are wrong. They misjudged
us. They thought they could stop the CSP's march toward the people
with their maneuvers aimed at brainwashing and intimidating. But
you are here. You have shown that the opposite is true. And im-
perialism trembles and will tremble even more.
People of Upper Volta, represented by the town of Ouagadougou,
thank you — thank you for giving us the opportunity to give you
truthful information, information that comes from the people.
What is our purpose here?
Our purpose is to tell you exactly what our enemies want, what the
CSP wants, and what you, the people, have a right to. The people
love liberty and democracy and will thus combat all enemies of lib-
erty and democracy.
11
12 • THOMAS S ANKARA SPEAKS
But who are these enemies of the people?

Theyare to be found both here at home and abroad. At this very
moment they are trembling, but you must expose them. You must
drive them back into their holes. The enemies of the people here in-
side the country are all those who have illicitly taken advantage of
their social position and their place in the bureaucracy to enrich
themselves. By means of bribery, maneuvers, and forged documents
they have become shareholders in different companies. They are now
involved in financing businesses and obtaining approval for this or
that enterprise —
in the guise of helping Upper Volta. These are the
enemies of the people. They must be exposed. They must be com-
bated. We will combat them with you.
Who are the enemies of the people? They are that group of
bourgeois who enrich themselves dishonestly through fraud and brib-
ery, through the corruption of state officials, so that they can bring all
kinds of products into Upper Volta, increasing the price tenfold.
These are the enemies of the people. This section of the bourgeoisie
must be fought against, and we will fight against it.
Who are the enemies of the people? They are the men in politics
who travel through the countryside exclusively at election time.
These politicians are convinced that only they can make our country
work. The CSP, however, is convinced that Upper Volta' s seven
million people represent seven million political beings capable of
leading this country. These enemies of the people must be exposed
and combated. We will combat them with you.
The enemies of the people are likewise those who keep us in igno-
rance. Under the cover of spiritual guidance and tradition, they
exploit the people instead of serving their real spiritual needs and
their real social interests. They must be fought against, and we will
fight them.
Let me ask you: do you like these enemies of the people, yes or
no?
[Shouts of "No!"]
Do you like them?
[Shouts of "No!"]
So we must fight them.
Will you fight them here at home?
[Shouts of "Yes!"]
On with the fight!
The enemies of the people are also beyond our borders. Their base
is among unpatriotic people here in our midst at every level of our so-
ciety — civilian and military men, men and women, old and young,
WHO ARE THE ENEMIES? 13
in town and country alike. These enemies from abroad — neo-

colonialism, imperialism — are among us.
From its base among these stateless men, those who have rejected
their homeland, who have rejected Upper Volta, who have, in fact,
rejected the people of Upper Volta, this enemy abroad is organizing
a series of attacks. These will come in two stages. First will come the
nonviolent and then the violent stage.
At this moment, we are living through the nonviolent stage. This
enemy abroad —
imperialism, neocolonialism is attempting to—
sow confusion in the minds of the Voltaic people. According to their
newspapers, radios, and televisions Upper Volta is all fire and blood.
Well, you are here, people of Upper Volta. Your presence proves
that imperialism is wrong and that its lies will never stick. You are
here. You are here and on your feet. It is imperialism's turn to trem-
ble today.
A foreign journalist in a faraway country, sitting in his swivel
chair in an air-conditioned office, dared to report that the CSP's in-
formational meetings have failed. Have they failed? You are here,
answer me.
[Shouts of "No!"]
Have they failed?
[Shouts of "No!"]
I hope that imperialism can hear you answer no. Say it again. Have
they failed?
[Shouts of "No!"]
You is wrong. But imperialism is a bad student.
see, imperialism
Even though it's been defeated, though it's been sent out of the class-
room, it comes back again. It's a bad student. Imperialism never
draws the lessons from its failures. It's down in South Africa cutting
African throats —
just because Africans there are thinking about
freedom, as you are today. Imperialism is down there crushing the
Arab peoples —
that's Zionism.
Imperialism is everywhere, making us think like it, submit to it,
and go along with its maneuvers by spreading its culture far and wide
with the help of misinformation. We must bar the road to this im-
perialism.
As I said, it will proceed to a violent stage. It is this imperialism
that landed troops in certain countries we know.
Imperialism armed
those who are killing our brothers in South Africa. Imperialism again
is the assassin of the Lumumbas, Cabrals, and Kwame Nkrumahs.
But I'll tell you something, in fact I'll promise you because I —
have confidence in you and you have confidence in the CSP that —
thanks to the education we will give our people, when this im-
perialism comes here we will bury it. We will bury it right here.
Ouagadougou will be its bolibana — the end of the road for im-
perialism.
Imperialism is using its more subtle methods to try to sow division
within the Council for the Salvation of the People. Already it has
managed to create anxiety minds of the people. But
and fear in the
we are not afraid. For the first time in Upper Volta something funda-
mental is happening, something completely new. Until now, the peo-
ple have never had the power to establish political democracy. While
the army has always had the possibility of taking power, it has never
wanted democracy.
For the very first time we see an army that wants both power and
democracy, and that is genuinely seeking to ally with the people. For
the first time, too, we see the masses come out in impressive num-
bers and reach out to the army. We believe this army, which is taking
the destiny of the Voltaic people in its hands, is the people's army.
This is why I welcome the placards here that talk of the people's
army.
In order toweaken us, our enemies at home and abroad rely on a
certain number of factors. I'll mention some and leave you to com-
plete the list. They would have us believe that the CSP is blocking
the normal functioning of the state machinery because we've made
some decisions to the detriment of certain civil service executives.
We have taken such decisions because we think that there are those
who, at this stage of the revolution, cannot keep pace. There are
functionaries who don't come into the office till 9:00 a.m. and leave
again at10:30 a.m. to go to their orchards and watch over their vil-
las. Is this the way it should be?
Our enemies claim we are blocking the state's functioning when
we get rid of these kinds of functionaries. But who is afraid of
whom?
We are with the people. They are against the people. The deci-
sions we take will be decisions against the enemies of the people,
since they will be for the people — the militant people of Upper
Volta. Are you in favor of keeping these corrupt functionaries in our
administration?
[Shouts of "No!"}
So we must chase them out. We will chase them out.
Are you in favor of maintaining these corrupt men in our army?
[Shouts of "No!"]
So we must drive them out and we will.
WHO ARE THE ENEMIES? • 15
This may well cost us our lives, but part of our job is to take risks
and dare to act, and you are here to continue the fight at all costs.
Our enemies say that the Council for the Salvation of the People is
preparing to carry out nationalizations, that we are about to confis-
cate their property. Who is afraid of whom?
If you take a walk around Ouagadougou and make a list of the
mansions you see, you will note that they belong to just a minority.
How many of you who have been assigned to Ouagadougou from the
farthest corners of the country have had to move every night because
you've been thrown out of the house you have rented? And every
day, the owner raises the price a little more. There will be no prob-
lems for those who have acquired their houses by regular means,
they need not be worried. But to those who have acquired houses and
land through corruption we say: start to tremble. If you have stolen,
tremble, because we will come after you. Not only will the CSP
come after you, but the people themselves will take care of you —
yes or no?
[Shouts of "Yes!"]
Honest citizens, have no fear, even if you own 1,000 villas. But
you, the dishonest, even if you own only a tiny two-room place in a
run-down part of town, start to tremble, because the CSP is coming!
We didn't come this far only to stop halfway along such a promising
road. We are not here to sell out or betray the people.
They say we want to carry out nationalizations. The CSP does not
understand and will never understand, just as you, too, will never un-
derstand, how certain people can come and set themselves up in
Upper Volta, start an enterprise for which they've been granted
favors —
all kinds of tax exemptions —
on the pretext of creating
jobs and contributing to the economic development of the country
and then, after a certain number of years of the most brazen exploi-
tation, announce personnel cuts.
On what conditions were you granted these favors? On the condi-
tion that you create jobs for the Voltaic people. Today, when you've
squeezed the lemon dry, you want to throw it away.
No! To this we say no!
Our enemies say that we have proclaimed freedom of expression
and of the press only to begin to restrict this freedom. As Comrade
Jean-Baptiste Lingani said earlier —and presently Comrade Jean-
Baptiste Ouedraogo will say it better than I can —in no way do we
wish to put an end to freedom. But we say that the freedom to
criticize brings with it the freedom to protest. And freedom for hon-
est men should not mean freedom for the dishonest. We will strip the
16 THOMAS S ANKARA SPEAKS
liberties of those who use the freedoms created by the CSP to attack
the CSP and, in that way, to attack the Voltaic people. We will take
away their freedom to harm the people and leave them free to serve
the people. We cannot allow the freedom to lie to and brainwash the
collective consciousness of the Voltaic people. This would be to
work against the interests of the masses of Upper Volta.
They have also said that certain elements from the CSP, like Capt.
Thomas Sankara, have been to Libya and Korea, and that this is
dangerous for our country.
Well, people of Upper Volta, here is something to think about:
Libya has never done anything to harm us; Korea has never exploited
Upper Volta; Libya has never attacked us. But we know of countries
that have attacked Upper Volta, that have put our parents in prison.
Our grandparents died on the battlefield for these countries. We
cooperate with them and no one complains.
Sangoule [Lamizana] went to Libya. Saye Zerbo has been to Libya
and Korea —
why didn't anyone complain? There is dishonesty in-
volved here somewhere. Yesterday, preparations were made for a
visit by Saye Zerbo to see Muammar el-Qaddafi in one of Qaddafi's
planes. They've been publicizing this. And yet when we go to Libya
today, they complain.
But we went to Libya in a responsible and intelligent manner! We
went to Libya after Qaddafi had sent us three delegations. We told
the Libyan leaders that we had nothing against Libya, but that we
have positions of our own —
that we are not virgins when it comes
to ideology. We said we were ready to collaborate with Libya, but
that we were also prepared to express —
in a responsible way any —
disagreements we may have with Libya. We decided to go only after
receiving three delegations. And we established concrete conditions
in line with the needs of the Voltaic people.
When cement starts to arrive from Tripoli, which we will be able
to sell at a good price, will the people be pleased or not?
[Shouts of "Yes!"]
Why should we not go and negotiate with Qaddafi if we want his
cement? When we negotiate deals worth two to three million CFA
francs 1 with certain countries, they talk about it on the radio. The
deal with Qaddafi is worth 3.5 billion CFA francs. Are you pleased
— yes or no?
[Shouts of "Yes!"]
Our people like cooperation between states that respect their peo-
ples. The people of Upper Volta don't want anyone to tell them what
path they should take. To those who attempt to housebreak us or
WHO ARE THE ENEMIES? 17
tyrannize us in the area of diplomatic matters, we say no! We are free

to go where we wish.
And I'll tell you something a secret — —
but don't repeat it to the
imperialists. Those who reproach us because we went to Libya have
developed their countries with Qaddafi's dollars. Do they think they
are shrewder than we are? Why do they deal with Qaddafi? Who is
shrewder than whom?
We will go anywhere in the interests of the Voltaic masses. We
have seen the social achievements in Libya —
schools, hospitals,
houses — all free.
How has Libya managed to carry out this social investment? Be-
cause of oil, yes, but this oil existed under the former regime of King
Idriss. It was exploited by the imperialists and for the benefit of the
king. The people drew absolutely no benefit from it. Today, Libyans
have free houses and asphalt roads. If we could transform Upper
Volta tomorrow the way Qaddafi has transformed Libya would you
be pleased, yes or no?
[Shouts of "Yes!"]
So by drawing on the good sides of other countries that we deal
with, we are simply carrying out our policy of diplomatic indepen-
dence and applying one of the CSP's rules — to work for the good of
the people.
There is no shame in getting on one's knees if it is in the interests
of the people. At this very moment, as we address you, we know
there are those in the crowd who would very much like to shoot us.
These are the we take, convinced that it is in the interests of the
risks
people. to these people: "Shoot!" And when you shoot,
So we say
your bullets will turn back and hit you. This is what we call the
triumph of the people over its enemies. Today, we speak with the
force of our people, not just our own force.
The enemies of the people say that certain factions of the Council
for the Salvation of the People view this or that country favorably, or
are in such and such a camp, the pro- Western camp, and so on. We
say that we no one's camp. We are rather for all camps.
are against
We repeated this at New Delhi before the Nonaligned nations: we are
for all the camps, and we say, too, that he who loves his own people
also loves other peoples. We love the Voltaic people, the Nicaraguan
people, the people of Algeria, Libya, Ghana, Mali, and all other peo-
ples.
Those who do not love their own people do not love the Voltaic
people. Those who are worried today by the transformations occur-
ring in Upper Volta do not love their people. They impose their will
18 - THOMAS S ANKARA SPEAKS
through dictatorships and police operations against their people. We

are not like that.
They say we have a certain admiration for Flight Lt. Jerry Rawl-
ings. Rawlings is a man! Every man must have friends and enemies.
If Rawlings has admirers in Upper Volta, whose fault is that? It is im-
perialism's fault. They have created a situation in Ghana that forced
those now in power to fight for the interests of the people of Ghana.
When Ghana was prosperous, we in Upper Volta had no qualms
about taking full advantage of their prosperity. Today, when Ghana
has difficulties, why would we turn our backs?
No, we are sincere. The people maintain their affection. Individu-
als may perhaps betray, but peoples do not betray each other. The
people of Ghana need the Voltaic people, and we need them.
When Rawlings closed his borders, 2 they protested. They don't
like Rawlings. He closes his borders, stays at home, and they pro-
test?
Well, Ghana can impose nothing on us nor we on it. Rawlings
can't give us lessons, nor we him. However, when he says "No way
for kalabulel" —
no to corruption —
he says something that is in the
interests of the people of Ghana and of all other peoples. The Voltaic
people, too, are against corruption.
The enemies of the CSP also say that we are "reds," that is, com-
munists. That gives us a great deal of satisfaction, because it proves
that our enemies are in disarray —
that they have lost their bearings
and no longer know what to say or do. We have done nothing of a
communist nature here. We have simply called for cleaning things
up, social justice, liberty, and democracy.
When we took the decision to quash the ordinance issued by the
Military Committee for the Enhancement of National Progress for-
bidding the opening of bars at certain times, we heard the Voltaic
people say: we have our interests, and we prefer these folks in the
CSP, whether they're red or green, communists or not. This is what
it means to be close to the masses. It's not the label that counts.
They call us communists to frighten the people. They accuse us of

being communists and then tell you that communism is bad. We have
no intention of telling you that communism is good or bad. We have
only one intention —to tell you what concrete actions we will take,
with you and for you, regardless of what label is pinned on them.
The enemies of the people also say that we are attacking foreigners.
No. We love all foreigners, those who are here today and those who
will comein the future. We take as a given that they love the Voltaic
people. We don't assume they are here to exploit us.
WHO ARE THE ENEMIES? • 19
The CSP intends to create, together with you, the conditions for
mobilization and work. We want the people to organize themselves
forwork and for the battle we are going to wage.
We know, example, that certain regions of Upper Volta, such
for
as Orodara, have been very successful at growing fruits and vegeta-
bles. We know too that in these regions the produce rots because of
the lack of means to transport it. So we think that the people should
be mobilized in Orodara to build landing strips so that planes can
come in. The mangoes will reach Ouagadougou and Dori and that
will be good for the people of Upper Volta.
This is the kind of work we're talking about. Every day now we
should be beginning large-scale construction projects, and we want
you to mobilize massively to carry them out. We want to build a
monument in Ouagadougou —
a people's theater. We'll build simi-
lar things in every region, relying on our youth. You will build them
in order to prove that you are capable of transforming your existence
and the concrete conditions you live in. You don't need us to go
looking for foreign moneylenders to do this. You only need us to
grant you liberty and rights. This will be done.
In addition, the Council for the Salvation of the People intends to
put a stop to certain practices. When you arrive at a hospital with a
hemorrhage or a fracture, for example, you are ignored even if —
you're about to pass out —
just because you're a man of the people,
a worker, so that some minister or president or prime minister's cold
can be treated. We will put a stop to this; we must denounce it every
day.
Be confident that we will put a stop to the misappropriation of
funds, speculation, and illicit enrichment. This is why we are locking
up, and will continue to lock up, all those who steal money from the
people.
We tell the people to be ready to fight, to be ready to take up arms
and resist every time it is necessary to do so. Have no fear. Nothing
will happen. The enemy knows that the Voltaic people are now ma-
ture.
They say that two years is too short a time for the transition to nor-
mal constitutional life. We say it's more than sufficient, because if
you provide freedom of speech under conditions of total freedom and
democracy the people will tell you what they want in thirty minutes.
We don't need two years.
The CSP thanks you for your mobilization. We were right to have
confidence in you and to join with you, side by side, in this fight
against the enemy of the people — imperialism. This is why we
should affirm together:

Down with imperialism! Down with imperialism! Down with im-
perialism!
Down with the enemies of the people!
Down with the embezzlers of public funds!
Down with the fakers in Upper Volta!
Down with fakery!
Down with the predatory owls that strike in the darkness!
Down with the fence-sitting chameleons!
Down with the ravenous jackals!
Down with the cornered foxes!
Down with the wreckers!
Down with those who hide behind diplomas paid for by the sweat
of the people, who are incapable of serving the people, but who use
their diplomas to speak in the name of the people!
Down with those who are against the ties between the army and the
people!
Down with those who are against the ties between the people and
the army!
Down with those against the people who hide under various suits
of clothes, black and white!
Imperialism will be buried in Upper Volta. Its lackeys will be
buried in Upper Volta.
Long live Upper Volta!
Long live democracy!
Long live liberty!
Thank you. We will meet again very soon.
Notes
1. Approximately 250 CFA francs equaled one U.S. dollar in 1983.

2. Ghana closed its borders following an attempted coup on November
23, 1982.
Struggle for a Bright Future
August 4, 1983
On May 17, 1983, Sankara, Jean-Baptiste Lingani, and others

were arrested in a coup organized by President Ouedraogo and
senior military officers in the Council for the Salvation of the People.
Thousands took to the streets of Ouagadougou in response, demand-
ing freedom for Sankara. Sankara and Lingani were released from
prison and placed under house arrest on May 30. Capt. Blaise Com-
paore and 250 others marched on Ouagadougou on August 4, freed
Sankara and Lingani from house arrest, and overthrew the Oue-
draogo regime. Sankara, as president of the new National Council of
the Revolution, broadcast the following radio address in French to
the people of Upper Volta at 10:00 p.m. on the evening of August 4,
1983. It is translated from a transcription of the broadcast.
People of Upper Volta!

Soldiers, noncommissioned officers, and officers of the national
army, together with paramilitary forces, today once again were
obliged to intervene into the running of state affairs so as to restore
independence and liberty to our country and dignity to our people.
In reality, the patriotic and progressive objectives that brought the
Council for the Salvation of the People (CSP) to power on November
7, 1982, were betrayed six months later on May 17, 1983, by indi-
viduals vehemently opposed to the Voltaic people's interests and as-
pirations toward democracy and liberty.
You know who these individuals are who fraudulently wormed
way into the history of our people. They revealed themselves in
their
pitiful fashion first by two-faced policies and later by their open
their
alliance with all those conservative and reactionary forces who are
capable of nothing more than serving the interests of the enemies of
the people, the interests of foreign domination and neocolonialism.
Today, August 4, 1983, soldiers, noncommissioned officers, and
from all the different military branches and units, motivated
officers
21
by patriotism, decided to sweep away this unpopular regime — a

groveling regime of subjugation established on by May 17, 1983,
Comdr. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo under the leadership of Col. Gab-
riel Some Yoryan and his thugs.
Today, August 4, 1983, the patriotic and progressive soldiers,

noncommissioned officers, and officers have thus cleansed the honor
of our people and their army and have restored to them their dignity,
enabling them to enjoy once again the esteem and respect enjoyed at
home and abroad by everyone from Upper Volta during the period
from November 7, 1982, to May 17, 1983.
To achieve this honorable goal, the goal of dignity, true indepen-
dence, and progress for Upper Volta and its people, those involved in
the present movement of armed forces have learned the
the Voltaic
bitter lessons of the experience with the CSP.
On this day, August 4, 1983, we are establishing the National
Council of the Revolution (CNR), which will assume state power
from this moment on, replacing the regime of the phantom CSP
headed by Comdr. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo, who had already arbi-
trarily dissolved it.
People of Upper Volta! The National Council of the Revolution

calls on every single one of you, man or woman, young or old, to
mobilize your active support behind it and be vigilant. We invite
the Voltaic people to form Committees for the Defense of the Rev-
olution everywhere in order to fully participate in the CNR's great
patriotic struggle and to prevent our enemies here and abroad from
harming our people. Political parties are, of course, herewith dis-
1
solved.
On the international plane, the National Council of the Revolution
pledges to respect all agreements between our country and others.
Likewise, it maintains Upper Volta 's membership in regional, conti-
nental, and international organizations.
The National Council of the Revolution is not directed against any
country, state, or people. It proclaims its solidarity with all other
peoples and its will to live in peace and friendship with all countries,
in particular with Upper Volta' s neighboring countries.
The basic purpose and main objective of the CNR is to defend the
interests of the Voltaic people and fulfill their aspirations toward lib-
erty,genuine independence, and economic and social progress.
People of Upper Volta: forward with the National Council of the
Revolution in the great patriotic struggle for a bright future for our
country!
Homeland or death, we will triumph!
STRUGGLE FOR A BRIGHT FUTURE 23
Long live the Voltaic people!

Long live the National Council of the Revolution!
Notes
1 . While the bourgeois parties were banned with the taking of power, or-
ganizations of the left began to function openly.
Power Must Be Conquered
by a Conscious People
August 21, 1983
On August 21, 1983, Sankara gave his first news conference as

president to the international press. The following major excerpts
are translated from a transcript of the news conference, which was
broadcast live over Upper Volta's national radio station.
Question: Mr. President, August 4 is seen by certain people as an

act of revenge against thosewho held power after May 17. How
would you explain it?
Thomas Sankara: I, too, have heard this explanation. You have to

understand that for some people the Voltaic people's problem is sim-
ply a problem of cliques. It is completely normal for such people to
see each action as an act of revenge, as a recapturing of positions and
so on.
For us, August 4 was simply the logical outcome —
the concreti-
zation —
of the popular will that you have been able to witness your-
selves here in Upper Volta.
We who mobilized in Ouagadougou and
say, too, that all those
elsewhere after the famous May 17 coup did so not just because of
Captain Sankara and his comrades but as part of a process to which
they are very committed —
a process aimed at the liberation of the
Voltaic people so that they can take charge of their own development
and destiny. They fought because they did not accept the blows
struck against them. They fought because the Voltaic people's in-
terestswere betrayed —
a betrayal that they also could not accept.
Thus, if an act of revenge took place, it was the revenge of the
people against reactionary forces organized around a few men, a few
individuals. It was not the revenge of one group against another.
Question: Mr. President, is the National Council of the Revolu-

tion (CNR) a continuation of the pre-May 17 Council for the Salva-
24
POWER MUST BE CONQUERED • 25
tion of the People (CSP)?

Sankara: We would say yes, that the CNR is a continuation of the
pre-May 17 CSP. But it also goes beyond that. The pre-May 17 CSP
allowed us to link up with the Voltaic people. It enabled us to help
the people express themselves and communicate to us their most sin-
cere and deepest aspirations. It allowed us to become familiar with
these aspirations and formulate policies in line with them the —
policies of the CSP at that time. These policies were to lead the peo-
ple toward progressively taking power —
toward genuinely assum-
ing power in their own interests.
As you know, the pre-May 17 CSP ended precisely with the events
of May 17 —
that is, someone, somewhere, betrayed the people, and
that betrayal took place on May 17.
Question: Mr. President, in a meeting you had with journalists

from Carrefour africain when you were prime minister, you said that
the CSP was seeking a strategy that would put a stop to military
coups in Upper Volta. Now that the destiny of the Voltaic people is
in your hands, do you think it is possible for the establishment of the
CNR to be the last military intervention into the political affairs of
the Voltaic state?
Sankara: We certainly hope so, and we are convinced that the
best way to limit the usurpation of power by a group of individuals,
military or civilian, is above all to put responsibility in the hands of
the people. Coups can be carried out among factions and cliques, but
no lasting coup can be carried out against the people. The best way to
avoid the army seizing power for itself is thus to involve the Voltaic
people in exercising power as of now. This is our aim.
Question: Mr. President, when the CSP came to power on

November 7, 1982, many political observers said you were behind it.
If this was true, why did you not assume the political leadership of
the CSP, thus making it possible to avoid the events of May 17?
Sankara: It is a shame that there are political observers who look
at political problems as they would a comic strip —
they must have
their Zorro, their hero.
No, the problem Upper Volta is much more serious than that. It
in
is a grave error to seek a man, a star —
even going so far as to create
one, such as saying that Captain Sankara created the CSP and was the
brain behind it.
Let me you that November 7 has a complex history, full of

tell
details. November 7 gave birth to an extremely heterogeneous re-

26 - THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
gime with many components and inevitable contradictions. My com-

rades and made every possible effort to prevent the coup from going
I
ahead on November 7. Curiously, we were only in Ouagadougou by

coincidence. And curiously, we had done everything in our power to
convince those who had an interest in the coup to abandon their proj-
ect.
But you must understand that not everyone views political prob-
lems the same way. For some, if you have arms and a few units of the
army with you, that is sufficient to take power. But others have dif-
ferent convictions. Power must be conquered above all by a con-
scious people. The question of arms is merely complementary to
this, necessary at given moments and under specific circumstances.
This is why it is good for you to know that in carrying out the
November 7 coup, some well-concealed players tried to involve
others in their project, or at least to achieve their ambitions by using
and exploiting others.
These people wanted to install someone —
let me name names —
they wanted to put Colonel Some Yoryan in as president of Upper
Volta. They also wanted to free certain elements of the Third Repub-
lic imprisoned by the Military Committee for the Enhancement of
National Progress (CMRPN). 1
To succeed in this project and attain their goal they needed mili-
tary backing. The best way for them to obtain this, since they felt —
and indeed were — isolated within the army, was to float the propo-
sition throughout the units of the army that all those who wished to lib-
erate the detained officers — Capt.
Blaise Compaore, Capt. Henri
Zongo, Captain Sankara, and others, such as Colonel Lingani, who
was in danger —
should participate in their coup. 2
This approach paid off since many military men felt a moral obli-
gation toward these officers. They gave their support and agreed to
fight, unaware that the officers —
all those I have named were —
themselves against the coup and had said so to officers such as Cap-
tain Kambouele and Comdr. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo, just to name
a few. They had explained to these officers the risks and dangers in-
volved in such a coup.
But not everyone sees politics in the same way. Though we spent
hours —
entire nights —
in discussions with these officers in an at-
tempt to convince them, they acted on their plan and the November
7 coup took place. Of course, given the contradictions that arose
among them, they were unable to install Colonel Some Yoryan as
head of state. Though certain people were happy to see some ele-
ments of the Third Republic freed from prison, there were those who
POWER MUST BE CONQUERED • 27
were disappointed to see other Third Republic elements freed. You

must understand these contradictions too.
Of course, they did not hesitate to name Captain Sankara as the
strongman and place responsibility for the coup on him, saying to
themselves that the bed had been made, so Sankara would have no
choice but to lie in it.
I know that the media repeated this information, thus condemning

us to accept political responsibilities that we had rejected for political
reasons and yet that we were beginning to be forced to accept for
strictly political reasons. As you can understand, a regime born in
this way could not last very long.
You should know, too, that we always tried —
perhaps out of sen-
timentality, maybe because we were naive, or perhaps simply out of
honesty — to win these putschists to a better understanding of things.
We did this despite all the contradictions, differences, and opposing
views that existed between us, and even though we had greater
strength than this putschist clique, both on a military level and on the
level of democratic debate with them. Naturally, we also tried to
spare them from any violent encounters.
You know that Comdr. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo was protected
and guarded by commandos trained by us. These commandos main-
tained all the loyalty and fidelity toward us that elite troops are ca-
pable of forging between themselves and their officers. At any mo-
ment, we could have carried out a coup against him had we wanted
to. We even took risks to prevent coups from being carried out
against him.
So you can understand that the November 7 coup was a hard blow
against us — an extremely hard blow. At a certain point we submit-
ted our resignation to President Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo. He re-
members this. He never made it public, but we gave him our resigna-
tion because, as we said at the time, we disagreed with his policies.
We knew that he was still receiving orders from somewhere. We also
knew that we could not win him to our positions, but we did not want
to carry out a coup against him. Instead, we preferred to simply and
honestly resign. He
never accepted our resignation.
So this is one of factors involved in the events of November 7.
set
Let us say that there are still mysteries to be uncovered. Maybe his-
tory will be able to speak at greater length on this and situate respon-
sibility for the coup more clearly.
Question: Mr. President, coming back to one of your earlier an-

swers, can you set a date at this point when the army will return to the
barracks? And can you also tell us what kind of relations you wish to
establish with the political forces that exist in the country and, more
generally, what you will do to preserve freedom of speech to which
you have been, I believe, very much attached in the past?
Sankara: On your first question, concerning the return of the
army to the barracks. You favor this. You have every right to do so.
But please understand that for us there are not revolutionaries in the
barracks and those outside the barracks. Rather, there are revolution-
aries everywhere. The army is a component of the Voltaic people. As
such it is same contradictions as other layers of the
subject to the
population. We
brought the power out of the barracks.
You will have noticed that we are the first military regime that did
not establish its headquarters in a military garrison. This is very sig-
nificant —
even more so since we have set ourselves up in the seat of
3
the Entente Council. You understand the significance of this.
For us, it is not a question of the military taking power one day and
giving it up the next. Military personnel must live and suffer with the
Voltaic people and fight side by side with them at all times. So there
is no deadline we are trying to meet. You are no doubt thinking of the
assertion that military personnel should no longer be involved in

politics. People in certain milieus in our country were enamored of
this idea because for them certain military men should no longer be
involved in politics. That's what they really meant. The proof is that
it was military men in power who said this. For them, certain military
men should no longer be involved in politics, so they placed them

under house arrest.
With regard to political forces —
what kind of relations would you
like us to establish? We have met face to face and discussed directly
with the leaders —
that is with the former leaders of the former —
political parties, because as far as we are concerned these parties no
longer exist, they have been dissolved.
The matter is quite clear. The relations we have with them are sim-
ply the same relations we have with other citizens of Upper Volta, or,
if they wish to become revolutionaries also, the same relations as
those that exist among revolutionaries. The only relations that can
exist today are those among revolutionaries, and those with counter-
revolutionaries.
You raised the question of freedom of speech, to which I "was
very attached." I would say that I am very consistent, even if I some-
times change hats. I am quite consistent and am still attached to
freedom of speech. I simply state that citizens of Upper Volta will
never cease to be free to defend liberty, justice, and democracy.
.
POWER MUST BE CONQUERED 29
This is all we will allow.

All those who wish to become involved in this struggle will find a
place in our press, in our media, in the columns of our paper, and
even in the streets if they wish to defend liberty, freedom of expres-
sion, democracy, and justice. Outside the framework of such a strug-
gle, there remains only a struggle by reactionaries and counter-
revolutionaries whom we will confront.
Notes
1 Imprisoned elements of the Third Republic refers to members of the

government of President Sangoule Lamizana, overthrown in a 1980 coup by
Col. Saye Zerbo's Military Committee for the Enhancement of National
Progress.
2. See the chronology, April 12, 1982.
3. The National Council of the Revolution set up its offices in
Ouagadougou in four villas originally constructed in the 1960s for the use of
visiting heads of state from members of the Entente Council, a regional
trade, investment, and economic development body.
The Political Orientation Speech
October 2, 1983
Sankara presented this speech on October 2, 1983, on behalf of

the National Council of the Revolution in a national radio and tele-
vision broadcast. It is translated, including the subheadings, from a
pamphlet published in October 1983 by the Ministry of Information
of Upper Volta.

Comrades, cadres of the revolution!
In the course of this year, 1983, our country has gone through
some particularly intense moments, whose impact still remains indel-
ibly stamped on the minds of many citizens. During this period, the
struggle of the Voltaic people has gone through ebbs and flows.
Our people have borne the test of heroic struggles and finally
triumphed on the now historic night of August 4, 1983. The revolu-
tion here has been moving forward irreversibly for nearly two
months now — two months in which the fighting people of Upper
Volta have mobilized as one behind the National Council of the Rev-
olution (CNR) in order to build a new, free, independent, and pros-
perous Voltaic society; a new society free from social injustice and
international imperialism's century-long domination and exploita-
tion.
As we complete this brief stage of our journey, I invite you to
look back with me to draw the lessons necessary for correctly de-
termining our immediate and medium-term revolutionary tasks. By
gaining a clear view of the unfolding events, we will strengthen our
struggle against imperialism and reactionary social forces all the
more.
To sum up, where have we come from and where are we going?
Those are the key questions that we must answer clearly, resolutely,
and unequivocally, if we wish to go forward with confidence to
greater and more resounding victories.
30
POLITICAL ORIENTATION SPEECH 31
The August revolution is the culmination

of the Voltaic people's struggle
The triumph of the August revolution is due not only to the revo-
blow struck against the sacrosanct reactionary alliance of
lutionary
May 17, 1983. It is also the product of the Voltaic people's struggle
against their long-standing enemies. It represents a victory over in-
ternational imperialism and its national allies; a victory over back-
ward, obscurantist, and sinister forces; and a victory over all the
enemies of the people who have plotted and schemed against them.
The August revolution is the culmination of the popular insurrec-
tion unleashed following the imperialist plot of May 17, 1983, which
was aimed at stemming the rising tide of this country's democratic
and revolutionary forces.
This insurrection was symbolized by the courageous and heroic
stance of the commandos of the city of P6, who put up fierce resis-
tance to the proimperialist and antipopular regime of Comdr. Jean-
Baptiste Ouedraogo and Colonel Some Yoryan. It also entailed the
participation of the popular, democratic, and revolutionary forces
that were able to mount an exemplary resistance in alliance with the
soldiers and patriotic officers.
The insurrection of August 4, 1983, the victory of the revolution,
and the advent of the National Council of the Revolution thus un-
questionably constitute the confirmation and logical outcome of the
Voltaic people's struggle against the subjugation of our country, and
for the independence, freedom, dignity, and progress of our people.
Simplistic and superficial analyses limited to repeating preestab-
lished schemas cannot change the reality of these facts.
The August revolution was thus the victorious heir to the deepen-
ing of the people's uprising of January 3, 1966. It was both the con-
tinuation of, and raised to a qualitatively higher level, all the great
struggles of the people that have been multiplying in recent years, all
of which have marked a consistent refusal by the Voltaic people, in
particular the working class and the toilers, to be governed as before.
The most notable and significant milestones of these great popular
struggles are December 1975, May 1979, October and November
1980, April 1982, and May 1983. l
It is a well-established fact that the great movement of popular re-
sistance that emerged immediately following the reactionary and

proimperialist provocation of May 17, 1983, created conditions
favorable to the August 4, 1983, events. In fact, the imperialist plot
of May 17 precipitated a large-scale regroupment of the democratic
and revolutionary forces and organizations that mobilized during this

period, took initiatives, and carried out actions more audacious than
any previously known. During this time, the sacrosanct alliance of
reactionary forces around the moribund regime labored under its in-
ability to block the advance of the revolutionary forces, which
mounted an increasingly open attack on the antipopular and anti-
democratic forces in power.
The people's demonstrations of May 20, 21, and 22 met with a
broad national response essentially due to their great political signifi-
cance. They provided concrete proof that an entire people, especially
the youth, subscribed openly to the revolutionary ideals defended by
those whom the forces of reaction had moved against with such
treachery. These demonstrations were of great significance in action,
since they expressed the determination of an entire people and its
youth who rose to their feet in order to confront concretely the forces
of imperialist domination and exploitation. They constituted the
most positive proof of the fact that when the people stand on their
feet, imperialism and the social forces allied with it tremble.
History and the process by which the popular masses develop
political consciousness evolve dialectically outside the laws of reac-
tionary logic. That is why the May 1983 events played a weighty role
in accelerating the process of political clarification in our country to
the point where the popular masses as a whole made a qualitative
leap in their understanding of the situation. The events of May 17
greatly contributed to opening the eyes of the Voltaic people. Im-
perialism as a system of oppression and exploitation was revealed to
them in a brutal and cruel flash.
There are days that hold lessons richer than those of an entire de-
cade. During such days, the people learn with such incredible speed
and so profoundly that a thousand days of study are nothing in com-
parison.
The events of the month of May 1983 allowed the Voltaic people
to know its enemies Thus, henceforth in Upper Volta,
better.
everyone knows who is who, who is with and against whom, and
who does what and why.
This kind of situation was a prelude to the massive upheavals that
helped lay bare the sharpening class contradictions of Voltaic soci-
ety. The August revolution thus came as the solution to social con-
tradictions that could no longer be stifled by compromise.
The enthusiastic loyalty of the broad popular masses to the August
revolution is the concrete expression of the immense hopes that the
Voltaic people place in the establishment of the National Council of
POLITICAL ORIENTATION SPEECH 33
the Revolution. They hope that their deep-going aspirations can fi-
nally be achieved — aspirations for democracy, liberty, and indepen-

dence, for genuine progress, for a restoration of the dignity and gran-
deur of our homeland, aspirations that have been particularly flouted
during twenty-three years of neocolonial rule.
Legacy of twenty-three years of neocolonialism

The establishment of the CNR on August 4, 1983, and the sub-
sequent installation of a revolutionary government in Upper Volta
has opened a glorious page in the annals of the history of our people
and country. However, the legacy bequeathed to us by twenty-three
years of imperialist exploitation and domination is a heavy one. The
task of constructing a new society cleansed of all the ills that keep our
country in a state of poverty and economic and cultural backward-
ness will be long and hard.
In the 1960s, French colonialism —
harried on all sides, defeated
at Dien Bien Phu, and tremendous difficulty in Algeria
in —
drew
the lessons of those defeats and was forced to grant our country its
national sovereignty and territorial integrity. This was greeted posi-
tively by our people, who had not been indifferent to this question
but had instead developed appropriate resistance struggles. The deci-
sion by French colonial imperialism to cut its losses was a victory for
our people over the forces of foreign oppression and exploitation.
From the masses' point of view, it was a democratic reform, while
from that of imperialism it was a change in the forms of domination
and exploitation of our people.
This change nevertheless resulted in a realignment of classes and
social layers and the formation of new classes. In alliance with the
backward forces of traditional society, and in total contempt of the
masses, whom they had used as a springboard to power, the petty-
bourgeois intelligentsia of that time set about laying the political and
economic foundations for new forms of imperialist domination and
exploitation. Fear that the struggle of the popular masses would be-
come more radical and lead to a genuine revolutionary solution was
the basis for the choice made by imperialism. Henceforth, it would
maintain its stranglehold over our country and perpetuate the exploi-
tation of our people through national intermediaries. Voltaic nation-
als were to take over as agents for foreign domination and exploita-
tion.The entire process of organizing neocolonial society would be
nothing more than a simple operation of substituting one form for
another.
In essence, neocolonial society and colonial society differed not at

all. The was replaced by a neocolonial ad-
colonial administration
ministration identical to every respect. The colonial army was
it in
replaced by a neocolonial army with the same characteristics, the
same functions, and the same role of safeguarding the interests of im-
perialism and its national allies. The colonial school system was re-
placed by neocolonial schools, which pursued the same goals of
alienating our children from our country and reproducing a society
that would primarily serve the interests of imperialism and secondarily
those of its local lackeys and allies.
With the support and blessing of imperialism, Voltaic nationals set

about organizing the systematic plunder of our country. With the
crumbs of this pillage that fell to them, they were transformed, little
by little, into a truly parasitic bourgeoisie that could no longer con-
trol its voracious appetite. Driven solely by personal interest, they no
longer hesitated at even the most dishonest means, engaging in mas-
sive corruption, embezzlement of public funds and properties, influ-
ence-peddling and real estate speculation, and practicing favoritism
and nepotism.
This is what accounts for all the material and financial wealth they
accumulated from the sweat of the toilers. Not content to live off the
fabulous incomes derived from the shameless exploitation of their ill-
gotten wealth, they fought tooth and nail to capture political posts
that would allow them to use the state apparatus to further their
exploitation and underhanded dealings.
Hardly a year passed without them treating themselves to ex-
travagant vacations abroad. Their children deserted the country's
schools for prestigious educations in other countries. All the re-
sources of the state were mobilized to guarantee them, at the slightest
illness, expensive care in luxury hospitals in foreign countries.
All this has unfolded in full view of the honest, courageous, and
hardworking Voltaic people, a people mired nonetheless in the most
squalid misery. While Upper Volta is a paradise for the wealthy
minority, it is a barely tolerable hell for the majority, the people.
As part of this big majority, the wage earners, despite the fact that
they are assured a regular income, suffer the constraints and pitfalls
of capitalist consumer society. Their income is completely consumed
before they have even touched it. This vicious cycle goes on and on
with no perspective of being broken.

Through their respective trade unions, the wage earners engage in
struggles to improve their living conditions. Sometimes the scope of
those struggles forces concessions from the neocolonial authorities.
POLITICAL ORIENTATION SPEECH • 35
But they simply give with one hand what they take back with the
other.
Thus a 10 percent wage increase is announced with great fanfare,
only to be immediately taxed, wiping out the expected beneficial ef-
fects of the first measure. After five, six, or seven months, the work-
ers finally understand the swindle and mobilize for new struggles.
Seven months is more than enough for the reactionaries in power to
catch their breath and devise new schemes. Thus, in this endless
fight, the worker always comes out the loser.
The peasants, the "wretched of the earth," are also a component of
this big majority. These peasants are expropriated, robbed,
molested, imprisoned, ridiculed, and humiliated every day, yet they
are the ones whose labor creates wealth. The country's economy
stays afloat despite its weakness thanks to their productive labor. It is
from this labor that all those nationals for whom Upper Volta is an El
Dorado sweeten their lives. Yet it is the peasants who suffer most
from the lack of buildings, roads, health facilities, and services.
These peasants, creators of national wealth, are the ones who suffer
the most from the lack of schools and educational materials for their
children. It is their children who will swell the ranks of the un-
employed after a brief stint in classrooms poorly adapted to the
realities of this country. It is among the peasants that the illiteracy
rate is the highest — 98 percent. Those who most need to learn, so
that the output of their productive labor can increase, are the very
ones who benefit the least from expenditures for health care, educa-
and technology.
tion,
The peasant youth — who have the same attitudes as all youth,
greater sensitivity to social injustice, and greater desire for progress
— finally leave the countryside in revolt, thus depriving it of its most
dynamic elements.
Their initial impulse drives these youth to the large urban centers,
Ouagadougou and Bobo Dioulasso. There they hope to find better-
paying jobs and to benefit from the advantages of progress. The lack
of jobs pushes them to idleness, with all its characteristic vices. Fi-
nally, so as not to end up in prison, they seek salvation by going
abroad, where the most shameless humiliation and exploitation await
them. But does Voltaic society leave them any other choice?
Stated most succinctly, this is the situation in our country after
twenty-three years of neocolonialism: a paradise for some and hell
for the rest.
After twenty-three years of imperialist domination and exploita-
tion, our country remains a backward agricultural country where the
rural sector —
90 percent of the active population accounts for —
only 45 percent of our gross domestic product and furnishes 95 per-
cent of the country's total exports.
More should be noted that in other countries farmers
simply, it
manage not only to

constituting less than 5 percent of the population
feed themselves adequately and satisfy the basic needs of the entire
nation, but also to export enormous quantities of their agricultural
produce. Here, however, despite strenuous exertions, more than 90
percent of the population experiences famine and want and, along
with the rest of the population,is obliged to fall back on imported ag-
ricultural productsand even international aid. In addition, the imbal-

ance between exports and imports helps accentuate the country's de-
pendence on others. As a result, the trade deficit grows considerably
over the years and the value of our exports covers only about 25 per-
cent of imports.
To state it more clearly, we buy more from abroad than we sell.
An economy on such a basis is headed for increasing

that functions
ruin and catastrophe. Private investments coming in from abroad are
not only insufficient, but eat enormous holes in our country's econ-
omy and thus contribute nothing toward increasing its ability to ac-
cumulate. An important portion of the wealth created through foreign
investments is siphoned off abroad, instead of being reinvested to in-
crease the country's productive capacity. In the 1973-79 period, it is
estimated that 1 .7 billion CFA francs left the country each year as in-
come from new investments ac-
direct foreign investments, while
counted only for an average of 1 .3 billion CFA francs a year.
This insufficient investment in production has impelled the Vol-
taic state to play a fundamental role in the national economy to sup-
plement private investment. This is a difficult situation, considering
that the state's budgetary income is basically composed of tax rev-
enues. These represent 85 percent of total revenues and largely come
from import duties and taxes. In addition to financing national in-
vestment, this income finances state expenditures, 70 percent of
which go to pay the salaries of government employees and to ensure
the functioning of administrative services. What, then, can possibly
be left for social and cultural investments?
In the realm of education, our country is among the most back-
ward, with 16.4 percent of our children attending school and an illit-
eracy rate that reaches an average of 92 percent. This means that
barely 8 out of every 100 Voltaics know how to read and write in any
language.
On the level of health, the rate of illness and mortality is among
the highest in the subregion because of the proliferation of com-

municable diseases and nutritional deficiencies. How can we possi-
bly avoid such a catastrophic situation when there is only one hospi-
tal bed per 1 ,200 inhabitants and one doctor per 48,000 inhabitants?
These few elements alone are enough to illustrate the legacy be-
queathed to us by twenty-three years of neocolonialism, twenty-three
years of a policy of total national neglect.
No Voltaic who loves and honors his country can be indifferent to
this situation, which is one of the most disheartening. Our people,
our courageous, hardworking people, have never been able to toler-
ate such a situation. Knowing that it is a product not of fate, but of
society being organized on an unjust basis for the sole benefit of a
minority, the people have systematically struggled in many different
ways, searching for the means to put an end to the old order of
things.
This is why our people greeted with wild enthusiasm the National
Council of the Revolution and the August revolution, the crowning
point of the efforts and sacrifices they had made in order to over-
throw the old order and install a new one capable of rehabilitating the
Voltaic man and giving our country a choice place among the con-
federation of free, prosperous, and respected nations.
The parasitic classes that have always profited from a colonial and
neocolonial Upper Volta are, and will continue to be, hostile to the
transformations undertaken by the revolutionary process begun on
August 4, 1983, because they are attached by an umbilical cord to in-
ternational imperialism and will remain so. They are and remain fer-
vent defenders of the privileges they have acquired through their al-
legiance to imperialism.
Regardless of what is said or done, they will remain true to them-
selves and will continue to plot and scheme with the goal of recon-
quering their "lost kingdom." It is pointless to expect that these nos-
talgic people will change their views and attitude. The only language
they understand is the language of struggle, the struggle of the revo-
lutionary classes against those who exploit and oppress the people.
For them, our revolution will be the most authoritarian thing there is;
it will be an act through which the people will impose their will by all
available means, including arms if necessary.

Who are these enemies of the people?
They revealed themselves to the people by their viciousness to-
ward the revolutionary forces during the May 17 events. The people
have identified them in the heat of revolutionary battle. They are:
1 .The Voltaic bourgeoisie, which can be broken down according
to the functions of its various sectors into the state, comprador, and
middle bourgeoisie.
The state bourgeoisie: This is the sector known as the politico-bu-
reaucratic bourgeoisie. It is a bourgeoisie that has used its political
monopoly to enrich itself in an illicit and indecent manner, using the
state apparatus just as an industrial capitalist uses the means of pro-
duction to accumulate surplus value drawn from the exploitation of
the workers' labor power. This sector of the bourgeoisie will never
renounce its old advantages of its own accord and passively observe
the ongoing revolutionary transformations.
The commercial bourgeoisie: This sector, by its very activity, is
linked to imperialism by numerous ties. For this sector, the end of
imperialist domination means the death of "the goose that lays the
golden egg." That is why it will oppose the present revolution with
all its might. From this category, for example, emerge those disrep-
utable merchants who try to starve the people by withdrawing

supplies from the market in order better to pursue their speculation
and economic sabotage.
The middle bourgeoisie: This sector of the Voltaic bourgeoisie, al-
though it has ties with imperialism, competes with it for control of
the market. But since it is economically weaker, it is pushed aside by
imperialism. It therefore has grievances against imperialism but also
fears the people, and this fear may lead it to make a bloc with im-
perialism. Nevertheless, because the domination of our country by
imperialism prevents this sector from playing its real role as a na-
tional bourgeoisie, some of its elements could, under certain cir-
cumstances, be favorable to the revolution. This would place them
objectively on the side of the people. However, we must cultivate
among the people a revolutionary mistrust of such elements who
move toward the revolution, since all kinds of opportunists will rally
to it under this cover.
2. The reactionary forces who base their power on the traditional,
feudal-type structures of our society and who werein their majority
able to put French colonial imperialism. But
up staunch resistance to
since our country gained national sovereignty, they have joined
forces with the reactionary bourgeoisie to oppress the Voltaic people.
These forces have used the peasant masses as a reservoir of votes to
be delivered to the highest bidder.
In order to preserve their interests, which they have in common
with those of imperialism and which are opposed to those of the peo-
ple, these reactionary forces most frequently rely on the decaying
values of our traditional culture that still persist in rural areas. These
.
backward forces will oppose our revolution to the extent that it

democratizes social relations in the countryside, increases the peas-
ants' responsibilities, and brings them greater education and knowl-
edge with which to achieve their own economic and cultural emanci-
pation.
These are the enemies of the people in the present revolution,
enemies identified by the people themselves during the May events.
These are the forces that constituted the bulk of those who, isolated
and protected by a cordon of soldiers, marched to demonstrate their
class support for the already moribund regime that emerged from the
reactionary and proimperialist [May 17] coup d'etat. All those who
are not part of the reactionary and antirevolutionary classes and so-
cial layers enumerated above are part of the Voltaic people, a people
who consider imperialist domination and exploitation an abomina-
tion and who have continually demonstrated this through concrete
daily struggles against the different neocolonial regimes.
The people, in the current revolution, are composed of:
1 The Voltaic working class, which is young and few in number,
but which has proved through continuous struggle against the em-
ployers that it is a genuinely revolutionary class. In the current rev-
olution, it is a class that has everything to gain and nothing to lose.
Ithas no means of production to lose, it has no piece of property to
defend within the framework of the old neocolonial society. To the
contrary, it is convinced that the revolution is its own, because it will
emerge from the revolution more numerous and stronger.
2. The petty bourgeoisie, which constitutes a vast social layer that
is very unstable and that often vacillates between the cause of the
popular masses and that of imperialism. In its great majority, it al-

ways ends up taking the side of the popular masses. It is composed of
the most diverse elements, including small traders, petty-bourgeois
intellectuals (government employees, students, private sector em-
ployees, and so on), and artisans.
3. The Voltaic peasantry, which is composed in its big majority of
small peasants who, as a result of the ongoing disintegration of col-
lective propertyforms since the introduction of the capitalist mode of
production in our country, are attached to their small plots of land.
Market relations have increasingly dissolved communal bonds and
replaced them with private property in the means of production. In
the new situation thus created by the penetration of capitalism into
our countryside, the Voltaic peasant, tied to small-scale produc-
tion, embodies bourgeois productive relations. From this perspec-
tive, the Voltaic peasantry is also an integral part of the petty-
bourgeois layer of the population.

Because of its past and present situation, it is the social layer that
has had to pay the highest price for imperialist domination and
exploitation. The economic and cultural backwardness that charac-
terizes our countryside has kept it isolated from the main currents of
progress and modernization, relegating it to the role of a reservoir for
reactionary political parties. Nevertheless, the peasantry has a stake
in the revolution and, in terms of numbers, is its principal force.
4. The lumpenproletariat, a layer of declassed elements who, since
they are without work, are inclined to hire themselves out to reaction-
ary and counterrevolutionary forces to carry out the latter' s dirty
work. To the extent that the revolution can win them over by giving
them something useful to do, they can become its fervent defenders.
The character and scope of the August revolution
The revolutions that take place around the world are not all alike.
Each revolution has its own originality, which distinguishes it from
the others. Our revolution, the August revolution, is no exception. It
takes into account the special features of our country, its level of de-
velopment, and its subjugation by the world imperialist capitalist
system.
Our is a revolution that is unfolding in a backward, ag-
revolution
ricultural countrywhere the weight of tradition and ideology emanat-
ing from a feudal-type social organization weighs very heavily on the
popular masses. It is a revolution in a country that, because of the op-
pression and exploitation of our people by imperialism, has evolved
from a colony It is a revolution occurring in a coun-
into a neocolony.
try still lacking an organized working class, conscious of its historic
mission, and therefore not possessing any tradition of revolutionary
struggle. It is a revolution taking place in one of the continent's small
countries, at a time when the revolutionary movement on the interna-
tional level is increasingly coming apart and there is no visible hope
of seeing forged a homogenous bloc capable of encouraging and giv-
ing practical support to nascent revolutionary movements. All these
historical, geographic, and sociological circumstances stamp our
revolution with a certain, specific imprint.
The August revolution has a dual character: It is a democratic and
popular revolution. Its primary tasks are to liquidate imperialist
domination and exploitation and cleanse the countryside of all social,
economic, and cultural obstacles that keep it in a backward state.
From this flows its democratic character.
popular character arises from the full participation of the Vol-

Its
taic masses in the revolution and their consistent mobilization around

democratic and revolutionary slogans that express in concrete terms
their own interests as opposed to those of the reactionary classes al-
lied with imperialism. The popular character of the August revolu-
tion also lies in the fact that, in place of the old state machinery, a
new machinery is being constructed that will guarantee the demo-
cratic exercise of power by the people and for the people.
Our current revolution as characterized above, while it is an anti-
imperialist revolution, is nevertheless unfolding within the frame-
work of the limits of a bourgeois economic and social order. In de-
veloping an analysis of the social classes in Voltaic society, we have
put forward the idea that the Voltaic bourgeoisie is not a single,
homogenous, reactionary, and antirevolutionary mass. In fact, what
characterizes the bourgeoisie in underdeveloped countries, under
capitalist relations, is its congenital inability to revolutionize society
as the bourgeoisie of Europe did in the 1780s, that is, in the epoch
when was still an ascending class.
the bourgeoisie
These are the characteristics and limitations of the present revolu-
tion unleashed in Upper Volta beginning August 4, 1983. Having a
clear view and precise definition of its content arms us against the
danger of deviation and excess that could be detrimental to our rev-
olution's advance to victory. All those who have taken up the de-
fense of the August revolution should assimilate the guiding perspec-
tive developed here, so as to be able to assume their role as conscious
revolutionaries, real propagandists who, fearlessly and tirelessly,
disseminate this perspective to the masses.
no longer enough to call ourselves revolutionary. We must
It is
also grasp the profound meaning of the revolution that we are fer-
vently defending. This is the best way to guard it from the attacks and
distortions that the counterrevolutionaries are certain to use against
it. Knowing how to link revolutionary theory to revolutionary prac-
tice will now be the decisive criterion in distinguishing consistent
revolutionaries from all those who flock to the revolution for motives
foreign to the revolutionary cause.
The people's sovereignty in the exercise of revolutionary power

As we have said, one of the distinctive traits of the August revolu-
tion, which gives it its popular character, movement of
is that it is a
the immense majority for the benefit of the immense majority. It is a
revolution made by the Voltaic popular masses themselves, with
their own slogans and aspirations. The goal of this revolution is for
the people to assume power. That is why the first act of the revolu-
tion, following the August 4 proclamation, was an appeal to the peo-
ple to create Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs).
The National Council of the Revolution is convinced that for this rev-
olution to be a genuinely popular revolution it must lead to the de-
struction of the neocolonial state machinery and the organization of a
new machinery capable of guaranteeing the people's sovereignty.
The question of how this popular power will be exercised, how this
power should be organized, is an essential question for the future of
our revolution.
The history of our country up to today has been dominated essen-
tially by the exploiting and conservative classes, which have exer-
cised their antidemocratic and antipopular dictatorship through their
hold on politics, the economy, ideology, culture, administration, and
justice.
The revolution has as its primary objective the transfer of power
from the hands of the Voltaic bourgeoisie allied with imperialism
into the hands of the alliance of popular classes that make up the peo-
ple. This means that the people in power must henceforth counter-
pose their own democratic and popular power to the antidemocratic
and antipopular dictatorship of the reactionary alliance of social
classes that favor imperialism.
This democratic and popular power will be the foundation, the
solid base, of revolutionary power in Upper Volta. Its supreme task
will be the total reconversion of the entire state machinery, with its
laws, administration, courts, police, and army, all of which are

fashioned to serve and defend the selfish interests of the reactionary
social classes and layers. Its task will be to organize the struggle
against counterrevolutionary attempts to reconquer "Paradise Lost,"
with the goal of completely crushing the resistance of reactionaries
who are nostalgic for the past. From this flows the need for the CDRs
and their specific role as the popular masses' beachhead from which
to storm the citadels of reaction and counterrevolution.
For a correct understanding of the nature, role,

and functioning of the CDRs
Building a popular democratic state, the ultimate goal of the Au-
gust revolution, cannot and will not be done in a day. It is an arduous
task that will demand enormous sacrifices of us. The democratic

character of this revolution requires that we decentralize administra-
tive power and bring the administration closer to the people, so as to

make public concern of everyone. In this immense and long-
affairs a
term endeavor, we have undertaken to revise the administrative map
of the country to make it much more efficient. We have also under-
taken to renew the management of our administrative services in a
more revolutionary direction. At the same time, we have dismissed
government officials and officers who, for various reasons, cannot
keep pace with the revolution today. We are aware that much still re-
mains to be done.
Within the revolutionary process that began on August 4, the Na-
tional Council of the Revolution is the power that plans, leads, and
oversees national political, economic, and social life. It must have
local bodies in the various sectors of national life. Therein lies the es-
sential significance of the creation of the CDRs, which are the repre-
sentatives of revolutionary power in the villages, the urban neighbor-
hoods, and the workplaces.
The CDRs are the authentic organization of the people for wield-
ing revolutionary power. They are the instrument the people have
forged in order to take genuine command of their destiny and thereby
extend their control into all areas of society. The people's arms, the
people's power, the people's riches —
it will be the people who will
manage them. The CDRs exist for this purpose.

Their functions are enormous and varied. Their main task is to or-
ganize the Voltaic people as a whole and draw them into the revolu-
tionary struggle. Organized into CDRs, the people acquire not only
the right to review the problems of their development, but also to par-
ticipate in making decisions and carrying them out. The revolution,
as a correct theory for the destruction of the old order and the con-
struction of a new type of society in its place, can be led only by
those who have a stake in it.
The CDRs are the shock troops that will attack all the strongholds
of resistance. They are the builders of a revolutionary Upper Volta.
They are the yeast that must carry the revolution to all of our provinces
and villages, into all public and private services, homes, and milieus.
In order to do that, the revolutionary members of the Committees for
the Defense of the Revolution must energetically outdo each other in
the following basic tasks:
1.Action directed toward CDR members. It is up to revolution-
aries towork to politically educate their comrades. The CDRs must
be schools of political training. The CDRs are the appropriate
framework in which comrades discuss the decisions of the higher
bodies of the revolution: the CNR and the government.
Action directed toward the popular masses, aimed at getting

2.
them to massively support the CNR's objectives through bold and
constant propaganda and agitation. The CDRs must be able to
counter the propaganda and lying slanders of the reactionaries with
appropriate revolutionary propaganda and explanations, based on the
principle that only the truth is revolutionary.
The CDRs must listen to the masses so that they understand their
moods and needs and can inform the CNR of them in a timely way
and make the appropriate concrete proposals. They are urged to think
through questions concerning the improvement of the masses' situa-
tion by supporting initiatives taken by the latter.
It is vitally necessary that the CDRs maintain direct contact with

the popular masses by organizing periodic public meetings at which
questions concerning their interests are discussed. This is essential if
the CDRs wish to help to apply the CNR's directives correctly. Thus,
the CNR's decisions will be explained to the masses through pro-
paganda work, as will all measures aimed at improving their living
conditions. The CDRs must fight alongside the popular masses of the
cities and countryside against their enemies, against the adversities
of nature, and for the transformation of their material and intellectual
existence.
3. The CDRs must work in a rational manner, thereby illustrating
one of the of our revolution
traits —
its rigor. They should therefore
adopt coherent and ambitious plans of action to be followed by all

members.
Since August 4 — a date that has already become a historic one for
our people — Voltaics have taken initiatives to equip themselves
with Committees for the Defense of the Revolution in response to the
CNR's call. CDRs are thus being established in the villages, in the
urban neighborhoods, and will soon be set up in the workplaces, in
the public services, in the factories, and within the army. All this is
the result of spontaneous action by the masses. We must now struc-
ture them on a clear basis and organize them on a national scale. The
National General Secretariat of the CDRs is now setting about this
task. The work of thinking this through on the basis of already ac-
quired experience is currently under way. Until this produces defini-
tive results, we will limit ourselves to giving an outline of the general
guiding principles of the functioning of the CDRs.
The main idea behind the creation of the CDRs is to democratize
power. The CDRs will become the organs through which the people
exercise local power derived from the central power, which is vested
in the National Council of the Revolution.
POLITICAL ORIENTATION SPEECH - 45
The CNR is the supreme power, except during sessions of the na-
tional congress. It is the leading organ of this entire structure, which
is guided by the principle of democratic centralism.

On the one hand, democratic centralism is based on the subordina-
tion of lower organs to higher ones, of which the CNR is the highest
and to which all the organizations are subordinate. On the other
hand, this centralism remains democratic, since the principle of elec-
tions applies at all levels, and the autonomy of the local organs is rec-
ognized regarding all questions under their jurisdiction, within the
limits and according to the general directives drawn up by the higher
body.
Revolutionary morality within the CDRs

The revolution aims to transform all economic, social, and cultural
relations in society. aims to create a new Voltaic man, with an
It
exemplary morality and social behavior that inspires the admiration

and confidence of the masses. Neocolonial domination reduced our
society to such degradation that it will take us years to cleanse it. In
the meantime, CDR members must develop a new consciousness and
a new behavior, with the aim of setting a good example for the mass-
es. While carrying out the revolution, we must pay attention to our
own qualitative transformation. Without a qualitative transformation
of those who are considered to be the architects of the revolution, it
is practically impossible to create a new society free from corruption,
theft, lies, and individualism in general.

We must make every effort to see that our actions live up to our
words and be vigilant with regard to our social behavior so as not to
lay ourselves open to attack by counterrevolutionaries lying in wait.
If we always keep in mind that the interests of the masses take prece-
dence over personal interests, then we will avoid going off course.
The activities of certain CDR members who harbor the counter-
revolutionary dream of amassing property and profits through the
CDRs must be denounced and combated. We must do away with the
prima donna mentality. The sooner these inadequacies are combated,
the better for the revolution.
From our point of view, a revolutionary is someone who knows
how to be modest, while at the same time being the most determined
in carrying out the tasks entrusted to him. He fulfills them without
boasting and without expecting any reward.
We have noticed lately that certain elements who actively partici-
pated in the revolution —
and who expected that this would entitle
them to privileged treatment, honors, and important positions — are

venting their spleens by engaging in sabotage because they did not
get what they wanted. This proves that they participated in the revo-
lution without ever understanding its real objectives.
You do not make a revolution simply to take the place of the
former rulers you have overthrown. You do not participate in the rev-
olution for vindictive reasons, out of desire for an advantageous po-
sition: "Get out of my way so that I can take your place!" This kind
of motive is foreign to the ideals of the August revolution. Those
who act in such a way demonstrate their weakness as petty-bourgeois
careerists, if not dangerous counterrevolutionary opportunists.
The image of a revolutionary that the CNR strives to impress on
everyone's consciousness is that of an activist who is one with the
masses, who has faith in them, and who respects them, someone who
has freed himself from any attitudes of contempt toward them, some-
one who does not think of himself as a schoolmaster to whom the
masses owe obedience and submission. To the contrary, he goes to
their school, listens to them attentively, and pays attention to their
opinions. He renounces all authoritarian methods worthy of reaction-
ary bureaucrats.
The revolutionis different from destructive anarchy. It demands
discipline and exemplary conduct. Vandalism and adventurist ac-

tions of all sorts, rather than strengthening the revolution by winning
the masses' support, weaken it and repel a large part of the masses.
This is why CDR members should deepen their sense of responsibil-
ity toward the people and seek to inspire respect and admiration.
Weaknesses along these lines most often reflect ignorance con-
cerning the character and objectives of the revolution. In order for us
to guard against them, we must immerse ourselves in the study of
revolutionary theory. Theoretical study deepens our understanding
of developments, clarifies our actions, and forewarns us against
being presumptuous on many things. We should henceforth give spe-
cial importance to this aspect of the question and strive to set an
example that inspires others to follow us.
For revolutionizing all sectors of Voltaic society
All of the former political regimes sought to introduce measures to

improve the management of neocolonial society. The changes intro-
duced by the various regimes amounted to installing new teams
within the framework of neocolonial power. None of these regimes
wished to or was able to challenge the socioeconomic foundations of
.
Voltaic society. That is why they all failed.
The August revolution does not seek to install just one more re-
gime in Upper Volta. It represents a break with all previously known
regimes. Its ultimate goal is new Voltaic society, in which
to build a
the Voltaic citizen, motivated by revolutionary consciousness, will
be the architect of his own happiness, a happiness equivalent to the
energy he has expended.
In order to do this, the revolution —
even though this may dis-
please the conservative and backward forces —
will be a deep and
total upheaval that will not spare any domain, nor any sector of eco-
nomic, social, and cultural activity. Revolutionizing all spheres and
areas of activity is the slogan of the day. Strengthened by the guiding
perspective laid out here, every citizen, at every level, should under-
take to revolutionize his sector of activity.
As of now, the philosophy of revolutionary transformation will be
applied in the following sectors: (1) the national army, (2) policies
concerning women, and (3) economic development.
1 .The national army's place in the democratic and popular rev-
olution.
According to the tenets governing the defense of revolutionary
Upper Volta, a conscious people cannot leave the defense of their
homeland to one group of men, however competent they may be.
Conscious people take charge of their homeland's defense them-
selves. Our armed forces thus constitute simply a detachment that is
more specialized than the rest of the population with regard to the de-
fense of Upper Volta' s internal and external security. Similarly, even
though the health of the Voltaic people is the business of the people
as a whole and of each Voltaic individually, there exists and will con-
tinue to exist a more specialized medical corps that will devote more
time to the question of public health.
The revolution prescribes three missions to the national armed
forces:
1 To be prepared to combat all internal and external enemies and
to participate in the military training of the rest of the people. This
presupposes an increased operational capacity, making each soldier a
competent fighter, unlike the old army, which was merely a mass of
salaried individuals.
2. To participate in national production. In effect, the new soldier
must and suffer among the people to which he belongs. An army
live
that simply eats up the budget is a thing of the past. From now on, be-
sides handling arms, the army will work in the fields and raise cattle,
sheep, and poultry. It will build schools and health clinics and ensure
their functioning. It will maintain roads and transport mail, the sick,
and agricultural products by air between the regions.

3. Develop each soldier into a revolutionary cadre. The days are
over when the army was declared neutral and apolitical, while in fact
serving as a bastion of reaction and a guardian of imperialist in-
terests. Gone forever are the days when our national army acted like
a corps of foreign mercenaries in conquered territory. Armed with
and ideological training, our soldiers, noncommissioned of-
political
and officers who are engaged in the revolutionary process will
ficers,
no longer be criminals in power, but will become conscious revolu-
tionaries, athome among the people like fish in water.
As an army at the service of the revolution, the People's National
Army will have no place for any soldier who despises, looks down
on, and brutalizes the people. An army of the people at the service of
the people —
such is the new army we are building in place of the
neocolonial army, which was used to dominate the people as a veri-
and repression in the hands of the reac-
table instrument of oppression
tionary bourgeoisie.Such an army will be fundamentally different
from the old army even in terms of its internal organization and its
principles of functioning. Thus, in place of the blind obedience of
soldiers toward their officers, of subordinates toward their superiors,
a healthy discipline will be developed that, while strict, will be based
on the conscious support of the men and the troops.

Contrary to the point of view of officers filled with the colonial
spirit, the politicization and revolutionization of the army does not
mean the end of discipline. Discipline within a politicized army will
have a new content. It will be a revolutionary discipline, that is, a
discipline that derives its strength from the fact that the officer and
soldier, commissioned and noncommissioned personnel, are valued
on the basis of human dignity and are distinguished from one another
only by their concrete tasks and by their respective responsibilities.
Strengthened with this understanding of relations between men, mil-
itary officers should respect their men, love them, and treat them as
equals.
Here as well, the CDRs have a fundamental role to play. CDR
cadres within the army must be tireless pioneers in the building of the
People's National Army of the democratic and popular state, whose
essential tasks within the country will be to defend the rights and in-
terests of the people, maintain revolutionary order, safeguard demo-
cratic and popular power, and, externally, to defend territorial integ-
rity.
2 . Voltaic women s role in the democratic and popular revolution

' .
The weight of the centuries-old traditions of our society has rele-

gated women Women suffer doubly
to the rank of beasts of burden.
from all the scourges of neocolonial society. First, they experience
the same suffering as men. Second, they are subjected to additional
suffering by men.
Our revolution is in the interests of all the oppressed and all those
who are exploited in today's society. It is therefore in the interests of
women, since the basis of their domination by men lies in theway so-
ciety's system of political and economic life is organized. By chang-
ing the social order that oppresses women, the revolution creates the
conditions for their genuine emancipation.
The women and men of our society are all victims of imperialist
oppression and domination. That is why
wage the same strug-
they
gle. The revolution and women's liberation go together. We do not
talk of women's emancipation as an act of charity or because of a
surge of human compassion. It is a basic necessity for the triumph of
the revolution. Women hold up the other half of the sky.
Forging a new mentality on the part of Voltaic women that allows
them to take responsibility for the country's destiny alongside men is
one of the primary tasks of the revolution. At the same time, it is
necessary to transform men's attitudes toward women.
Up until now, women have been excluded from the realm of deci-
sion making. The revolution, by entrusting responsibilities to
women, is creating the conditions for turning loose their fighting ini-
tiative. As part of its revolutionary policy, the CNR will work to
mobilize, organize, and unite all the active forces of the nation, and
women will not lag behind. Women will be an integral part of all the
we will have to wage against the various shackles of neocolo-
battles
nial society and for the construction of a new society. They will take
part in all levels of the organization of the life of the nation as a
whole, from conceiving projects to making decisions and imple-
menting them. The final goal of this great undertaking is to build a
free and prosperous society in which women will be equal to men in
all domains.
However, we need a correct understanding of the question of

women's emancipation. It does not signify a mechanical equality be-
tween men and women. It does not mean acquiring habits similar to
those of men, such as drinking, smoking, and wearing trousers. Nor
will acquiring diplomas make women equal to men or more emanci-
pated. A diploma is not a passport to emancipation.
The genuine emancipation of women is that which entrusts respon-
sibilities to them and involves them in productive activity and in the
different struggles the people face. Women's genuine emancipation

is one that exacts men's respect and consideration. Emancipation,
like freedom, is not granted but conquered. It is for women them-
selves to put forward their demands and mobilize to win them.
For that, the democratic and popular revolution will create the
necessary conditions to allow Voltaic women to realize themselves
fully and completely. After all, would it be possible to eliminate the
system of exploitation while maintaining the exploitation of women,

who make up more than half our society?
3. An independent, self-sufficient, and planned national economy
at the service of a democratic and popular society.
The process of revolutionary transformations undertaken since
August 4 places on the agenda major democratic and popular re-
forms. The National Council of the Revolution is conscious that the
construction of an independent, self-sufficient, and planned national
economy will be attained through a radical transformation of the pres-
ent society, a transformation that requires the following major re-
forms:
• Agrarian reform;
• Administrative reform;
• Educational reform;
• Reform of the structures of production and distribution in the
modern sector.
The agrarian reform aims to:
• Increase labor productivity through better organization of the
peasants and the introduction of modern agricultural techniques in
the countryside;
• Develop a diversified agriculture, together with regional spe-
cialization;
• Abolish all the fetters that are part of the traditional
socioeconomic structures oppressing the peasants;
• Finally, make agriculture the lever for industrial development.
All this is possible by giving real meaning to the slogan of self-suf-
ficiency in food production, a slogan that seems antiquated now by
dint of having been proclaimed without conviction. First of all, this
will be a bitter struggle against nature, which is no more intractable
for us than for other peoples who have so admirably conquered it in
the sphere of agriculture. The CNR will harbor no illusions in gigan-
tic, sophisticated projects. To the contrary, numerous small ac-
complishments in the agricultural system will allow us to transform
our territory into one vast field, an endless series of farms. Second,
it will be a struggle against those who starve the people, the agricul-
tural speculators and capitalists of all types. Finally, it will be protec-

tion against imperialist domination of our agriculture in terms of
orientation, imperialism's plunder of our resources, and the unfair
competition of its imports with our local products — imports whose
only value is their packaging for bourgeois who crave the latest fads.
Adequate producer prices and agroindustrial enterprises will assure

the peasants of markets for their produce throughout all seasons.
The administrative reform aims at making the administration in-
herited from colonialism operational. In order to do that, it must be
purged of all the evils that characterize it, namely, the unwieldy and
interfering bureaucracy and all its consequences. We must proceed
toward a complete revision of the civil service statutes. The reform
must produce an administration that is inexpensive, more effective,
and more flexible.
The educational reform aims to promote a new orientation for edu-
cation and culture. It must lead to a transformation of school into a
tool of the revolution. Graduates must not serve their own interests
and those of the exploiting classes, but those of the popular masses.
The revolutionary education taught in the new school must imbue
everyone with a Voltaic ideology and personality that liberates them
from learning by rote. One of the missions of schools in the demo-
cratic and popular society will be to teach students to critically and
positively assimilate the ideas and experiences of other peoples.
To end illiteracy and obscurantism, emphasis must be placed on
mobilizing all our energy to organize the masses so as to awaken and
induce in them a thirst for learning by showing them the drawbacks
of ignorance. Any policy of fighting against illiteracy that does not
involve the participation of those most concerned is doomed to fail-
ure.
The culture of a democratic and popular societymust have a triple
character: national, revolutionary, and popular. Everything that is
antinational, antirevolutionary, and antipopular must be banished.
Instead, our culture will be enhanced, extolling as it does dignity,
courage, nationalism, and the great human virtues. The democratic
and popular revolution will create favorable conditions for the blos-
soming of a new culture. Our artists will have a free hand to go for-
ward boldly. They should seize the opportunity before them to raise
our culture to a world level. Let writers put their pens at the service
of the revolution! Let musicians sing not only of our people's glori-
ous past, but also of their bright and promising future!
The revolution expects our artists to be able to describe reality,
portray it in living images, and express it in melodious notes while at
the same time showing our people the correct way forward to a better
future. It expects them to place their creative genius at the service of
a Voltaic, national, revolutionary, and popular culture.
—
We must be able to take from our past from our traditions all —
that is good, as well as all that is positive in foreign cultures, so as to
give a new dimension to our culture. The inexhaustible fountainhead
of the masses' creative inspiration lies in the popular masses them-
selves. Knowing how to live with the masses, being involved in the
people's movement, sharing the joys and sufferings of the people,
and working and living with them —
all this should be the major
preoccupation for our artists. Before producing, we should ask: for

whom is our creation intended? If we are convinced that we are creat-
ing for the people, then we must understand clearly who they are,
what their different components are, and what their deepest aspira-
tions are.
The reform of our national economy's and
structures of production
distribution aims to progressively establish effective controlby the
Voltaic people over the channels of production and distribution. For
without genuine mastery over these channels, it is impossible in
practice to build an independent economy that serves the interests of
the people.
Comrades, cadres of the revolution!
The needs of our people are enormous. Satisfaction of these needs
requires that revolutionary transformations be undertaken in all
spheres.
In the field of health care and social assistance for the popular
masses, the objectives to be reached can be summed up as:
• Making health care available to everyone;
• Initiating maternal and infant assistance and care;
• Launching an immunization policy against communicable dis-
eases through an increase in vaccination campaigns;
• Making the masses aware of the need to acquire good hygiene
habits.
None of these objectives can be attained without the conscious in-
volvement of the popular masses themselves in the struggle, under
the revolutionary guidance of the health services.
In the field of housing, a field of crucial importance, we must un-
dertake a vigorous policy to end real estate speculation and the
exploitation of the workers through excessive rents. Important mea-
sures in this field must be taken to:
• Establish reasonable rents;
• Rapidly divide neighborhoods into lots;

• Construct sufficient modern residential housing on a massive
scale, accessible to the workers.
One of the Rev-
essential concerns of the National Council of the
olution is comprise Upper
to unite the different nationalities that
Volta in the common struggle against the enemies of our revolution.
There are in fact in our country a multitude of ethnic groups distin-
guished from each other by language and custom. The totality of
these nationalities forms the Voltaic nation. Imperialism, through its
policy of divide and rule, did its utmost to exacerbate the contradic-
tions among them, to set one against the other. The CNR's policy
aims to unite these different nationalities so that they can live in
equality and enjoy equal opportunity for success. In order to do that,
special emphasis will be placed on:
• Promoting the economic development of the different regions;
• Encouraging economic exchange among them;
• Combating prejudices among the ethnic groups, resolving the
differences among them in a spirit of unity;
• Punishing those who instigate divisions.
In view of all the problems that our country faces, the revolution
looms as a challenge that we must meet,
motivated by the will to vic-
tory, through the effective participation of the masses mobilized
within the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution.
In the near future, with the drawing up of programs for the differ-
ent sectors, all of Upper Volta will become a vast construction site —
a place where the cooperation of all Voltaics able and old enough to
work will be needed for the merciless struggle we will wage to trans-
form this country into a prosperous and radiant country, a country
where the people are the only masters of the material and spiritual
wealth of the nation.
Finally, we must define the place of the Voltaic revolution in the
world revolutionary process. Our revolution is an integral part of the
world movement for peace and democracy against imperialism and
all kinds of hegemonism. That is why we will strive to establish dip-
lomatic relations with countries, regardless of their political and eco-

nomic systems, on the basis of the following principles:
• Respect for each other's independence, territorial integrity, and
national sovereignty;
• Mutual nonaggression;
• Noninterference in internal affairs;
• Trade with all countries on an equal footing and on the basis of
reciprocal benefits.
Our militant solidarity and support will go to national liberation

movements fighting for the independence of their countries and the
liberation of their peoples. This support will be directed in particular
to:
• The people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West
Africa People's Organisation;
• The Sahraoui people in their struggle to recover their national
territory;
• The Palestinian people struggling for their national rights.
In our struggle, the anti-imperialist African countries are our ob-
jective allies. Rapprochement with these countries is necessary be-
cause of the neocolonial groupings that operate on our continent.
Long live the democratic and popular revolution!
Long live the National Council of the Revolution!
Notes
1 . See the chronology for descriptions of these events.

The People's Revolutionary Courts
January 3, 1984
On January 3, 1984, Sankara delivered the opening speech at the

first sessionof the People's Revolutionary Courts, held at the House
of the People in Ouagadougou. The proceedings were broadcast live
on national radio. On trial was former President Sangoule
Lamizana, overthrown in a 1980 military coup, who was accused of
misappropriating public funds. Lamizana was eventually found not
guilty.The following is translated from a pamphlet published by the
Ministry of Justice.
Comrades, presidents of institutions;

Comrades, members of the National Council of the Revolution;
Comrades, members of the revolutionary government;
Comrades, members of the People's Revolutionary Courts;
Comrades, cadres of the democratic and popular revolution;
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen:
It was exactly eighteen years ago to the day that the Voltaic people
took to the streets in a revolutionary tide, shouting slogans such as

"Down with the embezzlers of public funds!" and "Down with those
who starve the people!" at those who had perpetually gagged,
exploited, and oppressed them. Eighteen years ago today the Voltaic
people took to the streets to demand "bread, water, and democracy."
On January 3, 1966, the Voltaic people surged forward as one to
place the reactionary and corrupt bourgeoisie of our country on trial
— a bourgeoisie that, after using the people as a springboard to attain
power, turned its backs on them in an unbridled race to accumulate
ill-gotten wealth.
Today, the Voltaic people again accuse and demand that the peo-
ple's verdict be imposed. Today, the Voltaic people have forged an
appropriate instrument, the People's Revolutionary Courts, capable
of achieving their most profound and long-standing aspirations. We
have made our choice. From this moment on, nothing can prevent
55
the people from rendering their verdict. From this moment on, noth-
ing will be able to prevent the people from meting out exemplary
punishment to all the political scum who have fed off the famine and
the villains who have treated the people with contempt and
humiliated them with a thousand and one indignities.
The Voltaic people accuse and the world trembles.
The world of the exploiters, pillagers, and all those who have
profited from the neocolonial system is trembling because the Vol-
taic people have now become masters of their destiny and will have
justice.
Comrades, members of the People's Revolutionary Courts, in
choosing January 3 as the date for the solemn opening of your delib-
erations, you are simply reestablishing the link with a recent past,
with a decisive moment in the development of the people's conscious
opposition to domination and exploitation by reactionary social
layers, classes, and by real supporters of imperialism here at home.
The justification for setting up the People's Revolutionary Courts
lies in the fact that the Voltaic people intend to replace the traditional
courts and put into practice the principle of genuine participation by
the toiling and exploited classes in the administration and manage-
ment of state affairs in all spheres and sectors of society.
The judges of the People's Revolutionary Courts have been chosen
from among the toilers and from among them only. Their mission is
to apply the will of the people. For this, they have no need to know
the old laws. Since they come from among the people, it is sufficient
for them to let themselves be guided by their feel for popular justice.
In the absence of codified texts, they should base themselves on
revolutionary law, rejecting the laws of neocolonial society. In estab-
lishing as its goal the destruction of the bureaucratic state apparatus,
and in making it much easier for the people to find representation,
our revolution, the August revolution, proves —
if proof were still
necessary —
that the regime established by it is more democratic
than the most democratic of bourgeois republics.
Despite this, we should expect that the establishment of our Peo-
ple's Revolutionary Courts will be the object of attack by enemies in-
side and outside the country, who, without a shadow of a doubt, will
see in them an instrument of repression and political inquisition.
No doubt these people will shout about contempt for the rights of
man. But this will not hold up. Our popular justice is a justice distinct
from that of a society where the exploiters and oppressors control the
state apparatus, in that it will publicly bring to light and expose the
entire hidden social and political side of the crimes perpetrated
PEOPLE'S REVOLUTIONARY COURTS • 57
against the people, helping them consequences of

to understand the
these crimes, so that lessons can be drawn with regard
to social mor-
ality and political practice. The judgments of the People's Revolu-
tionary Courts will allow us to lay bare the sores of the neocolonial
regime for all the world to see, providing material for criticism and
laying out the elements of the construction of a new society.
In addition, by condemning social, economic, and moral in-
famies, we conduct a political trial, putting into question the political
system of neocolonial society. Through the individual, society as a
whole comes into question. This is why the discussion throughout
the course of the trial should take on an educational character in its
explanations given to those observing and in the press. Verdicts ren-
dered should give us plenty to think about. Reactionary bourgeois
morality hypocritically goes into fits of indignation over the condem-
nation of a few individuals, while remaining silent in its complicity
with the wholesale genocide of a people dying of impoverishment,
starvation, and obscurantism. We judge one man in order to establish
the rights of millions. Thus, we are fervent defenders of the rights of
man and not the rights of one man. To the immoral "morality" of the
exploiting and corrupt minority, we counterpose the revolutionary
morality of an entire people in favor of social justice.
Confident of this revolutionary legitimacy, the National Council
of the Revolution (CNR) urges you, comrade judges of the People's
Revolutionary Courts, to demonstrate coolheadedness and revolu-
tionary consciousness; to act without excess, but firmly; with clarity
of thought and not emotion; and with sound judgment but not le-
niency, so as to safeguard the gains of our revolution.
We have chosen between two forms of law: the revolutionary law
of the people on the one hand, and the former reactionary law of the
bourgeois minority on the other. The justice you are called upon to
render is inspired by the democratic principles of our revolution.
Democracy for the people and against those who exploit and oppress
— such is the foundation for the work of the People's Revolutionary
Courts.
Youshould be proud —
proud to have been chosen and called on
to be the architects of an undertaking that is innovative from all
points of view.
Let us leave those who subscribe to so-called pure democracy to
their whining and procrastination. Let the jurists and other scholars
— formalists obsessed by procedures and protocol —
be indignant
and scandalized. They have not even understood that all this is aimed
at bamboozling the people, turning the magistrate, draped in his
robe, decked out in his cloak, and often even a wig, into a clown for
whom revolutionaries feel compassion, especially when we feel him
drawing close to the people to the point of wanting to abandon his
profession.
Reactionary regimes dispense reactionary justice. We understand
the distress of a progressive or revolutionary magistrate when forced
to apply laws that make a mockery of his innermost political convic-
tions. We have observed the same dilemma in other professions — in
the army, to cite just one example. But fortunately the revolution of
August 4, the democratic and popular revolution, has liberated and
set in motion the awareness of all those who have consciously chosen
to side with the people.
The people of Upper Volta ceased being the dupes of reactionary
politicians the day they understood that in a society where exploiters
impose their domination on the majority of the people, justice un-
questionably means justice for the exploiters. Since our revolution
has as one of its objectives the institution of a democratic state, such
a state must be fundamentally different from that of & state of exploit-
ers.
Justice in a democratic state must therefore also be different from
the justice of the exploiters. If the reactionary political regimes
buried here, and those like them fossilizing elsewhere, never dared to
put political mobsterism on trial and dare not do so today, it is pre-
cisely because they have understood the impossibility under their

reactionary system of instituting a People's Revolutionary Court and
allowing the people to speak out without themselves being swept
aside. In the same way, they could not even do so with the traditional
courts, whose verdicts could only provoke the legitimate wrath of the
voiceless, the voice of the people.
This was the reason for the permanently awkward aspect of the ad-
ministrative detentions, for example, carried out by the philistines of
the Military Committee for the Enhancement of National Progress
under the learned tutelage of the reactionary inventor-historian-in-
quisitionist, Joseph Ki-Zerbo.
Elsewhere, we see life imprisonment and permanent house arrest,
all counting on the passage of time to make us forget that the leaders
are faced with a political problem that they must solve: the people
and their right to justice.
In setting up the People's Revolutionary Courts, the CNR, the rev-
olutionary government, and the fighting people of the democratic
and popular revolution know that popular justice must be ruthless
and rigorous with regard to corrupt elements that are uncovered even
PEOPLE'S REVOLUTIONARY COURTS 59
in our very ranks. At the same time, every cadre knows that his polit-
ical work, his daily conduct, and his social activity will be so visible
that he cannot allow himself to do by night —
or in the shadows —
anything different from what he can do in broad daylight with a clear
conscience. In reality, there is no virtue other than the virtue imposed
by, and genuinely under the control of, society and the people.
where the population is 95 percent illit-
In a society such as ours,
erate and maintained obscurantism and ignorance by the ruling
in
classes, bourgeois law, in defiance of all common sense, dares to as-
sert that "ignorance of the law is no excuse." Such are the devices
used by the idle ruling classes to oppress the broad popular masses,
both the peasants of our countryside and the workers of our towns.
Likewise, in the name of this same law, it is asserted that "the law
alone may employ force" — the law having been decreed in order to
defend and safeguard the interests of the dominant classes. This ar-
gument concerning force was dredged up every time the interests of
the minority were threatened. "The law alone may employ force"
was hallowed by the expropriators in order to rule out any idea of
popular justice.
Thus, anything is permissible, except for those without the money
to buy the services of lawyers or magistrates when they and they
alone are responsible for interpreting in their esoteric and elitist lan-
guage consciously confused texts.
Ultimately, and for all intents and purposes, the law does employ
force. The law of the richest, of the highest bidder, the oratorical tal-
ent sold to the highest bidder, always overrides the rights of the peo-
ple, who remain ever guilty of being poor, of being unable to buy the
services of renowned lawyers, or who are simply ignorant and illiter-
ate.
Every day, under our very noses, we see thieves pursued by a
crowd taking refuge in a police station, convinced that "the law alone
may employ force," and that they will be assured of protection. By
contrast, however, a peasant passing through Ouagadougou, facing
charges for the least trifle, must give the slip to both the prosecutor
and police chief, since there is no hope of justice for him anywhere
in the world of the big city. He believes the police station to be a
place where he will be punished in the name of the law. He also be-
lieves — naively — that all citizens are equal before this immutable
and uncircumventable law.
The democratic and popular revolution owes it to itself to de-
molish this antidemocratic and antipopular justice just as our peo-—
ple demolished the results of the rigged elections of December 1965,
by which the reactionary megalomaniac Maurice Yameogo claimed

to have "democratically" won 99.99 percent of the votes. A few days
later, on January 3, 1966, our people imposed its own implacable,
revolutionary verdict outside the framework of the ballot box and in
opposition to the ballots, deposing the impostor. No interpreter of
Roman no magistrate or lawyer, no court dared to put itself in
texts,
the way of this powerful and implacable democracy —
a truly popu-
lar democracy. And for good reason!
More recently, after the counterrevolutionary coup of May 17,
1983, when Comrade Blaise Compaore returned to his troops and the
revolutionary people of P6 in order to prepare the revolutionary
counterattack against the usurpers, no one dared challenge the legiti-
macy of this attitude. It was clear that this challenged the military
regulations, codes, and laws of the neocolonial army. Comrade
Compaore knew that his commandos and the people of P6 truly per-
sonified the most profound feelings of justice, honor, and dignity of
our entire people. From this point of view, his action was democratic
and legal a thousand times over. No military code or law of Voltaic
neocolonial justice could approve such an attitude. Yet it was just
and legitimate in the eyes of the vast majority of our revolutionary
people, who had been held in contempt and humiliated by the reac-
tionary betrayal of May
17, 1983. The manner in which our people
have demonstrated their feelings in these two examples shows us that
it serves no purpose to conform to the bourgeois legality of the
minority if we are not in total harmony with the uncodified morality

of our people.
The Voltaic people offer to share their experience with other peo-
ples of the world. No arsenal of juridico-political combinations, no
corrupt, feudal financial wizard, no guilt- tripping, and no electoralist
circus will be able to prevent the justice of the people from triumph-
ing.
Comrades, as long as oppression and exploitation exist, there will
always be two justices and two democracies: that of the oppressors
and that of the oppressed; that of the exploiters and that of the
exploited. Justice under the democratic and popular revolution will
always be justice for the oppressed and exploited against the
neocolonial justice of yesterday, which was justice for the oppressors
and exploiters. Comrades, the people must carry out justice them-
selves — their own justice.
The endless lamentations and crocodile tears must not influence us
in any way when we are required to deal some hard blows against
those who show they are incapable of any feelings other than the
PEOPLE' S REVOLUTIONARY COURTS • 61
most contempt for the masses and their interests. How-

feudalistic
ever, if some who, having been punished severely and
there are
given the opportunity to understand their crimes, convince you of
their gratitude toward the people, then hold out to them a saving
hand.
Let them learn to know us. After having made them pay every last
penny legitimately demanded from them by the people, we will

create the conditions for them to understand that — stripped of their
immense ill-gotten wealth — they
be able to find true happiness.
will
In our revolutionary society, such happiness can be nothing other
than honest labor for honest gain. This honest gain brings with it a
dignity and freedom that cannot be calculated in terms of secret bank
accounts in Switzerland or elsewhere, nor in terms of speculative
stocks on the most respectable exchanges, nor in parading an asser-
tive and traumatizing luxury before a people dying of hunger, dis-
ease, and ignorance. This happiness to which we invite those who
may repent will reside in the satisfaction of having proven their use-
fulness to society and of participating in defining and realizing the
aspirations of the people, who accept and integrate them.
Comrades, the People's Revolutionary Courts are sounding the
death knell of Roman law; they are playing the swan song of the alien
Napoleonic social law that has marginalized so very many of our
people while declaring sacred the illegitimate and unjust privileges of
a minority class. May the sessions soon to follow in Ouagadougou
trace a radiant path at whose end, heavens of the world revo-
in the
lution, will shine the great sun of justice, whose powerful rays will
bathe the hearts of all those who hope, but who do not dare; of those
who dare, but who do not understand; and of all those who under-
stand, but who do not dare.
There Is Only One Color
— That of African Unity
August 1984
The following excerpts are from a news conference given by San-

kara in August 1984 following celebrations marking the first an-
niversary of the revolution. Sankara had recently visited Ethiopia,
Angola, the Congo, Mozambique, Gabon, and Madagascar The ex- .
cerpts are translated from Carrefour africain, August 10, 1984.
Question: What is the state of relations with your conservative,

more wealthy neighbor, the Ivory Coast?
relatively
Thomas Sankara: In what sense is the Ivory Coast conservative?
I understood your question, but I'd like to know more precisely
which aspect of its ideology makes it conservative in order to better

judge the difference, if there is one, between our ideology and theirs.
Our relations are good, in that the Ivory Coast had relations with
Upper Volta, and Burkina Faso has stated clearly
1
— as I said in my
[first anniversary] message — that we would be open to relations
with all nations and we would seek out all nations. In this spirit, I be-
lieve we have good relations with the Ivory Coast. Of course, there
is always something that can be done to improve them. But we are in
no way uncomfortable with the current situation. If our brothers in

the Ivory Coast wish, we can continue this way and do even better.
So I am not aware of any particular difficulties between the Ivory
Coast and Burkina.
Of course, we have opponents in the Ivory Coast — many of them.
But as revolutionaries we understand that whereas we became revo-
lutionaries, the world we have to live with is not revolutionary, and
we live with a reality that is not always to our liking. We must be pre-
pared to live with regimes that are not making a revolution of any
kind or that perhaps even attack our revolution.
This is a very big responsibility for revolutionaries. Maybe those
of tomorrow will function in a better world and will have a much
62
AFRICAN UNITY • 63
easier task. But for us, anyway, as soon as we accept that the Ivory
Coast is not making a revolution and that we are, everything be-
comes simple. The difficulty, complications, and concerns are
mainly in the minds of the romantic brand of revolutionaries who
hope or think that everyone should act like revolutionaries. For us
there are no surprises. We are quite at ease with the situation. It's a
reality we had prepared ourselves for.
Question: There are historic ties between Burkina Faso and the
Ivory Coast. We can see that by the periodic visits you make as part
of the different organizations in the region and the subregion. But
concretely, Comrade President, since the National Council of the
Revolution has come to power, what does the Abidjan-Ouagadougou
axis look like? In addition, some talk of a certain coolness and point
to the cancellation of your working visit to the Ivory Coast as proof.
What about?
is this all
Sankara: You ask what the Abidjan-Ouagadougou axis looks

like! It looks like a straight line, serviced by Air Ivoire, Air Volta,
soon to be Air Burkina; or a twisting, winding line, as shown by the
Abidjan-Ouagadougou railway —
a rather bumpy axis, very rough,
with many ups and downs. The Abidjan-Ouaga route passes
through dark regions, forests, and savannah that stretch from the
ocean to the heart of the parched Sahel. Thus, it represents a com-
bination of complex realities that each one of us must take into ac-
count. That's what the axis looks like, since you asked for a de-
scription.
On your second question. You say a coolness exists according to
certain sources — you don't say according to whom, which doesn't
facilitate my — but
task people speak in one
that certain journals or
way or another of a certain coolness between Abidjan and Ouaga-
dougou.
In Burkina we live in the warmth of the revolution, and those who
are shivering can protect themselves as they wish and take the neces-
sary precautions. The Ivory Coast and Burkina have all kinds of re-
lations —geographic, historic, economic, social, and other. They
are relations that cannot be made to disappear by sounding a gong.
And the Ivory Coast cannot act as if they don't exist.
Today, Burkina Faso is embarked on a revolutionary road to trans-
form its society, to fight against a certain number of ills and scourges
that exist here, and we think that only Burkina's enemies are com-
plaining. Every citizen of the Ivory Coast who loves the people of
Burkina should applaud the revolution. Anyone who dislikes our rev-
olution does not love the Burkinabe people. This is where you must
start in order to know where the cold is located and who is getting
cold.
Does this mean that the Ivory Coast had excellent relations with
reactionary Upper Volta and suddenly is getting cool because Upper
Volta has become revolutionary? That's a question that can be an-
swered only in the Ivory Coast. Burkina lives in the warmth of the
revolution, warmth that we gladly share with anyone who is willing
to accept it, but that we cannot impose on anyone. It would really be
a shame if fraternal peoples, neighboring peoples, were not to share
in or benefit from this same warmth.
Question: In contrast to the Ivory Coast, Ghana and its president

are always welcome in Burkina Faso. We even saw troops [from
Ghana] in the parade celebrating the revolution. Where does support
end and interference begin? Or, in a word, could Ghana become a
weight on your young country?
Sankara: Support to whom and interference in whose affairs? In-
terference begins when a people considers it has been betrayed. As
long as this is not the case, the support can never be enough.
Ghana comes to Burkina Faso and demonstrates with us whenever
it's called for, on happy and sometimes not so happy occasions. This
is because — we have no doubts, and I'm sure you have no doubts

either — the peoples of Ghana and Burkina Faso are kindred spirits.
As long as this remains true, we can only deplore the fact that we
have not done enough to increase the support.
We do not have a chauvinist view of things, and we condemn all
sectarianism. This is why we consider borders to be merely adminis-
trative boundaries, necessary maybe, in order to limit each country's
field of action and enable it to see things clearly enough. But the
spirit of liberty and dignity, of counting on one's own resources, of
independence, and of consistent anti-imperialist struggle this —
spirit should blow from north to south and back again, crossing all
borders with great gusto. We are happy to note that this is the case
between Ghana and Burkina Faso and it should continue to be the
case.
Do you would have any problems or diffi-
think that our country
culty at all, our relations could not be improved with just about
that
anybody, if this wind were to blow from our country to all others? Do
you think that different countries would be threatening each other
with the apocalypse today if this same wind were blowing among all
the countries of the world? We could take the example of Iran and
AFRICAN UNITY 65
Iraq today. Don't you think it would be good if Iranians could go and
visit Iraqis as Ghanaians come to visit Burkinabe and vice versa?
The example of Ghana and Burkina Faso is one that we would like
to see multiplied many times over, and we think this would be in the
interests of the different peoples. Those who feel endangered by this
are perhaps those who would like to set Ghana against Burkina Faso
for their own ulterior motives.
Question: What does Burkina Faso think of the current crisis

within the Organization of African Unity (OAU)?
Sankara: We think that it's a completely normal crisis, one that is
welcome, because it flows from a revolutionary process that
in fact,
necessitates reevaluatingand redefining our aims.
The OAU could not continue to exist as it was. Unity-mongering
has won out too easily over genuine concern for unity. Many things
have been sacrificed in the name of unity and because of this unity-
mongering. Today, the peoples of Africa are more and more de-
manding, and because of this they are saying no to meetings and con-
ferences whose function is to adopt resolutions that are never acted
on, or to prevent the adoption of resolutions that could be acted on
and that people have been waiting for.
Africa is face to face with herself and her problems —
problems
the OAU had succeeded in skirting by putting them off to tomorrow.
But this tomorrow is now today. We can no longer put all these ques-
tions off until tomorrow. This is why we find the OAU's crisis quite
normal. It may even be a little late in coming.
Question: Could you tell us the position of Burkina Faso on the
conflict in the Western Sahara?

Sankara: We have recognized the Saharan Arab Democratic Re-
public (SADR). We think there can be no beating around the bush on
this. When a people has chosen its organization, recognition is ob-
ligatory. In our opinion, there should be no OAU summit without the
participation of the SADR. Should it be absent for some reason that is
not legitimate, Burkina Faso will not lend itself to this game.
Question: You have spoken many times about wanting aid and
cooperation, whether it be African or otherwise, but not just any kind
of aid. What do you mean by this?
Sankara: Aid to Burkina Faso must serve to strengthen, not un-
dermine, our sovereignty. It should help to destroy the need for
further aid. All aid that puts further aid to death is welcome in Bur-
kina Faso. But all aid that creates a beggar mentality, we will have to
do without. This is why we pay very close attention and impose ex-
tremely stringent conditions every time someone promises us aid, or
when we take the initiative to ask for it.
You cannot make a revolution or gain your independence without
a certain amount of stoicism and sacrifice. This is what the people of
Burkina impose on ourselves —
precisely so as not to give in to the
temptation of taking the easy way out, as some aid we are offered
would allow us to do. Luring us on in this way has done a lot of harm
to our country and others. We want to put a stop to it.
Question: Comrade president, during your stay in Koupela [Bur-

kina Faso] you received a member of the International Court of Jus-
tice.You surely talked to him about the problems between Burkina
Faso and Mali. How is this matter progressing and are you optimistic
about the outcome?
Sankara: Forty-five days after we took power, Burkina Faso ex-
pressed to the people of Mali our utmost willingness to find a just sol-
ution to this problem. We lifted all vetos and did away with any pro-
hibitions or obstacles that might prevent a frank and constructive dis-
2
cussion of this question.
should say that spontaneous gestures are generally the most sin-
I
cere. We consider it very important to assure the people of Mali of

our sincerity, our will, and our profound desire to live in peace with
them. This is why this ball, which was in our court, has now been
thrown into the other court, and there is nothing more for us to do on
this matter now. We are looking to the other players, whether it be
the International Court of Justice or Mali. We are leaving them the
time to act or react and we're not too concerned about it.
Question: Your colleague from Zaire has recently demanded the

setting up of a league of black African states. Were you consulted on
this, and what do you think of this initiative by President Mobutu?
Specifically, do you think that such an organization is the answer to
the problems black Africa is facing? And do you think that the con-
flicts in the Western Sahara and Chad are the cause of the OAU's
current difficulties?
Sankara: Your question disturbs me a great deal because you
seem to be saying again that the heads of state have been consulted
about this famous proposal for a league of black African states. This
is what seems to be the case. At any rate I have, fortunately, not been
consulted on this. Maybe only those who are thought to have some-
AFRICAN UNITY 67
thing to contribute to such a proposal have been consulted.

We are not opposed to Africans who are black regrouping among
themselves, given the fact that there are black and white Africans.
But we don't really see what this would accomplish. We don't know
what purpose it would serve to keep repeating that we are black, as if
the problems of the OAU arise because it is two-colored, when we
should be thinking of forming a one-colored organization. This is
surrealism, a certain kind of art that doesn't move us particularly.
You — and Jeune afrique — seem to talk about the "conflict in the
Western Sahara," while we talk about the conflict between the Sana-
ran Arab Democratic Republic and Morocco. Let's understand each
other. You seem to be saying that the SADR and Chad could be the
reasons that the OAU is beginning to blow apart, a little as if these
two questions, Chad and the SADR, were questions that involve
nonblack Africans, and that by eradicating them from the OAU and
making the OAU an all-black organization, we could regain our lost
harmonious relations. I am not at all convinced that relations be-
tween the SADR, which is African and mostly white, and certain Af-
rican countries that are black, are worse than relations between one
particular black African state and another. So it's not a question of
color. In terms of component organizations of the OAU, there is no
place for the color-sensitive. There is only one color —
that of Afri-
can unity.
Question: What is your view of the evolution, that is, the failure,
of the Brazzaville conference? 3
Sankara: As you know, we were fully behind the Brazzaville ef-
fort. We said it should not become a boxing ring where you bring on
the heavyweight champion. We gave all possible support to [Con-
golese] President Sassou Nguesso so
that the conditions for dialogue
that he has could serve to allow the people of Chad
tried to establish
to sort things out among themselves. We said that in order for the
conference to be of any value, it would have to recognize the prog-
ress made by the people of Chad against their enemies.
Question: On your relations with Libya. Could you give an exam-

ple of the kind of assistance Libya gives to Burkina Faso?
Sankara: There you are asking a very complicated and difficult
question. There are somany examples I could give, we could spend
hours and hours, days even, describing the assistance we receive
from Libya. We have very good relations with Libya, which only
deepen as each country more clearly affirms its own personality and
independence. We are very pleased, very satisfied with the way

Libya respects our independence.
We visit Libya often. Not long ago, I met Colonel Qaddafi, and
we discussed many questions and opened up a number of mutual
criticisms. We are also prepared for self-criticism where we find
these criticisms are well-founded and should prompt us to revise our
positions. We invite Libya to do the same. Revolutionaries must be
able to engage in criticism and self-criticism. This does not mean that
Libya is perfect, because nothing is perfect in any country of the
world. And this is what gives rise to our discussions. So our relations
continue to be as they always have been, except for this new element
of mutual criticism and fruitful debate.
Question: During your tour of Africa you visited Mozambique

and Angola. As we know, these countries have signed pacts with
South Africa that seem, at first sight, to be contrary to their nature.
So how does Burkina Faso view these pacts?
Sankara: We have already explained our view on this. There is a
question of principle involved here. Racist South Africa will never
cease to be a poison, a thorn in Africa's side in general. As long as
this thorn has not been removed, this barbarous, backward, anach-
ronistic ideology— —
apartheid racism will not be wiped out. So we
are unequivocal. We will never change our position on this.
The concrete ways and means, the tactics, for resolving this prob-
lem are the business of each country. But the bottom line is that the
battle against racism must be waged. We must avoid confusing tac-
tics and strategy. This is why, while we avoid giving lessons to or
criticizing our comrades from Mozambique and Angola, we remind
them that they have a duty to combat racism. Whatever tactics they
may choose, they must wage a permanent fight against this racism.
Acting in any other way would be a negation of all the sacrifices
made by our African martyrs and of everything that is being done
today or was done yesterday.
At the same time, we do not neglect criticizing other African states
for not giving concrete and effective support to those countries that
have watched over the security of all of us against racism. It is be-
cause Mozambique dared to support other regimes that what used to
be Rhodesia today lives a different reality. It is because Angola
stands guard against South Africa that, from the north to the west of
Africa, we escape the direct threat of racism. If these two countries
should fall, if the organization of Frontline States should blow apart,
we would face a direct, dangerous, and systematic invasion of our
boundaries by the racists.

So we can only invite these two countries to fight ferociously
against racism, against racist South Africa. And, by the way, we can
only wish them all the necessary vigilance. When you deal with the
devil, you must take the precaution of having a spoon with a very
long handle —long enough, at least.
Question: What does Burkina Faso think of the preconditions

posed by South Africa for granting independence to Namibia, that is,
the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola?
Sankara: The precondition South Africa poses is a red herring,
because South Africa itself deals with all kinds of countries, includ-
ing African countries, that have foreign troops on their soil. Why
don't they pose the presence of these troops as a problem? Why do
they want to keep foreign troops out of Angola, when it is Angola it-
self that asks for these troops and seems to find their presence and
support useful? This is Angola's right. Angola has the sovereign
right to call on Cuban troops, and it's to Cuba's credit that Cubans
are prepared to go and die for another country when they, too, have
danger at their door and on all sides.
In terms of the general question of the presence of foreign troops
in this or that country, we think there are some countries that have the
and some that have no right at all, espe-
right to raise this question
when they themselves have foreign troops on their own soil.
cially
Cuban troops are no less legitimate than these other troops whose
presence is aimed at prolonging those countries' domination.
Question: You made reference in your speech to countries that

greet you with the kiss of Judas or that support the enemies of your
people. Do you consider France to be in this category of countries,
and how do you see relations between Burkina Faso and France?
Sankara: It is likely that, at the time, only Jesus spotted Judas —
I'm not sure the other eleven disciples did. Let's not get ahead of our-
selves and put anyone's intentions on trial. But you know that one
Judas recognizes another and can often be caught red-handed plotting
against us if he betrays himself by this or that deed.
Of course, in things like this, traitors can always deny everything.
But their deepest intentions have a way of coming out in the end. The
first of the twelve, Peter, when he was trying to dissociate himself
from Jesus, who was being brought to public justice, was himself
surprised, and was told "your accent betrayed you."
Well, you've read the Holy Scriptures as well as anyone, so I
won't go on. France has relations with us that may cause surprise,
and we think they could be better. Our desire to improve them is cer-
tainly there, as we have said repeatedly. But for that to really happen,
France will have to learn to deal with African countries —
with us, at
least —
on a new basis, which it does not do, and for which the con-
ditions are not always there. We deeply regret the fact that if [the So-
cialist Party electoral victory in] May 1981 brought about a transfor-
mation in France, you are the only ones who know it. France's rela-
tions with Africa, at any rate, have not changed at all.
The regime in France today is following practically the same
course as the regimes that preceded it. They are also face to face with
the same spokespeople for different African groups. The France of
today is no different from the France of yesterday. This is why we
who express and transmit a new African reality are not understood,
and why we may ripple the tranquil pond of Franco- African relations
a bit.
We arrive with a language of truth, a truth that is perhaps blunt and

somewhat forthright, but that is accompanied by a sincerity not often
found elsewhere. For too long France has been used to the kind of
language used by —
I wouldn't quite call them bootlickers, but it —
is accustomed to hearing the language of local lackeys functioning
under neocolonial conditions. It can't understand that there are some

who have no desire to be among those ranks.
If people in France would take the time to understand the new re-
ality we are living through in Burkina Faso, as a new reality that is
largely shared in many other African countries, if they would take
the trouble to accept the way many
things could
things really are,
change. But, unfortunately, they prefer to see the case of Burkina as
an accident of history, a fluke, perhaps a transitory phenomenon.
No, reality has changed in Africa, and our relations with other coun-
tries must evolve to take this into account.
Question: You is open to countries of all

said that Burkina Faso
different political persuasions. In May
1981, the Socialists took
power in France, and yet your country's ideology is still opposed to
that of France. Could we say that the relationship between your two
countries should be one of friendship that could be qualified as con-
ditional? And what would be the conditions?
if so,
Sankara: I is no such thing as friendship without con-

think there
ditions. Even sudden passion has its conditions, I believe, and when
the novelty wears off the people concerned come down to earth and
find reality surprisingly cold.
Friendship between Burkina and any other country is conditional

on respect for our sovereignty and for our interests, just as we too
have an obligation to respect our partners. Imposing conditions is not
a one-way street. We think that any dialogue we have with France
must be a frank one. Sincerity, provided that both partners are will-
ing to strive for it, could make it possible to develop a program of
friendship.
France's representative, its ambassador here, considers that since
August 4, 1983, the scale of diplomatic exchanges between France
and then Upper Volta has tipped very much to our detriment. This
has many consequences. France continues to believe that the posi-
tions of Burkina Faso can be guessed at or interpreted through this or
that prima donna. This means that France has not grasped the fact
that Burkina Faso is a new animal, which, however, reflects a new
reality in Africa.
Question: Upper Volta decided not to go to the [1984 Summer]

Olympic Games. Why? How do you explain the fact that other Afri-
can countries have decided to participate?
Sankara: Upper Volta decided not to go, and Burkina Faso has
upheld that decision —not because there is not much hope of us
bringing home medals, no! — but out of principle. These games, like
all other platforms, should be used by us to denounce our enemies
and the racism of South Africa. We cannot participate in these games

side by side with those who support South Africa's racist policies and
those who reject the warnings and condemnations that Africans make
aimed at weakening racist South Africa. We do not agree with these
forces and have chosen not to participate in the games, even if it
means never going to another Olympic Games.
Our position has not been dictated to us by anyone. Every country
that has decided not to go has its reasons. Ours have to do with the re-
lations maintained by the British sports world with South Africa.
Britain has never accepted any of the particular warnings and protests
made against South Africa. Britain has never budged and neither
have we. We cannot stand side by side with them while they cele-
brate. This is a celebration we will not attend. We have no stomach
for it.
Question: You know that what often scares the Western world,
Europe, and France, is the term "revolution." In your speech, you
said that "revolution cannot be exported." Is this a way of reassuring
those countries that are a little bit afraid? If borders are merely ad-
.
ministrative boundaries, why can't revolution be exported?

Sankara: Revolution can't be exported. You cannot impose a par-
ticular ideological choice on any people. Exporting revolution would
mean in the first instance that we Burkinabe think we can tell others
how to solve their problems. This is a counterrevolutionary view, the
view of pseudorevolutionaries, proclaimed by the bookish, dogmatic
petty bourgeoisie. If it were true it would mean that we ourselves
think we imported our revolution, and as such, we must continue the
chain.
This is not the case, though we have said that we are not unknowl-
edgeable about the experiences of other peoples, their struggles, their
successes, their setbacks. The revolution in Burkina Faso takes into
account all other revolutions. The [Russian] revolution of 1917, for
example, teaches us many things, and the [French] revolution of
4
1789, and Monroe's theory of "America to the Americans" likewise
— we're interested in all that.
We don't think that having borders that are simply administrative
boundaries means that our ideology can invade other countries. If the
people of those countries do not accept our ideas, if they reject them,
our ideas will not travel very far. For these borders not to be a barrier
to ideas, they have to be understood on both sides of the line as mere
administrative boundaries. If Burkina Faso sees its borders in this
way, but those on the other side of the border see it as a protective
wall, you won't find the same process as that between Ghana and
Burkina Faso. The more we know about revolution, the more we un-
derstand that it represents no danger for the peoples, only strength.
Many fear revolution because they don't know it, or because they
have only seen excesses as reported by various journalists and media
looking for the sensational.
Let's be very precise. We didn't make our revolution to export it,
but we don't intend to tie ourselves up in knots to confine the Bur-
kinabe revolution inside an impenetrable fortress. Our revolution is
an ideology that blows freely and that is at the service of all those
who feel the need to avail themselves of it.
Notes
1 On the first anniversary of the revolution, the Republic of Upper Volta

was renamed Burkina Faso, a combination of words in the Jula and Moore
languages meaning Land of Upright Men.
2. Because of a long-standing border dispute, the previous governments
of Upper Volta had vetoed Mali's entrance into the West African Monetary
AFRICAN UNITY 73
Union (UMOA). Burkina Faso lifted this veto in October 1983.

3. The Brazzaville conference refers to attempts by several African gov-
ernments to negotiate an end to the civil war in Chad and the withdrawal of
foreign troops.
4. In 1823 U.S. President James Monroe formulated a policy warning
against European intervention in the Americas. It became known as the
Monroe Doctrine.
On Receiving the
Jose Marti Order
September 25, 1984
From September 25 to 30, 1984, Sankara headed a delegation to

Cuba, where he met with President Fidel Castro and received the
Jose Marti Order, the highest honor of the Cuban government,
shortly after his arrival. Cuban Communist Party Political Bureau
member and Minister of Culture Armando Hart spoke at the cere-
H
mony. The following are art's speech presenting the medal and
Sankara' s speech in response. They are translated from the French-
language edition o/Granma Weekly Review, October 7, 1984, pub-
lished in Havana, Cuba.
Armando Hart
Comrade Fidel;
Dear Comrade Capt. Thomas Sankara,
president of the National Council of the Revolution and head of
state and government of Burkina Faso;
Dear comrades of the visiting delegation;
Comrades:
Tonight we have the honor of acting on the resolution of our Coun-
cil of State to confer on you, dear President Sankara, a high and very
cherished distinction: the Jose Marti Order. Our revolution reserves

it for very specific cases. It is a token of well-deserved recognition
for those who have rendered outstanding service to the cause of their
people, to international relations between our countries; to dignity
and honor; or to the struggle against imperialism, colonial and
neocolonial domination, and for genuine national liberation. You,
Comrade Thomas Sankara, combine all these qualities.
First we
should point out the deep feelings of friendship and sol-
idarity with which the leadership of our party, our government, and
the entire Cuban people have been following the revolutionary events
74
RECEIVING THE JOSE MARTf ORDER • 75
unfolding in the former Republic of Upper Volta, today known by its
new name, Burkina Faso.

Revolutionary peoples, who have experienced the hard struggle
for independence, dignity, and development, have no difficulty in
understanding the efforts and battles of other fraternal peoples. They
feel the need to extend direct political support and solidarity —
something that is always important, but even more so at the outset of
a revolution. This is how we feel toward the people of Burkina Faso,
toward the process of renewal and transformation taking place in
their country and toward their outstanding leader, Capt. Thomas
Sankara.
President Sankara is a fine example of the role that patriotic mili-
tary young people, with advanced ideas and deep commitments to

the people, can and are playing in the struggle for the liberation and
development of their countries. Comrade Captain Sankara has led the
progressive forces of the army, the workers, and the young people of
his country with admirable tenacity, intelligence, and courage. He
has managed to frustrate reactionary maneuvers aimed at bringing
the revolutionary process to a halt. You, together with your people,
have blocked the reestablishment of the neocolonialist order with its
accompanying poverty, oppression, and corruption —
problems that
the new leadership of Burkina Faso is combating.
We feel a deep identification with these objectives and with Bur-
kina Faso's active international policy —a policy of solidarity with
the African peoples, who face apartheid, the aggression of the South
African racists, and domination by the forces of reaction and im-
perialism; a policy of support for national liberation movements and
of adherence to the principles of the Nonaligned Movement; and fi-
nally, its policy of unity against imperialism and in the struggle for
peace.
We are confident, dear Comrade Sankara, that this visit by your-
self and your delegation, and your conversations with Comrade Fidel
and other leaders of the Cuban revolution, will serve to further
strengthen our fraternal bonds and will mark a higher stage of
friendship and cooperation between our countries, which have been
developing so satisfactorily.
Burkina Faso and Cuba have relations that were established very
recently. Imperialism and colonialism separated us for a long time.
But, in reality, our ties go back centuries and it is only now, in this
era of revolution, that we can do them justice. In the past, countless
sons and daughters of your country were uprooted from their native
land and brought to Cuba in chains, as slaves for unscrupulous
exploiters. They contributed and gave up their lives in the

their labor
forging of a new whose independence they would later
nation, for
fight with admirable heroism. Jose Marti, the extraordinary Cuban
who symbolizes the pinnacle of revolutionary thought in Cuba and
America in the last century, and whose name has been given to this
cherished award, expressed in burning verse his unforgettable impres-
sion as a child witnessing the terrible tableau of African slavery. He
trembled with passion for those who cried out in pain and pledged to
vindicate that crime with his blood. Today Fidel is completing the
work Marti was unable to finish. In both Cuba and Burkina Faso rev-
olution has made those dreams a reality.
Today, those who come to our two countries no longer come as
men enchained in slavery but as men bearing the star of liberty. In
an expression of friendship, admiration, and respect,
this spirit, as
dear Comrade Sankara, receive from the hands of Commander in
Chief Fidel Castro the medal of the Jose Marti Order.
Thomas Sankara
Comrades:
Revolutionaries do not waste time throwing hypocritical bouquets
to one another, an art reactionaries have perfected.
In presenting me with the highest distinction of the Cuban revolu-
tion, the Cuban people confer an honor on my people that is more
than a symbolic gesture. It is a commitment of political support for
my country, Burkina Faso, and its democratic and popular revolu-

tion. It is a firm commitment founded on the memory of one of the
greatest patriots not only of Cuba and Latin America, but of all cor-
ners of the world where peoples are fighting for freedom and inde-
pendence.
This distinction is a demonstration of the deep love the Cuban peo-
ple feel for my people. Did not Jose Marti himself entitle his un-
forgettable work, "Love Is Repaid with Love"? Jose Marti, who at
the early age of sixteen was deported from his country for his revo-
lutionary political ideas, felt in his bones and his blood the reality of
militant solidarityamong the peoples of the world.
There is love among peoples; peoples know how to love. For nine
years, Marti lived in the United States, Mexico, and Guatemala,
where he was as one with the peoples and earned their love. Without
that profound love, his two deportations of 1869 and 1879 could
have discouraged him and sapped his morale. But in 1895 Jose Marti
RECEIVING THE JOSE MARTf ORDER • 77
returned to his country to take up arms against the colonial oppres-

sors. This man who died at Dos Rios fighting for the freedom of all
the world's peoples belongs to us all — to Cuba and to Burkina Faso.
It is with the valiant blood of heroes such as he that peoples are
nurtured and gather the strength required to wage increasingly impor-

tant battles.Comrade Fidel Castro and his comrades in the Sierra
Maestra in 1956 were simply carrying forward the revolutionary bat-
tle opened up by the Cuban people for their full freedom.
The revolutionaries and people of Burkina Faso, who spent years

combating reactionary and proimperialist regimes, were continuing
and today are still continuing the battle joined by Jose Marti. Cuba
and Burkina Faso are so far and yet so near, so different and yet so
similar, that only revolutionaries can understand the sincere love that
pushes us irresistibly toward mutual support.
My country is small. It covers 274,000 square kilometers and has
a population of seven million —seven million peasant men and
women, who live under conditions identical to, if not worse, than
those endured by your people under the fascist Batista dictatorship.
Running water, three meals a day, a clinic, a school, and a simple
plow are still elements of an ideal in life that millions of people in my
country have not yet achieved after a year of revolutionary power. It
must be said that the legacy of the past is heavy. It is under these con-
ditions that the National Council of the Revolution and the people of
Burkina Faso conquered state power and wield it today.
But there are positive examples such as yours that raise the morale
of the less-determined, strengthen the revolutionary convictions of
others, and spur people on to struggle against the centers of hunger,
disease, and ignorance that still exist in our country.
We have been fighting, we fight, and will continue to fight to

create with our own hands the material base for our happiness. In this
fight we know we can count at all times on the firm support of the
revolutionary people of Cuba and all those who have embraced Jose
Marti 's ideals.
May Jose Marti hear me!
May this medal guide me and my comrades in leading our revolu-
tion to victory at the service of the people who are demanding their
share of happiness.
It is in no way accidental that our national slogan is one you know
well: Homeland or death, we will triumph!

-
We Want to Be Free to Give

Our Culture Its Full Significance
October 2, 1984
While visiting New York City to address the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly, Sankara spoke at the opening of an exhibition of Bur
kinabe art at the Third World Trade Center in Harlem, on October 2,
1984. The text is translated from a transcript of the meeting.
Dear friends, thank you for giving me the opportunity to present

Burkina Faso to you. As our brother just explained so well, we have
changed the name of our country. This change is in harmony with a
rebirth we are currently experiencing. We have put Upper Volta to
death in order to allow Burkina Faso to be reborn. For us, the name
Upper Volta is a symbol of colonization. We feel we have no more
interest in an Upper Volta than we would have in a Lower, Western,
Our
or Eastern Volta. exhibition here allows us to present the real
name we have chosen — Burkina Faso — to the whole world. This
is a very big opportunity for us.
We chose to launch the exhibition here in Harlem. You might ask
why. It is because we believe that the struggle we are waging in Af-
rica and in Burkina Faso is the same struggle you are waging here in
Harlem. And we believe that we in Africa must give our brothers in
Harlem all the support needed so that their struggle, too, can become
known. When people the world over become aware that Harlem is a
living heart that beats to Africa's rhythm, Harlem will be respected
by everyone. Any African head of state who comes to New York
must first pass through Harlem. This is why we consider that our
White House is in black Harlem.
This exhibition you have come to see this evening has a deep sig-
nificance for us. It transmits our entire past as well as our present. At
the same time, it opens the door to our future. It constitutes a living
link between us and our ancestors, us and our children.
Each object you see here expresses the pain of the African. It ex-
78
ON CULTURE 79
presses, too, the struggle we

waging not only against natural
are
scourges, but also against enemies who have come to subjugate us.
Each object expresses the source of energy on which we rely to wage
our struggle, whether presented in the style of our ancestors or in
modern style. We think that our future is portrayed here also, em-
bodied in these objects of art.
The magic concealed in these objects, in these masks, is perhaps

the same magic that prompted others to have confidence in the fu-
ture, to explore the heavens, and send rockets to the moon. We want
to be give our art and culture its full significance. It is,
left free to
magical phenomenon when light appears at the simple

after all, a
touch of a button. If barriers had been placed in the path of Jules
Verne, we would not be seeing the developments in space we are wit-
nessing today.
Our own form of de-
ancestors in Africa were involved in their
velopment. We
do not want these great African sages to be written
out of history. This is why we have decided to create a center for the
research of the black man in Burkina Faso. At this center we will
study the origins of the black man, the evolution of his culture and
his music around the world, as well as his dress, his cuisine, and his
languages the world over. In short, we will study everything that can
enable us to affirm our own identity.
This center will not be a closed center. We call on all Africans to
come and study there —
Africans from Africa, those outside of Af-
rica, Africans from Harlem. We call on each and every one to come
and participate on whatever level to further the development and
flowering of the African man. We hope that this exhibition will be
only a prelude to this enormous task that lies before us.
Let's make sure, dear brothers and comrades, that the coming gen-
erations cannot accuse us of stifling the black man or selling him
short.
I won't take more of your time. We are expecting other articles to
arrive to complete this exhibition, specifically, objects in bronze, I
believe, and hope I will have the opportunity to come back to Har-
I
lem again, maybe tomorrow or the day after to discuss this exhibition
with you.
I thank you again for allowing Burkina Faso, an African country,
to express itself here. In the name of the people of Burkina Faso, in
the name of our brothers here in Harlem, I declare this exhibition
open!
Thank you.
Our White House Is in Black Harlem
October 3, 1984
On October 3, 1984, Sankara spoke to more than 500 people at the

Harriet Tubman School in Harlem at a meeting sponsored by the Patrice
Lumumba Coalition. The text is translated from a transcript.
Imperialism!
[Shouts of "Down with it!"]
Imperialism!
Neocolonialism!
Racism!
Puppet regimes!
[Shouts of "Down with them!"]
Glory!
[Shouts of "To the people!"]
Dignity!
Power!
Thank you, comrades. [Prolonged applause]
I'm not going to speak for long, because those who spoke before
me have already explained what the revolution should be. The com-
rade who is a member of the Central Committee [of the All- African
Peoples Revolutionary Party] explained very well what the revolu-
tion should be and what kind of commitment we must have to it. The
comrade reverend has explained in rather ironical terms what the rev-
olution should be. The comrades from other regions on and off the
continent have also explained what the revolution should be. The sing-
80
OUR WHITE HOUSE IS IN BLACK HARLEM - 81
ers, dancers, and musicians have also told us what the revolution
should be. What remains for us now is to make the revolution!
[Applause]
A moment ago, as watched your ballet, I really thought I was in
I
Africa. [Applause] This is why, as I have always said and I'll say—
it again — that our White House is in black Harlem. [Prolonged
applause]
There are many of us who think of Harlem as a trash heap a —
place to suffocate in. But there are also many of us who think that
Harlem will give the African soul its true dimension. [Applause] As
African people we are numerous —
very numerous. We should un-
derstand that our existence must be devoted to the struggle to re-
habilitate the African man. We must wage the struggle, the struggle
that will free us from domination and oppression by other men.
Certain blacks are afraid and prefer to swear allegiance to whites.
[Applause] We must denounce this! We must fight against it! We
must be proud to be black! [Prolonged applause] Remember, there
are many politicians who think of blacks only on the eve of elections.
But we must be black with other blacks daytime and nighttime. [Pro-
longed applause]
Our struggle is a call for building. But our demand is not to build
a world for blacks alone and against other men. As black people, we
want to teach other people how to love each other. Despite their mali-
ciousness toward us, we will know how to resist and then teach them
the meaning of solidarity. We also know that we must be organized
and determined. [Applause] We have brothers in South Africa. They
must be freed. [Prolonged applause]
Last year I met [Grenada's Prime Minister] Maurice Bishop. We
had a lengthy discussion and gave each other some mutual advice.
When I returned to my country, imperialism arrested me. I thought
about Maurice Bishop. Some time later I was freed from prison
thanks to a mobilization by our people. Again, I thought about
Maurice Bishop. I wrote him a letter, which I never had the opportu-
nity to send him, again because of imperialism.
So we have learned from now on we must fight relentlessly
that
against imperialism. If we don't want to see other Maurice Bishops
assassinated tomorrow, we have to start mobilizing today. [Pro-
longed applause]
This is why I want to show you that I am ready for imperialism!
[Unbuckles belt and holds up holster and pistol. Cheers and pro-
longed applause] And you can believe me, this is not a toy. These
bullets are real! And when we fire them it will be against imperialism
and for all black people and for all those who suffer from domina-
tion. It will also be for those whites who are genuine brothers of
black people; and for Ghana, because Ghana is our brother.
You may know why we organized the Bold Union maneuvers. 1 It
was to show imperialism what we are capable of inflicting. Many Af-

rican countries prefer to organize their military maneuvers jointly
with foreign powers. When we organize our next maneuvers, there
must be combatants from Harlem to participate with us. [Cheers and
prolonged applause]
Our revolution is symbolized by our flag. This is our country's
new flag. Our country also has a new name. This flag, as you can
see, resembles the black liberation flag. This is because we are all
one. We are working for the same cause as you. This is why, quite
naturally, the colors are alike. They signify the same thing. We
didn't have to use the color black, however, because we are already
in Africa. [Applause, cheers, shouts of "Down with imperialism!"]
But you can consider the two flags as equal.
You know it's important that every day each one of you remember
one thing. While we are here discussing and talking to each other as
Africans, there are spies among us to report back tomorrow morning.
We say to them that they don't need to bring microphones because
it's obvious that even if the television cameras were here, we would
be saying exactly the same thing! [Applause]

I want to say that we have the power and the capacity within our-
selves to combat imperialism. You need remember only one thing:

when the people stand up, imperialism trembles. [Applause]
was very impressed with the ballet you performed. This is why I
I
would like to invite you to the next Week of National Culture that
will take place in Burkina Faso in December. Even if you can send
only one person, you must send someone. [Applause] I would like to
invite you, too, to the next pan- African film festival in Ouagadougou
in February. All the African countries will be represented. South Af-
rica will be represented by the African liberation movement. Harlem
must be there! [Applause]
We will do everything in our power to send you troupes from Bur-
kina Faso to perform in support of our African brothers and sisters
here. I ask you to encourage and support them and to make it possible
for them to get to other cities so that they can meet other Africans
here in the United States.
I've noticed that you have a lot of respect for Comrade Jerry
John Rawlings. I will send you some African clothing with his
photo. We have also printed on these clothes: "Ghana-Burkina Faso
OUR WHITE HOUSE IS IN BLACK HARLEM 83
— same struggle." [Applause]

Wear these clothes everywhere — to work, in the streets, when
you do your shopping, everywhere. Be proud of it. Show everyone
that you are African. Don't ever be ashamed of being African!
[Applause]
I wouldn't be long and before ending I would like you
said that I
all tomorrow, when I address the United Na-

to stand up, because
tions, I will speak about the ghettos and Nelson Mandela, who must
be set free. [Applause] I will speak about injustice, racism, and about
the hypocrisy of leaders around the world.
But I will also explain that you and we —
all of us are waging—
our struggle and that they would do well to take note. [Applause] Be-
cause you represent the people, and wherever you are on your feet,
imperialism trembles! I invite you to repeat with me, "When the peo-
ple stand up, imperialism trembles!"
[Shouts of "When the people stand up, imperialism trembles!"]
Again!
[Shouts of "When the people stand up, imperialism trembles!" ]
Again!
[Shouts of "When the people stand up, imperialism trembles!"]
[Applause]
Imperialism!
Imperialism!
Puppet regimes!
[Shouts of "Down with them!"]
Racism!
Zionism!
Neocolonialism!
Glory!
Dignity!
Music!
Health!
[Shouts of "To the people!" ]
Education!

Power!
All the power!
Thank you, comrades.
[Prolonged applause]
Notes
1. Burkina Faso and Ghana held joint military maneuvers in Ghana,

November 4-8, 1983.
UN photo
Peasant irrigates field near Dori, Upper Volta, mid-1970s.

UN photo
Village woman grinds millet, May 1983.
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UN photo
Sankara addresses the UN General Assembly, October 1984.
Ernest Harsch/Militant
Sankara speaks in Harlem, New York, October 1984.
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Margaret A. Novicki/Africa Report
Sankara greets crowd in Orodara, Burkina Faso, 1986.
Committee for the Defense of the Revolution office, Ouagadougou.
Freedom Can Be
Won Only Through Struggle
October 4, 1984
Sankara's speech to the Thirty -ninth Session of the UN General

Assembly on October 4, 1984, is translated from a pamphlet issued
by the Mission of Burkina Faso.
Mr. President;
Mr. Secretary General;
Honorable representatives of the international community:
I am here to bring you fraternal greetings from a country that cov-
ers 274,000 square kilometers and whose seven million children,

women, and men refuse henceforth to die from ignorance, hunger,
and thirst. These are people who, despite a quarter century of exis-
tence as a sovereign state represented here at the United Nations, are
still not able to really live.
I am here to address this Thirty-ninth Session in the name of a peo-
ple that has decided, on the soil of its ancestors, henceforth to assert
itselfand to affirm and take charge of its own history —both its posi-
tive and negative aspects —
without the slightest inhibition.
I am here, finally, mandated by the National Council of the Rev-
olution of Burkina Faso, to express the views of my people concern-

ing the problems on our agenda —
problems that constitute the tragic
web of events so painfully splitting the foundations of our world at
the end of this twentieth century.
This world is one in which humanity is in chaos, torn apart by
struggles between the great and the not- so-great, attacked by armed
bands and subjected to violence and pillage. It is a world in which na-
tions act outside international law, commanding gangs of bandits
who, gun in hand, live by plunder and other sordid trafficking.
Mr. President:
I make no claim to set forth doctrines here. I am neither messiah
nor prophet. I possess no truths. My goal is twofold: first, to be able
85
to speak on behalf of my people, the people of Burkina Faso, in sim-

ple words, in the language of facts and clarity; and second, in my
own way, speak for the great, disinherited people of the world, so
to
disparagingly named the Third World. I wish to explain the reasons
for our revolt, even though I may not succeed in making you under-
stand them.
All of this demonstrates our interest in the United Nations. Our
rights require that we come here with the vigor and rigor born of our
clear awareness of our duty.
No one should be surprised to see us associate the former Upper
Volta — today Burkina Faso — with this despised ragbag called the
Third World, a world invented at the time of formal independence in
order to better perpetuate foreign control of our intellectual, cultural,
economic, and political life.
We place ourselves within this world, while giving no credence to
this gigantic fraud of history nor accepting the status of the "hinter-
land of the satiated West." We do so to affirm our awareness of be-
longing to a tricontinental whole and to acknowledge as a Nonaligned
country and with the full depth of our convictions that a special sol-
idarity unites the three continents of Asia, Latin America, and Africa
in a single struggle against the same political gangsters and the same
economic exploiters.
In acknowledging that we are part of the Third World we are, to
paraphrase Jose Marti, "affirming that our cheek feels the blow
struck against any man, anywhere in the world." Until now we have
turned the other cheek. The blows were redoubled. The evil heart did
not soften. The truth of the righteous was trampled under foot. The
word of Christ was betrayed and his cross was transformed into a
club. They put on his robe and rent our bodies and souls asunder.
They obscured his message. They westernized it, while we under-
stood it as one of universal liberation. Well, our eyes are now open
to the class struggle, and there will be no more blows.
We must state categorically that there is no salvation for our peo-
ple unless we turn our backs on all the models that charlatans of all
types have tried to sell us for twenty years. There is no salvation out-
side of this rejection. There is no development separate from a rup-
ture of this kind. All those new intellectual giants who are emerging
from their slumber — awakened by the dizzying rise of billions of
men in rags, aghast at the threat of this hunger-driven multitude
weighing on their digestion — are beginning to rework their
speeches.
Rather than looking to us, they are once more anxiously searching
FREEDOM IS WON THROUGH STRUGGLE 87
for miracle concepts and new forms of development for our coun-
tries. A reading of the numerous publications of innumerable forums
and seminars is ample illustration of this.
Far be it for me to ridicule the patient efforts of honest intellectuals
who, because they have eyes to see, are discovering the terrible con-
sequences of the devastation imposed on us by so-called specialists
in the development of the Third World. My fear is to see the fruits of
so much energy coopted by Prosperos of all kinds who — with a
wave of their magic wand — spirit us back to a world of slavery
dressed up in today's fashions.
My fear is justified even more by the fact that the educated petty
bourgeoisie of Africa — if not of the entire Third World — is not
prepared to give up its privileges, either because of intellectual lazi-

ness or simply because it has tasted the Western way of life. Because
of this these petty bourgeois forget that all genuine political struggle
requires rigorous, theoretical debate, and they refuse to rise to the in-
tellectual effort of conceiving new concepts equal to the murderous
struggle that lies ahead of us. Passive and pathetic consumers, they
wallow in terminology fetishized by the West just as they wallow in
Western whiskey and champagne in shady-looking lounges.
1
Ever since the concepts of negritude and African Personality,
now showing their age, the search for ideas that are genuinely new
produced by the brains of our "great" intellectuals is in vain. Our vo-
cabulary and our ideas come from elsewhere. Our professors, en-
gineers, and economists are content to simply add color — for often
the only things they brought back with them from the European uni-
versities that produced them are their degrees and their velvety adjec-
tives and superlatives!
It is both necessary and urgent that our trained personnel and those
who work with the pen learn that there is no such thing as neutral
writing. In these stormy times we cannot give today's and yester-
day's enemies a monopoly over thought, imagination, and creativity.
Before it is too late— and it is already late — this elite, these men
of Africa and of the Third World, must come home to themselves,
that is, to their societies and to the misery we have inherited. They
must understand that the battle for an ideology that serves the needs
of the disinherited masses is not in vain. But they must understand,
too, that they can only become credible on an international level by
being genuinely creative — by portraying a faithful image of their
people, an image conducive to carrying out fundamental change in
political and social conditions and to wrenching our countries from
foreign domination and exploitation, which leave us no other per-
spective than bankruptcy.

This is what we, the Burkinabe people, understood the night of
August 4, 1983, when the first stars began to sparkle in the skies of
our homeland. We had to take the leadership of the peasant revolts
that were breaking out in a countryside driven wild by the advancing
desert, abandoned and exhausted by hunger and thirst. We had to
give direction to the rumbling revolt of the urban masses who were
without work, frustrated, and weary of watching the limousines driven
by estranged elites that take turns heading the government and offer
them nothing but false solutions conceived by the brains of others.
We had to give an ideological soul to the just struggles being waged
by the popular masses as they mobilized against the monster of im-
perialism. We had to replace forever the short-lived brushfire of
passing revolt with revolution, the permanent struggle against all
forms of domination.
Others have explained before me, and others will undoubtedly ex-
plain again, the extent to which the chasm has widened between the
affluent peoples and those whose only aspiration is to eat their fill
and quench their thirst, to survive and preserve their dignity. But the
extent to which the crops of the poor have fattened the rich man's cat-
tle in our countries is beyond imagination!
What was formerly Upper Volta was one of the most striking
examples of this process. We were the wondrous concentration, the
essence, of all the calamities that have ever swept down on the so-
called developing countries. The example of foreign aid, much
heralded and presented without rhyme or reason as a panacea, bears
eloquent witness to this fact. Very few countries have been as inun-
dated as Burkina with every conceivable form of aid. Theoretically,
this aid is supposed to work in favor of our development. In the case
of what was formerly Upper Volta, you can search in vain for a sign
of anything that could be called development. Those in power, either
out of naivete or class selfishness, could not or would not take con-
trol of this influx from abroad or understand its significance and
place demands on it in keeping with the interests of our people.
After analyzing a table published in 1983 by the Sahel Club, Jac-
ques Giri, with much good sense, concludes in his book, Le Sahel
demain (Tomorrow's Sahel), that because of its content and the
mechanisms that govern its use, aid to the Sahel today is simply aid
for survival. Thirty percent of this aid, he underlines, simply enables
the Sahel to stay alive. According to Giri, the only goal of foreign aid
is to continue developing nonproductive sectors, imposing unbear-
able burdens on our meager budgets, disorganizing our countryside,
.
FREEDOM IS WON THROUGH STRUGGLE • 89
increasing the deficits in our balance of trade, and accelerating our

indebtedness.
A few simple facts serve to describe the former Upper Volta: A
country with seven million inhabitants, more than six million of
whom are peasants; an infant mortality rate estimated at 180 per
1 ,000 and an illiteracy rate of up to 98 percent, if we define as literate
someone who can read, write, and speak a language; an average life
expectancy of only forty years; one doctor for 50,000 inhabitants; a
school-attendance rate of only 16 percent; and, finally, a Gross
Domestic Product of 53,356 CFA francs per capita, or barely over
$100. The diagnosis before us was somber. The cause of the illness
was political. The cure could only be political.
Of course, we encourage aid that helps us to overcome the need for
aid. But in general, the policy of foreign aid and assistance produced
nothing but disorganization and continued enslavement. It robbed us
of our sense of responsibility for our own economic, political, and
cultural territory.
We chose to risk new paths to achieve greater happiness. We
chose to apply new techniques and to look for forms of organization
better suited to our civilization. We abruptly and definitively rejected
all forms of foreign diktats, thus creating the conditions for a dignity
worthy of our ambitions. To reject mere survival and ease the pres-
sures; to liberate the countryside from feudal paralysis or regression;
to democratize our society and open our minds to a universe of col-
lective responsibility in order to dare to invent the future. To shatter
the administrative apparatus, then rebuild with a new kind of state
it
employee; to fuse our army with the people through productive labor
and with the reminder that without patriotic political education, a
military man is nothing but a criminal in power —
this is our political
program.
On the level of economic planning, we are learning how to live
modestly and are prepared to endure self-imposed austerity in order
to be able to carry out ambitious projects.
Already, thanks to a national solidarity fund made up of voluntary
contributions, we are beginning to find answers to the harsh questions
posed by the drought. We support and have applied the Alma Ata prin-
ciples by increasing our range of primary health-care services. We
have adopted the GOBI FFF Strategy proposed by UNICEF, by mak-
ing it government policy 2
We think that the UN should use its Sahel Office to establish a me-
dium- and long-term plan to enable all countries that suffer from
drought to achieve self-sufficiency in food.
In preparation for the twenty-first century, we have launched a

massive campaign to educate and train our children in a new kind of
school, financed by establishing a special section of our lottery,
"Teach our children." And, thanks to the work of the Committees for
the Defense of the Revolution, we have launched a vast construction
project to build public housing (500 units in three months), roads,
and small reservoirs, etc. Our economic goal is to create a situation
where every Burkinabe can at least use his brain and hands to pro-
duce enough to guarantee him two meals per day and drinking water.
— —
We swear we state categorically that henceforth nothing in
Burkina Faso will ever again be undertaken without the participation
of Burkinabe. Henceforth, we will conceive and decide on every-
thing. This is a precondition. There will be no further assaults on our
sense of decency and dignity.
Fortified by this conviction, we would like our words to embrace
all those who are in pain and all those whose dignity is being tram-
pled on by a handful of men or by a system intent on crushing them.

To all those listening to me, allow me to say that I speak not only
in the name of my beloved Burkina Faso, but also in the name of all
those who are suffering in any corner of the world. I speak in the
name of the millions who live in ghettos because they have black skin
or because they come from different cultures, and whose status is
barely better than that of an animal. I suffer in the name of the In-
dians who have been massacred, crushed, humiliated, and confined

for centuries on reservations to the point where they can claim no
rights and their culture cannot enrich itself through beneficial union
with others, including the culture of the invader. I speak out in the
name of those thrown out of work by a system that is structurally un-
just and periodically in crisis, whose only view of life is a reflection
of that of the affluent.
I speak on behalf of women the world over, who suffer at the
hands of a male-imposed system. We welcome suggestions from

anywhere in the world on how to achieve the full development of
Burkinabe women. In exchange, we can offer to share with all other
countries the positive experience we have had with women who now
participate at every level of the state apparatus and in all aspects of
Burkina's social life. Women in struggle proclaim in unison with us
that the slave who does not organize his own rebellion deserves no pity
for his lot. He alone is responsible for his misfortune if he harbors illu-
sions in the dubious assurance of a master's promise of freedom. Free-
dom can be won only through struggle and we call on all our sisters of
all races to rise to the assault and fight to conquer their rights.
Ispeak on behalf of the mothers in our impoverished countries

who watch their children die of malaria or diarrhea, ignorant of the
fact that there are simple ways to save them. The science of the mul-
tinationals, however, keeps this knowledge from them, preferring in-
stead to serve the cosmetics laboratories and provide plastic surgery
to satisfy the whims of a few men and women whose charm is
threatened by the excess of calories in their meals, the richness and
regularity of which would make you —
or rather us from the Sahel
— dizzy. We have decided to adopt and popularize the simple
measures recommended by the World Health Organization and
UNICEF.
I speak, too, in the name of the child —
the hungry child of the
poor who furtively eyes the accumulation of abundance in the rich
man's stores. The store is protected by a thick glass window; the win-
dow is protected by impenetrable bars; the bars are protected by a
policeman in helmet and gloves, armed with a billy club and posted
there by the father of another child who can come and serve himself,
or rather be served, just because he has the credentials guaranteed by
the system's capitalist norms.
Ispeak on behalf of the artists —
poets, painters, sculptors, musi-
and actors
cians, —
good men who see their art prostituted before the
alchemy of show business conjuring tricks. I cry out in the name of
the journalists reduced to silence or lies in order to avoid the harsh
law of unemployment. I protest on behalf of the athletes of the entire
world whose muscles are exploited by the political system or by
modern-day slave merchants.
My country is the quintessence of all the misfortunes of the peo-
ples, a painful synthesis of all of humanity's suffering, but also, and
above all, a synthesis of the promise of its struggles. This is why I
feel asone with the sick who anxiously survey the horizons of a sci-
ence monopolized by arms merchants.
My heart goes out to all those affected by the destruction of nature
and with the thirty million who will die each year, struck down by the
formidable weapon called hunger.
As a military man, I cannot forget the soldier who must obey or-
ders. His finger on the trigger, he knows that the bullet he will fire
brings only the message of death.
I speak out in indignation thinking about the Palestinians whom an
inhuman humanity has replaced with another people —
a people only
yesterday martyred at will. My thoughts reach out to this valiant Pal-
estinian people, to the shattered families wandering across the world
in search of refuge. Courageous, determined, stoic, and untiring, the
Palestinians remind every human conscience of the moral necessity

and obligation to respect the rights of a people. The Palestinians,
along with their Jewish brothers, oppose Zionism.
Side by side with my brother soldiers of Iran and Iraq who are
dying in a fratricidal and suicidal war, I wish also to feel close to my
comrades of Nicaragua, whose harbors are mined and whose villages
are bombarded and who, despite everything, face their destiny with
such courage and clear-sightedness. I suffer with all those of Latin
America who labor under the grip of imperialism.
I wish to stand on the side of the peoples of Afghanistan and Ire-
land, Grenada and East Timor, all of whom are searching for a hap-
piness inspired by their dignity and the laws of their own culture. I
stand here in the name of all those who are seeking a truly world
forum to make their voices heard and get a genuine hearing. Many
have preceded me to speak at this podium and others will follow. But
only some will make the real decisions. And yet we are officially all
equals here.
Well, I will act as the spokesperson for all those who vainly seek
a forum in this world from which to make themselves heard. Yes, I
wish to speak in the name of all the abandoned of the world, for "I am
a man: nothing human is alien to me."
Our revolution in Burkina Faso embraces the misfortunes of all
peoples. It draws on the totality of man's experiences since the first
breath of humanity. We wish to be the heirs of all the revolutions of
the world and of all the liberation struggles of the peoples of the
Third World. Our eyes are on the profound upheavals that have
transformed the world. We draw the lessons of the American revolu-
tion, its triumph over colonial domination and the consequences of
its victory. We take as our own the pledge of noninterference in each
other's affairs affirmed by the Europeans and the Americans. Just as
Monroe proclaimed "America to the Americans" in 1823, we echo
this today by saying "Africa to the Africans," "Burkina Faso to the
Burkinabe."
The French revolution of 1789, which overturned the foundations
of absolutism, taught us the intimate connection between the rights
of man and the rights of peoples to liberty. The great October [Rus-
sian] revolution of 1917 transformed the world, brought victory to
the proletariat, shook the foundations of capitalism, and made possi-
ble the realization of the Paris Commune's dreams of justice.
We are open to all the winds of the will of the peoples and their
revolutions, and we study some of the terrible failures that have
given rise to tragic violations of human rights. We take from each
revolution only its kernel of purity, which forbids us to become

slaves to the reality of others even where, in terms of ideology, we
find we have common interests.
Mr. President:
The sham must end. The New International Economic Order for
which we are fighting and will continue to fight can be won only if
we succeed in bringing to ruin the existing order that ignores us, if

we take our rightful place in the political organization of the world,
and if, considering our importance in the world, we obtain the right
to be part of the discussions and decisions concerning the
mechanisms that govern trade, the economy, and the monetary sys-
tem on a world scale.
The New International Economic Order simply takes its place
alongside all the other rights of the people, such as the right to inde-
pendence, self-determination in government forms and structures,
the right to development, etc. Like all other rights of the people, it
must be won in struggle and by the struggle of the peoples. It will
never be the result of some big power's generosity.
I continue to have unshakable confidence —
a confidence shared
by the immense community of Nonaligned countries —
that, under
the blows of our peoples' cries of distress, our group will maintain its
cohesion, strengthen its collective bargaining power, find allies
among all nations, and begin, together with those who can still hear
us, to organize a genuinely new international system of economic re-
lations.
Mr. President:
I agreed to speak before this illustrious assembly because, despite
all the criticism of the United Nations by some of its bigger mem-
bers, it still remains an ideal forum for our demands —

an indispens-
able place of legitimacy for all countries without voice.
This is what our Secretary General [Javier Perez de Cuellar] so
correctly expressed when he wrote:
"The United Nations is unique in that it reflects the aspirations and
numerous countries and groupings around the world.
frustrations of
One of its great merits is that all nations, including those that are
weak, oppressed and victims of injustice" —
he is talking about us —
"can, even when they are facing the harsh reality of power, come and
find a tribune to be heard. Though a just cause may meet with mis-
fortune or indifference, it can nevertheless find an echo in the United
Nations. This characteristic of our organization has not always been
appreciated, but it is nonetheless essential." There can be no better
definition of the meaning and significance of our organization.
94 • THOMAS SANKARA SPEAKS
Thus it is a pressing necessity for each one of us to work to con-

solidate the foundations of our organization, giving it the necessary
means to act. We thus take up the proposals made along these lines
by the Secretary General so that we can help our organization out of
its numerous impasses so carefully fostered by the big powers to dis-
credit it in the eyes of public opinion.

Mr. President:
Given the merits, however limited, of our organization, I can only
rejoice at the addition of new members. In this spirit, the Burkinabe
delegation welcomes the admittance of our 159th member, Brunei
Darussalam.
Because of the folly of those into whose hands the leadership of
the world, by quirk of fate, has fallen, the Movement of Nonaligned
Countries —
of which I hope Brunei Darussalam will soon become a
member —
has the obligation to consider the fight for disarmament
a permanent goal of its struggles, an essential precondition for our
right to development.
In our opinion, we need a serious study that takes into account all
of the elements that have led to the calamities that have befallen the
world. In this regard, President Fidel Castro expressed our point of
view admirably in 1979 at the opening of the Sixth Summit Confer-
ence of Nonaligned Countries when he declared, "Three hundred bil-
lion dollars is enough to build 600,000 schools a year with a capacity
of 400 million children; or 60 million comfortable homes with a ca-
pacity of 300 million people; or 50,000 hospitals with 18 million
beds; or 20,000 factories to provide employment for more than 20
million workers; or make possible the irrigation of 150 million hec-
tares of land, which with an adequate technical level could provide
food for a billion people." 3 If we multiply these figures by ten and —
I am sure this would fall well short of today's reality —
we will see
what humanity squanders every year in the military arena in opposi-
tion to peace.
One can easily see why the masses' indignation rapidly becomes
rebellion against the crumbs thrown their way in the insulting form of
aid — an aid often tied to frankly contemptible conditions. One can
understand why our struggle for development demands that we be
tireless fighters for peace.
We hereby swear to fight to ease tensions and introduce into inter-
national relations principles worthy of a civilized way of life and ex-
tend them to all regions of the world. This means that we can no
longer engage in passive phrasemongering. We reiterate our determi-
nation to be active proponents of peace; to take our place in the fight
FREEDOM IS WON THROUGH STRUGGLE 95
for disarmament; and finally to act as a decisive factor in interna-

tional politics, free from the control of any of the big powers, what-
ever the latter' s plans may be.
The quest for peace goes hand in hand with the firm application of
the right of countries to independence, of peoples to liberation, and
of nations to self-determination. On this score the most pitiful and
appalling — yes, appalling — prize is awarded to a small country in
the Middle East, Israel, for its arrogance, insolence, and incredible
obstinacy. Israel, protected by the despicable complicity of its pow-

United States, has defied the international commu-
erful protector the
nity for twenty years. Scorning history, which only yesterday rele-
gated Jews wholesale to the gas chambers, Israel now inflicts on
others a suffering that was once its own. Israel, whose people we
love for their courage and sacrifices of yesterday, must learn that
peace for them cannot be achieved through military might financed
from abroad. Israel must begin to learn how to become a nation like
others and with others. For the present, from this rostrum, we affirm
our militant and active solidarity with the men and women of this
wonderful, combative Palestinian people, for we know that no suf-
fering endures forever.
Mr. President:
In analyzing the economic and political situation in Africa, we
cannot fail to stress the deep concerns we have with regard to the
dangerous challenges to the rights of peoples. Certain countries, sure
of their alliances, openly scorn international ethics. Of course, we
are right to hail the decision to withdraw foreign troops from Chad.
Chad can now seek ways to end this fratricidal war
from outside
free
interference and finally allow its people, who have wept for so many
years, to dry their tears.
However, despite some progress registered here and there by Af-
economic emancipation, our conti-
rican peoples in their struggle for
nent continues to reflect the basic fact of conflict between major
powers. We continue to bear the brunt of the intolerable and seem-
ingly endless tribulations of the modern world. For this reason, we
believe that the fate meted out to the people of Western Sahara by the
Kingdom of Morocco is intolerable, and we condemn it uncondition-
Morocco is using delaying tactics to postpone the inevitable day
ally.
of reckoning that will be imposed on it by the will of the Sahraoui
people. It is clear to me, after having personally visited the regions
liberated by the Sahraoui people, that nothing will ever again be able
to impede their march toward the total liberation of their country
under the militant and clear-sighted leadership of the Polisario Front.
Mr. President:
I on the question of Mayotte and the is-
will not say a great deal
lands of the Malagasy archipelago. Some things are obvious, and
when the principles are clear there is no need to elaborate on them.
Mayotte belongs to the Comoros; the islands of the archipelago be-
long to Madagascar. 4
In Latin America, we salute the Contadora Group's initiative,
which marks a positive step in the search for a just solution to the
explosive situation there. Comdr. Daniel Ortega, on behalf of the
revolutionary people of Nicaragua, made some concrete proposals
here and posed some fundamental questions to the appropriate peo-
ple. We expect to see peace in his country and in all of Central Amer-
ica on October 15 and thereafter.
5
We take world public opinion as
our witness.
Just as we condemned foreign aggression against the island of
Grenada, we condemn all outside intervention. For this reason we
cannot remain silent about foreign military intervention in Afghanis-
tan.
There is one particular question of such gravity that it demands of
each one of us a frank and firm answer. As you might imagine, this
is the question of South Africa. The incredible contempt that country
has for all the nations of the world, including those who support its
system of terrorism aimed at physically liquidating its black major-
ity, and the scorn with which it greets all of our resolutions are
among the most overbearing concerns of the contemporary world.

But the most tragic thing is not that South Africa stands accused by
the international community because of its apartheid laws, nor that it
continues illegally to keep Namibia under the racist boot of colonial-
ism and subject its neighbors to highway robbery with impunity. No,
the most despicable and humiliating thing bearing down on the
human conscience is that it has managed to make a banality out of the
misery of millions of human beings who have nothing but their
chests and the heroism of their bare hands with which to defend
themselves. Certain that it can count on the complicity of the big
powers, including the active involvement of some of them, as well as
the criminal collaboration of some of Africa's pitiful leaders, the
white minority mocks the feelings of peoples across the globe who
find intolerable the savagery of the methods it uses in South Africa.
There was a time when international brigades would have been
formed to defend the honor of nations whose dignity is thus as-
saulted. Today, despite the festering wounds we have all sustained,
we vote resolutions whose only power, we are told, is to bring to its
senses this nation of pirates that is capable of "destroying a smile as

the hail kills flowers."
Mr. President:
Wewill soon be celebrating the 150th anniversary of the emanci-
pation of slaves by the British Empire. My delegation supports the
proposal made by the countries of Antigua and Barbados to com-
memorate energetically this event that has such important signifi-
cance for African countries and for all blacks. In our opinion, every-
thing that is done, said, or organized around the world as part of the
commemorative ceremonies should emphasize the terrible price
exacted from Africa and blacks for the development of human civili-
zation. This price was paid without receiving anything in return. This
no doubt explains the tragedy we are witnessing today on our conti-
nent. Ours is the blood that nourished the rise of capitalism, thereby
ensuring our current state of dependence and consolidating our un-
derdevelopment. The truth can no longer be concealed by doctoring
numbers. For every black brought to the plantations at least five
others died or were mutilated. I leave aside here the devastation of
our continent and its consequences.
Mr. President:
thanks to you and with the help of our Secretary General, the
If,
world can be convinced of this truth on this anniversary, it will then

understand why, with every fiber of our bodies, we want peace be-
tween nations and why we demand and claim our absolute right to
equality in development by means of the organization and redistribu-
tion of human resources.
Of all the human races, we belong to those who have suffered the
most. We Burkinabe have thus sworn never again to accept the small-
even the smallest corner of the earth. It is our memory
est injustice in
of us side by side with the Palestine Liber-
this suffering that places
ation Organization against the armed bands of Israel and makes us
support the African National Congress and the South West Africa
People's Organisation, while finding intolerable the presence, on
South African soil, of men who destroy the world in the name of
being white. It is this memory, too, that causes us to have deep faith
in the common duty, task, and hopes of the United Nations.
We demand that the campaign for the liberation of Nelson Man-
dela be intensified throughout the world so that he can be present
here with us at the next session of the UN General Assembly, a tes-
timony to the triumph of our collective pride; that, in memory of our
suffering and by way of a collective pardon to all, we establish an in-
ternational prize of human reconciliation awarded to those who
through their research have truly contributed to the defense of human

rights;and that space research budgets be cut by 1 percent and the
funds be devoted to health research, aimed at reestablishing the bal-
ance in our environment that has been upset by these ecologically
poisonous fireworks.
We also propose that the structures of the UN be changed to put an
end to the scandal surrounding the right to veto. It is true that the
most diabolical effects of its abuse have been offset by the vigilance
of certain of those who hold this right. Nothing, however, can justify
such a right —
neither the size of the country that has it nor the
wealth that country might possess.
There are those who defend such iniquity with the argument that it
is justified by the price paid during the last world war. Let those
countries who assert this right be aware that we, too, had an uncle or
a father who, just like thousands of other innocent people, was torn
from the Third World to defend rights flouted by Hitler's hordes. Our
flesh, too, bears the scars of Nazi bullets. Let there be an end to the
arrogance of the big powers who miss no opportunity to put the rights
of the people in question. Africa's absence from the club of those
who have the right to veto is unjust and should be ended.
Finally, my delegation would not have done its duty if it failed to
demand Israel's suspension and the outright expulsion of South Af-

rica from our organization. When, with the benefit of time, these
countries have carried out the transformations that will make them
admissible to the international community, each of us, and Burkina
Faso will be the first, should welcome them with kindness and guide
their first steps.
We reaffirm our confidence in the United Nations. We are grateful
for the work carried out by its agencies in Burkina Faso and for their
presence at our side as we live through such difficult times. We are
also grateful to the members of the Security Council for having per-
mitted us to preside over the work of the council twice this year. We
can only hope that this council will adopt and apply the principle of
struggle against the extermination of thirty million human beings
every year from famine, which today wreaks more destruction than
nuclear war.
My faith and confidence in this organization brings me to thank
our Secretary General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his much ap-
where he was able to see firsthand the harsh realities of
preciated visit
our existence and acquire an accurate picture of the aridness of the
Sahel and the tragedy of the conquering desert.
I could not end without paying homage to the fine qualities of our
president [Paul Lusaka of Zambia] who, with the clear-sightedness

that we know he has, will be able to lead the work of this Thirty-ninth
Session.
Mr. President:
I have traveled thousands of kilometers. I came here to ask each
one of you to unite in a common effort so that the arrogance of those

who are wrong may end, so that the sad spectacle of children dying
of hunger may vanish, so that ignorance may be wiped out, the legiti-
mate revolt of the people be victorious, and the noise of war finally
fall silent.
Let us struggle with a single will for the survival of humanity. Let
us sing together with the great poet Novalis: "Soon the stars will re-
visit the earth they left during the age of obscurity, the sun will lay
down its harsh specter and once again will become one star among
many, all the races of the world will come together anew, after a long
separation, orphaned families of yore will be reunited and each day
will be a day of reunification and renewed embraces; then the in-
habitants of olden times will return to the earth, in every tomb the ex-
tinguished cinders will be rekindled and everywhere the flames of
life will burn again, old dwelling places will be rebuilt, the olden
times will be born again and history will be the dream of the present
stretching to infinity."
Thank you.
Notes
1. Negritude was a literary movement that began among French-lan-
guage African and Caribbean writers living in Paris in the 1930s. The term
was coined by Aime Cesaire of Martinique. The movement, formed as a
protest against French rule and its policy of cultural assimilation, stressed
the value and dignity of African cultural traditions. Cesaire and Leopold
Senghor of Senegal were two of its leading proponents.
African Personality was a concept of Kwame Nkrumah, which he coun-
terposed to negritude. Nkrumah attributed unique qualities to African cul-
ture that gave Africans a predisposition toward socialism.
2. The Alma Ata principles were recommendations of the International
Conference on Primary Health Care, held in Alma Ata, USSR, in 1978. The
conference, sponsored by the World Health Organization and the United Na-
tions Children's Fund (UNICEF), stressed proper nutrition, safe water, sani-
tation, maternal and child health care, immunization, and provision of es-
sential drugs.
.
UNICEF's GOBI FFF Strategy is directed toward children and women in

Key components include
particular. treating victims of diarrhea-caused de-
hydration with an inexpensive solution of clean water, glucose, and salts;
breastfeeding; immunization against the six major communicable diseases;
and education.
3. The entire speech is published in Fidel Castro, Fidel Castro Speeches:
Cuba's Internationalist Foreign Policy 1975-80 (New York: Pathfinder
Press, 1981).
4. Three of the four Comoro Islands, located in the Indian Ocean near
Mozambique, became independent from France in 1975. The fourth,
Mayotte, remains a French colony.
The French-controlled islands of the Malagasy archipelago, located be-
tween Mozambique and Madagascar, are He Europa, Bassas da India, He
Juan de Nova, and the lies Glorieuses. They are administered from the is-
land of Reunion, a French colony in the Indian Ocean on the east side of
Madagascar, 1,000 miles away.
5 Ortega spoke to the General Assembly on October 2 and warned of an
imminent escalation of the U.S. -organized mercenary war against Nicara-
gua that was to begin on October 15. According to Ortega, one of its main
purposes was to prevent the upcoming November 4 presidential election in
Nicaragua.
We Must Fight
Against Imperialism Together
March 17, 1985
This interview was given by Sankara on March 17, 1985, in

Ouagadougou to the newsmagazine Intercontinental Press and pub-
lished in its April 29, 1985, issue. The interview was conducted by
Ernest Harsch.
Ernest Harsch: What do you see as the revolution's greatest ac-

complishments since you took power in August 1983?
Thomas Sankara: Today, after a year and a half of revolution, we
note that we have not succeeded in —
at least we have not completed
— carrying out the material transformations. Yet we can pride our-
selves on having constructed schools, clinics, and dams, built roads,
increased our farmland, and carried out reforestation. We can also
take pride in having provided housing for the people. But this is not
enough. Much more remains to be done.
The most important thing for us, however, is not what is lacking.
Most important is the effort we have made to transform people's at-
titudes. With this transformation each one of us now feels that wield-
ing power is his business, that the destiny of Burkina Faso is the busi-
ness not just of certain people but of all Burkinabe. Everyone has
something to say. Each one of us demands an accounting from the
other. Never again will things be done as before. No longer will the
wealth of our country belong to a minority. This wealth belongs to
the majority, a majority that speaks its mind.
Perhaps some of the ways of doing things here have not been very
pleasant. But that's natural. When people have been subjected to
domination for many years and then one fine day they have the free-
dom to express themselves, naturally they go to extremes. We must
understand that and have a certain indulgence. That's normal.
Thus, the most important aspect of our revolution is this transfor-
mation of our mentality. The rest will follow.
101
Harsch: What have been your greatest problems and difficulties?

Sankara: The greatest difficulty we have faced is the neocolonial
spirit that exists in this country. We were colonized by a country,
France, that left us with certain habits. For us, being successful in
life, being happy, meant trying to live as they do in France, like the
richest of the French. So we run into some constraints and obstacles

to the changes that we want to carry out, namely, those people who
will not accept even a minimum of social justice, but who wish to
preserve all their privileges at the expense of others. Naturally, this
means we have to wage a struggle.
Our first and fundamental fight was against the bourgeoisie. Then
next we had to fight, above all, the petty bourgeoisie, which is very
dangerous, very much inclined toward the bourgeoisie while at the
same time also admiring the prestige of the revolutionaries. It wav-
ers.We think that so long as this petty bourgeoisie is not massively
involved in the revolution, we will have difficulties. It is this petty
bourgeoisie that screams, poisons minds, and defames. Numerically
it represents nothing. But since our society is a neocolonial society
where the preponderant place, these people have
intellectual has the
a preponderant place in shaping opinions. The other difficulties, nat-
ural and otherwise, are not serious.
Our big difficulty after this is imperialism, which tries to dominate
us from both inside and outside our country. Through its multination-
als, its big capital, and its economic power, imperialism tries to con-
trol us by influencing our discussions and our national life. They
create difficulties for us, such as trying to strangle us by imposing an
economic blockade. At the same time, and hand in hand with this,
they try to plot against us, against our internal security. We still have
many struggles ahead of us to combat imperialism.
Harsch: Has imperialism's opposition been as severe as you ex-

pected, and how well do you think you have been able to resist it?
Sankara: I must tell you in all honesty that as a revolutionary I un-
derstood what imperialism was in theoretical terms. But once in
power, I discovered other aspects of imperialism that I had not
known. I have learned, and I think that there are still other aspects to
discover. There is quite a difference between theory and practice.
I've seen in practice that imperialism is a monster —
with claws,
horns, and fangs that bite —
that has venom and is merciless. A
speech isn't enough to make it tremble. No. It's determined. Im-
perialism has no conscience. It has no heart. Fortunately, the more
that we have discovered how dangerous an enemy imperialism is, the
FIGHT IMPERIALISM TOGETHER • 103
more determined we have become to fight and beat it. And each time
we find fresh forces ready to stand up to it.
Harsch: How has the organization and training of the militia and
the development of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolu-
tion been going?
Sankara: We are satisfied with them. Of course, at the beginning
there were many people who became involved without knowing what
sacrifices would be demanded of them. When they learned that it
would be a little difficult, they began to pull back. We think this is
natural. The revolution advances like a bus, with its difficulties.
When it changes speed, there are some who fall off. That's natural.
But now consciousness has won out over euphoria. This conscious-
ness has allowed us to make a great leap forward.
Harsch: It's obvious here that the youth are with the revolution.
What success have you had in drawing the older members of society
behind what you are trying to do?
Sankara: We have scored some successes with elders too, be-
cause they recognize that the revolution has brought them things they
had never dared dream of. To be sure, they often take fright at the
methods and language of the revolution and think that they no longer
have the energy and strength to keep up. But we are in the process of
setting up a framework for those elders who want to participate in the
revolution, in their own way and at their own pace, while still en-
trusting the political and ideological leadership to us. We're in the
process of establishing an organization of elders that will be very
useful to us. In fact there are elders who are already doing important
work.
Harsch: Last week, you had a women's week here, culminating in

International Women's Day, March 8. What did that indicate about
the extent of women's involvement in the revolutionary process?
Sankara: Under previous regimes, women here were organized
into folkloric groups. They sewed uniforms, sang, and danced, but
didn't really know where they were going. Even after August 4,
1983, we faced problems in mobilizing women because of their sub-
jectivity. The women were very subjective and didn't yet see what
the revolution could bring them and what role they themselves had to
play in it.
We have given them the time to bring their revolutionary role to

fruition. This time was valuable, because now women use a totally
different language in many of their meetings and discussions. They

feel that their role is not just to make demands but above all to lay out
the basis of their oppression and domination clearly and objectively.
They are managing to do this better and better. They are becoming
capable of defining who their enemies are within the country, such as
men — the male — but also enemies like imperialism and the system
of culture that it brought with it. There is also yesterday's feudal sys-
tem, which existed here even before the advent of colonialism.
Women have now managed to understand all these things. They will
therefore be able to fight against them.
A positive thing we have noted with women is that they are now
ready to liberate themselves. You cannot free a slave who is not con-
scious of being a slave. We have also noticed that women in Burkina
have now become conscious that the work they do will be for their
own liberation and will be their contribution to the revolution. They
have understood that the revolution and only the revolution can lib-
erate them. It was this qualitative change that was lacking. Bringing
together thousands and thousands of women was an easy thing that
we could do at any time. But we understood at a certain point that
this was not really useful. It was unproductive, so we stopped doing
it. We have now come back to basics in a very modest way and this
is how we were able to organize this women's week, which was very
positive.
Harsch: How do you think the agrarian reform and the formation
of CDRs in the villages will change social relations in the coun-
tryside, particularly the role of the chiefs?
Sankara: The traditional form of organization in the countryside
isbeing attacked and that's natural. It is a feudal system that doesn't
allow for development and that denies the masses even a minimum of
social justice or enlightenment. This feudal system functioned so that
some people, simply through the circumstances of their birth, could
control considerable amounts of land — many hectares, many square
kilometers. They distributed the land as they saw fit. Others could
only cultivate the land and had to pay them. The reign of these people
is coming an end. In certain regions it is already over.
to
We know breakdown of the feudal system in our coun-
tiat this
tryside will be beneficial, since from now on the peasant who has a
piece of land will have the security to work it. He will know the land
is entrusted to him. The land today belongs to the Burkinabe state
and no longer to an individual, but the Burkinabe state can entrust the
use, management, and cultivation of the land to those who work it.
l
FIGHT IMPERIALISM TOGETHER 105
The peasants will be encouraged to improve the land they cultivate,

rather than as under the old system when you could use organic fer-
tilizers or manure to enrich the soil and then one or two years later,
just when the land begins to become fertile, the owner would come
and tell you to leave. The development of our agriculture requires se-
curity for the toilers who cultivate it. The feudal form of organization
must give way to new structures, through which the people find ex-
pression.
Harsch: Several weeks ago, Le Monde and Jeune afrique, both

published in Paris, reported on a statement by several trade union
leaders criticizing the government's policies. They presented it as a
major split between the National Council of the Revolution and the
working class. Is that the case? Is the conflict with the working class,
or is it just with these trade union officials?
Sankara: It's basically a problem with the leadership of these or-
ganizations, which are petty-bourgeois leaderships. As petty
bourgeois, they thought that the revolution had swept aside the reac-
tionary and bourgeois classes in order to place them in power. So
naturally we have conflicts.
The worker, however, is completely satisfied with the decisions
we are making. When we said that rents no longer had to be paid, 2
the worker benefited. But the union leaders, who had houses to rent
out, could not be happy with this. You must understand this. It's very
important.
Besides, you posed the question very well. Is this a conflict with
the workers, the working class, or with the leadership? It's a conflict
with the leadership, not with the workers. The proof: have you seen
any strikes here? There are no strikes. These same workers are in
both the CDRs and the unions. It's only the leaderships that are not
at all pleased. And that's natural. It's because of their petty-
bourgeois outlook.
The revolution in Africa faces this great danger: every time, it is
by the petty bourgeoisie. The petty bourgeoisie is generally
initiated
made up of intellectuals. At the beginning of the revolution the big
bourgeoisie is attacked. That's easy. They are the very wealthy, the
big capitalists — big, fat, and gross — with big cars, big houses,
many women, and so on. People know who they are and go after
them. But after one, two, or three years, it's necessary to take on the
petty bourgeoisie. And when the petty bourgeoisie is attacked, we at-
tack the very leadership of the revolution.
The unions have contributed a great deal to the revolution here.
They have contributed to our country's popular struggles. But they

did so as petty bourgeois who dreamed about sweeping away the
bourgeoisie in order to take its place. And now the revolution has
happened and they are afraid of it.
You see, that's why in certain African countries these people talk
of revolution, revolution, revolution. But they have gold chains and
fine ties. They are always in France buying expensive clothes and big
cars. They have bank accounts, etc. Yet they talk about revolution.
Why is this? When they've finished attacking the big bourgeoisie
and want go after the petty bourgeoisie, the petty bourgeoisie
to
bares its claws and they take fright. So what do they do? They give
big salaries to the military, government ministers, and the praetorian
guard. All the top union leaders and others are given prestigious
posts. They're named ministers, prime minister, coordinator of this
or that. They're happy. They keep quiet. The ministers themselves
begin to become businessmen —
hucksters. They send their children
to school in Europe or the United States. If you take the situation
under [former president of Guinea] Sekou Toure, who talked about
revolution — the largest number of French-speakers in the United
States were Guineans. Harvard, Cambridge, in England, too.
Everywhere. That's the petty bourgeoisie.
Every revolution that starts out with the petty bourgeoisie comes to
a crossroads where it must choose: To go after the petty bourgeoisie
and be able to keep the revolution radical —
which causes you many
difficulties; or to coddle the petty bourgeoisie and you have no —
difficulties. But then you also no longer have a revolution. You have
a pseudore volution.
That's why, while the petty bourgeoisie here is against reducing
their salaries, it is on the peasants in the
in favor of levying taxes
countryside and increasing their own salaries. They make 200,000
CFA francs a month and think their salaries should be increased by
5,000, 10,000, 15,000, or 20,000 francs. If we raise their salaries,
they will organize support marches. If we lower them, they protest.
They don't see the benefits for the peasant. They can't see it. This is
why we say the petty bourgeoisie is constantly torn between two in-
terests. It has two books. On the one hand Karl Marx's Capital, on
the other a checkbook. It wavers: Che Guevara or Onassis? They
have to choose.
Harsch: This problem you have just discussed is obviously also

reflected in the conflicts involving the different left-wing political or-
ganizations here. How do you see this problem being overcome?
FIGHT IMPERIALISM TOGETHER • 107
Sankara: Each organization struggles and maintains itself through

its influence and importance among the masses. Organizations must
be allowed to continue like this and differentiate themselves in the
eyes of the masses. And when the masses get to know all of them,
then they will choose. They will strengthen certain organizations and
fight against others. That's why a revolution can never be made with
a handful of people who lock themselves in an office and declare: "I
am from this organization. You should accord me such and such im-
portance."
This is the problem we find in some countries. Take Chad, for
example, with its political tendencies. When the leaders gather in an
office for discussions, each one says they represent a tendency. They
say, "Me too, me too." But if you leave them to the masses, the
masses will eliminate those that should be eliminated and retain those
that should be retained.
Our problem here is that this petty bourgeoisie, thanks to the rela-
tions it has with the foreign press, tries to create a big uproar. You
will see that here, within the country, there is no problem. When you
read Le Monde or Jeune afrique or listen to the Voice of America or
Radio France Internationale, you hear "Burkina Faso this, Burkina
Faso that. ..." You get the impression that things are not going so
well in Burkina Faso. Yet things are going very well here. This hap-
pens because the petty bourgeoisie here has connections. They are
intellectuals. They have traveled. They have connections in all coun-
tries and they can draw on that. Here in Burkina they have been ex-
posed and there is no longer a problem. Some are even ready to dis-
cuss with us, such as Arba Diallo, the former minister of foreign af-
fairs. He was in prison and he was released. They are ready to dis-
cuss with us because they no longer have any weight. The sole sup-
port they have is from abroad. It is the foreign press that writes arti-
cles against us every day. If we had a lot of money we could give it
to a magazine to write articles supporting us. But we don't have
money for that kind of thing.
Harsch: Are there any prospects for trying to unify the various
groups that support the revolution?
Sankara: It's possible. We have confidence that it's possible. But
this unification will be to the detriment of individuals and not of or-
ganizations, since in an anti-imperialist struggle, a revolutionary
struggle, it is organizations that have a platform. Individuals may say
no, since there is nothing in it for them. There are individuals who
prefer to be number one in a village rather than number two in the
city.Since they don't wish to be number two in the city, they prefer
tokeep their organization to themselves and reject unification, even
though the organization is for it. Such individuals will be systemat-
ically eliminated to make way for the organizations.
Harsch: When you visited the United States last October, you
passed through Cuba on your way. In Cuba you received the Jose
Marti Order. What do you think is the significance of the Cuban rev-
olution?
Sankara: I consider the Cuban revolution to be a symbol of cour-
age and determination. It's a great lesson. Cuba, a small agricultural
country, without immense resources, except for some very limited
ones, has been able to stand fast, despite direct and indirect pressure
by the big United States. It's a great lesson. We know that Cuba did
not resist alone. It needed the internationalist support of the Soviet
Union to aid and strengthen it. But we also know that this support is
not enough. That's why we look at the Cubans with admiration.
When I saw Fidel Castro, I told him, "It's already been twenty-
five years, but you still look like a revolutionary who has just come
down from the Sierra Maestra." We have a very great admiration for
the Cuban revolution.
Of course, our two revolutions are not the same. The conditions
are not the same But in terms of courage, determination, and
either.
the constant involvement of the people —
the people, always the
people —
in what one does, Cuba provides very valuable lessons.
Harsch: It's important for U.S. working people to learn more

about revolutionary struggles in other countries, such as here in Bur-
kina. That's a first step toward solidarity. We have the same enemy
— U.S. imperialism. struggles may be different,
The forms of our
but the enemy is workers become conscious of that,
the same. So, if
they will naturally feel solidarity with your struggle against im-
perialism here. And developing this kind of internationalist con-
sciousness is also important for working people's understanding of
who and what their enemy is at home.
Sankara: It's a problem of communication. The imperialism that
we are fighting isn't an isolated thing. It's a system. As revolution-
aries and from a dialectical point of view, we must understand that
we, too, must have a system. You must counter a system with a sys-
tem, an organization with an organization, not simply individuals
full of goodwill, good sentiments, honesty, courage, and generosity.
The imperialist system, which is worldwide and not located sim-
FIGHT IMPERIALISM TOGETHER 109
ply in this or that country, must be fought with an entire system that
we will fashion together. Consequently, we must get to know each
other, understand each other, establish a platform, an area of under-
standing between us so as to be able to combat imperialism seriously
and with a good chance of success.
That's why I agree with you on the need for communication and
mutual understanding. I believe that you're a journalist. That's your
job, and you will help in that. I also think this is the reason why —
even though I'm very busy today and have many files on my desk —
I am duty-bound to give you at least five minutes to explain to you
what we are doing. As revolutionaries, we don't have the right to say

that we're tired of explaining. We must never stop explaining. We
also know that when the people understand, they cannot but follow
us. In any case, we, the people, have no enemies when it comes to
peoples. Our only enemies are the imperialist regimes and organiza-
tions.
Harsch: If you had a few minutes to address the working people

of the United States, what would you say?
Sankara: We want the American working people, and the Amer-
ican people in general, to understand that the people of Burkina Faso
are not the enemies of Americans. The people of Burkina Faso are a
people who are proud of their identity and independence, and who
you Americans did when
jealously guard their independence, just as
you fought for your independence under the slogan "America for the
Americans." You didn't want any intervention by Europe. You
fought against Britain for your independence. I think that's natural
and that it's only just that we should have the same elementary right.
You should know that we are in solidarity with the Americans in
their suffering. Even if you have greater material wealth than we,
you have misery in your hearts, and we know, as you do, what is the
cause of this misery. This misery is the ghettos of Harlem. It is also
the fact that the American, whatever his wealth, lives like a pawn on
a chessboard, who is moved around and manipulated. This misery is
also the life of aggression and barbarism —
the dehumanized and in-
human life —
that was created in the United States because of the
power of money, of capital.
We know, as you do, that it's imperialism that organizes and un-
derlies all this. We must fight against it together. We appeal to the
American people to understand us, to aid us in our struggle, just as
we will also aid them. But let it never be said that we are the enemy
of the American people. It's not true. We wish complete success to
.
110- THOMAS S ANKARA SPEAKS
the American people, all of whose struggles are our struggles.

Unfortunately, you are not told one-tenth of the truth about the
realities of the world. We hope that the American people will not be
a people subjected to insults around the world, by slogans on the
walls of "Yankee go home." The American people cannot be proud
of that. A country, a people, cannot be proud of the fact that, wher-
ever they go, other people look at them and see the CIA, attacks, and
arms behind them. The American people are also a people capable of
love, of solidarity, and sincere friendship.
We want to correct all this. We want to help you take your place
— whether through your leaders or through yourselves, the people
— on you
the condition that accept our condemnation of the evils and
causes of this general, worldwide distrust toward the American peo-
ple.
Notes
1 On the first anniversary of the revolution, the National Council of the

Revolution decreed the nationalization of all land and mineral wealth.
2. On December 31, 1984, the government decreed that no residential
rent to be paid in 1985. A national housing organization was set
would have
up compliance with the decree. Commercial and industrial rents
to ensure
continued to be paid directly to the state.
Dare to Invent the Future
1985
The following are excerpts from a series of interviews conducted

in Ouagadougou by Swiss journalist Jean-Philippe Rapp. They are
translated from Sankara: Un nouveau pouvoir africain (Sankara: a
new African power), by Jean Ziegler. The interview is copyright
1986 and used by permission of the publisher, Editions Pierre-Mar-
cel Favre, of Lausanne, Switzerland.
Jean-Philippe Rapp: Isn't the decision to become head of state a

decision taken under a very definite set of circumstances?
Thomas Sankara: There are events, moments in life, that are like
an encounter, a rendezvous, with the people. To understand them
you have to go back a long way into the past, the background, of
each individual. You don't decide to become head of state. You de-
cide to put an end to this or that form of harassment or vexation, this
or that type of exploitation or domination. That's all.
It's a bit like someone who has suffered from a serious illness,
malaria say, and then decides to devote all his energies to vaccine re-
search — even if it means along the way that he has to become an
eminent scientist in charge of a laboratory or the head of a top med-
ical team.
I, myself, started out with a very clear conviction. You can fight
back effectively only against things that you understand well, and your
fight can't be successful unless you're convinced that it is just. You
cannot wage a struggle as a pretext, a lever, to acquire power, because
generally the mask cracks very fast. You don't get involved in a strug-
gle alongside the masses in order to become head of state. You fight.
Then the need to organize leads to needing someone for a given post.
Rapp: But why you?

Sankara: You have to be convinced that you are capable of fight-
ing, that you are courageous enough to fight for yourself. But above
ill
all you must have sufficient will to fight for others. You'll find
many who are determined to wage a fight, and who know how to go
about it. But they are only doing it for themselves and don't go too
far.
Rapp: You think this is because of their origins?

Sankara: Yes. There are leaders who have natural roots, and
then there are those who have artificially created them. By artifi-
cially I mean those leaders who were created by erecting a wall
around themselves. Such people are definitely cut off from the
popular masses. They can be generous to a point, but that doesn't
make them revolutionaries. You'll run into officials at all levels
who are unhappy because no one understands them, even
though they've proven their commitment to their work. Though
they're making honest sacrifices, no one understands what
they're doing.
Some of the international aid volunteers who come here from
Europe are a bit like this; they have the same kind of experience.
They too are sincere, but their ignorance about Africa leads them to
make mistakes, blunders, that are sometimes insignificant, but that
become decisive in the future. So after a stay of several years they go
home completely disgusted with Africa. Yet it's not for lack of a
noble heart. It's just that they came here with a patronizing attitude.
They were lesson givers.
Rapp: As far as you're concerned, you have to have lived the re-
ality?
Sankara: Other leaders have had the chance to immerse them-
selves in the masses. It is from here that they draw the necessary
energy. They know that by taking such and such a decision they will
be able to solve such and such a problem and that the solution
they've found is going to help thousands, even millions, of people.
They have a perfect grasp of the question without having studied it
in the sociology department. This changes your perception of
things.
Rapp: But from what concrete personal experiences did you your-
self discover these realities?
Sankara: There were several. For example, I remember a man I
knew well. We were right in the middle of a period of drought. In
order to avoid dying of famine, several families from his village col-
lected up the little money they had left and gave him the job of going
DARE TO INVENT THE FUTURE -113
to Ouagadougou buy some food. He traveled into the capital by

to
bicycle. On he had a brutal and painful encounter with the
arrival,
town. He stood in line after line to get what he needed, without suc-
cess. He watched a good many people jump ahead of him to buy their
millet just because they spoke French. Then, to make a bad situation
worse, the man's bike was stolen along with all the money the villagers
had entrusted to him.
In despair, he committed suicide. The people of Ouagadougou
didn't lose any sleep over him. He was just another dead body. They
dug a hole and threw him in like a dead weight they needed to get off
their backs.
Ouagadougou went about its business with its usual zest — indif-
ferent to,and even ignorant of, this drama. In the meantime, far
away, dozens of people, whole families, awaited the happy return of
this man who was to give them another lease on life, but who never
came back. So we have to ask ourselves, do we have the right to turn
our backs on people like this?
Rapp: This shocked you?

Sankara: Yes. I think about it often even today.
Rapp: But have you experienced inequality firsthand yourself or

have you just observed its impact on other people?
Sankara: No, I've experienced it personally. When I was little I
went to primary school in Gaoua. The school principal there was a
European and his children had a bicycle. We other children dreamed
about this bicycle for months and months. We woke up thinking
about it; we drew pictures of it; we tried to suppress the longing that
kept surging up inside us. We
did just about everything to try to con-
vince them to lend it to us. If the school principal's children wanted
sand to build sand castles, we fetched them sand. If it was some other
favor they wanted, we fell all over ourselves to do it, and all that just
in the hope of having a ride —
taking a ride, as we say here. We were
all the same age, but there was nothing to be done.
One day, I realized that all our efforts were in vain. I grabbed the
bike and said to myself: "Too bad, I'm going to treat myself to this
pleasure no matter what the consequences."
Rapp: And what were the consequences?

Sankara: They arrested my father and threw him in prison. I was
thrown out of school. My brothers and sisters didn't dare go back to
the school. It was really terrifying. How could this possibly fail to
create profound feelings of injustice among children of the same age?

They put my one of my
father in prison another time, too, because
had garnered some wild fruit by throwing stones up at them.
sisters
Some of the stones fell on the roof of the principal's house. This dis-
turbed his wife's siesta. I understood that after a wonderful, refresh-
ing meal she wanted to rest, and it was irritating to be disturbed like
this. But we needed to eat. They didn't stop at putting my father in

prison. They issued a notice forbidding anyone to pick this fruit.
Rapp: Today, when you are with your father and he can see
what's become of you and what you've embarked upon, what does
he have to say to you?
Sankara: My father is a former soldier. He fought in the Second
World War and was taken prisoner by Germans. As such, it's his
the
view that we it was much
haven't seen anything yet, that for them
worse. Let's say our discussions are more like confrontations.
[Laughter]
Rapp: This brings us to the problem of the who play an im-

elders,
portant role in traditional African society and who must have enor-
mous difficulty understanding, and above all accepting, what is hap-
pening today.
Sankara: There are very many elders in Burkina, and we must al-
ways reserve a word for them. They are surprised that we mention
them in different speeches. These elders have the feeling they are
being excluded, and this is all the more frustrating given that, at our
age, they displayed tremendous courage. Today, they're resting on
their laurels, but we should still be fair by recognizing their qualities
in the past, in order to draw on the energy they are able to inspire
with just a simple word.
Rapp: But how are you thinking of integrating them?

Sankara: We have decided to set up a structure for this. It doesn't
have a name yet, but we already know who will be in charge. Provi-
sional committees are being formed in all the provinces, and there
will soon be a national convention where the elders will establish a
national office. Different structures and leadership bodies will lay
out terms of participation.
Rapp: There is a real willingness to be open-minded?

Sankara: We are talking about Africa, a society where feudalism
in the broadest sense of the word is very powerful. When the elder,
DARE TO INVENT THE FUTURE 1 15
the patriarch, has spoken, everyone follows. So we think that just as

young revolutionaries must combat young reactionaries, elderly
reactionaries will be fought against by elderly revolutionaries. Fm
sure there are ideological limits to this. But we can accept those
ideological limits as long as the elders combat those who must be
combated in their sector.
Rapp: Let's come back to your childhood. Do you have other

memories that could help shed light on your character and explain
certain aspects of your conduct?
Sankara: I went to high school in Bobo Dioulasso. My family
lived in Gaoua and I knew no one when I arrived. As it happened, the

day that classes were supposed to begin, we were told that, for
reasons stemming from school management, the school would not be
open until the following day. The boarding facilities were closed too,
so we had to fend for ourselves for the night.
With my suitcase on my head —
I was too little to carry it any
other way —
I wandered through Bobo, which was far too big a town
for me. I got more and more tired, until finally I found myself in
front of a bourgeois house. There were cars and a big dog in the front
yard. I rang the bell. A gentleman came to the door and eyed me dis-
dainfully. "What is a little boy like you doing at my door?" he asked.
"I saw this house and said to myself that this is where I am going to
spend the night," I told him. He let out a big sigh — he couldn't be-
lieve his ears! — and then took me in. in, gave me
He settled me
something to eat, and then explained that he had to go out because his
wife was waiting in the maternity hospital. The next day, I took my
things, said good-bye, and left.
One day, when I had become a government minister, I named
someone to the post of general secretary in the Ministry of Infor-
mation. asked him if he remembered me and he said no. A
I
month asked him the same question and received the same
later, I
answer. The day he left his post I called him in and said to him,
"You used to work at the radio station in Bobo. You live in such
and such a neighborhood and you have an Ami 6 car. You opened
your door to me and fed me when I was just a little boy in high
school."
"So it was you?" he asked. I told him that yes, it was me.
His name was Pierre Barry. When I left his house that day I swore
to myself that I must do something one day for this man so he would
know that his kindness had not been in vain. I searched for him. Fate
was kind. We met later. Today, he is retired.
Rapp: Burkina Faso is a member of the United Nations Security

Council. You UN General Assembly.
yourself have addressed the
What on this?
are your thoughts
Sankara: If I hadn't gone to the UN, I would never have had this
experience, so there was a good side to it. But to tell you the truth,
you have to avoid becoming one of the rats in the UN corridors.
Otherwise you can very quickly fall into international complicity, a
kind of acquiescence that reduces the problems people face to a ver-
bal and theoretical sparring match.
When you see people at the UN, you have the impression that
these are serious people, but I don't enjoy being with them. I only
felt itwas necessary to go there at the beginning.
But, as you say, we were members of the Security Council. Our
view is that if our role in the UN is not to be limited simply to filling
our slot, we should have the courage to speak out on behalf of the
peoples who put their confidence in us. Burkina Faso was elected
with the votes of more than 104 countries. We think we should rep-
resent their interests, in particular those of the Nonaligned countries.
There must be a constant, daily, courageous defense of their in-
terests, as well as all other peoples in revolt, if the UN is not to be-
come an echo chamber manipulated by a few powerful drummers.
Rapp: Under these circumstances, have you been pressured?

Have there been threats to cut off certain aid?
Sankara: At the time, the U.S. ambassador, for example, at-
tempted to pressure us in this way. It was in relation to Puerto Rico,
Nicaragua, Grenada, and several other questions. We explained to
him the sincere friendship we feel for the American people, but told
him that it was not in their interests to cause suffering in other coun-
tries. We even added that we were so sincere in our friendship that
we could not solidarize with any empty, unfounded attack on the
United States. I should add, for the sake of intellectual honesty, that
the American ambassador backpedaled after our conversation and
explained our position to his government.
Rapp: Were these pressures because you were a member of the

Security Council?
Sankara: In reality there were all kinds of different pressures, in
different forms, by different groups of people. But could we keep
quiet when a big power assaults a small country or when one nation
invades another? Our view was that we had a battle to wage there on
behalf of all those who had put their trust in us and all those who
hadn't because they didn't yet know us well enough.
Rapp: Are you satisfied with the results?

Sankara:We took the positions we had to take. We have now be-
come known by a good many people. We have also made ourselves
a good many enemies. We attacked to the left and the right, to the
East and the West. Everyone took a bit of a beating. Was it worth
making so many enemies? Should we have opened so many fronts at
once? I don't know.
Rapp: Given your situation, if a big power withdraws its aid, this
could cause you serious problems. This would be true, for example,
in the case of France, the United States, the Soviet Union, and other
Western countries.
Sankara: It is precisely for this reason that we must fight against
imperialism and its manifestations. From imperialism's point of
view it is more important to dominate us culturally than militarily.
Cultural domination is more flexible, more effective, and less costly.
This is why we say that to overturn the regime in Burkina Faso you
don't need to bring in heavily armed mercenaries. You just need to
forbid the importation of champagne, lipstick, and nail polish.
Rapp: Yet these are not products often used by Burkinabe.

Sankara: Only the bourgeoisie is convinced they cannot live
without them.
We have to work at decolonizing our mentality and achieving hap-
piness within the limits of sacrifices we should be willing to make.
We have to recondition our people to accept themselves as they are,
to not be ashamed of their real situation, to be satisfied with it, to
glory in it, even.
We must be consistent. We have not hesitated to turn down aid
from the Soviet Union that, in our opinion, did not meet our expec-
tations. We explained this to the Soviet representatives, and I think
we understand each other. We have our dignity to protect.
Rapp: When you have a budget of 58 billion CFA francs and 12

billion are earmarked for the debt, can you really have a financial
plan or strategy?
Sankara: Yes, by posing in a very simple and stark manner the
choice between champagne and water. We make every effort to re-
ject inequalities in allocations. So, what do we find? Out of a budget
of 58 billion, 30,000 functionaries monopolize 30 billion, and that
leaves nothing for everyone else. This is not normal. If we want
greater justice, every one of us must recognize the real situation of

the masses and see the sacrifices that must be made so that justice can
be done. Who are these 30,000 functionaries? People like me!
Take my case. Out of 1,000 children born the same year I was,
half died in the first three months. I had the great fortune to escape
death, just as I had the great fortune not to die later from one of the
diseases here in Africa that knocked out more of those born that same
year. I am one of the 16 children out of 100 who went to school. This
is another extraordinary piece of luck. I'm one of 18 out of a 100 who
managed to obtain a high school degree and one of the 300 from the
entire country who were able to go abroad and continue their educa-
tion and who, on coming home, were assured of a job. I'm one of
those 2 soldiers out of 100 who, on the social level, have a stable,
well-paid position, because I'm an officer in an army where this rank
represents something. The number of people who have been this
lucky amount to only 30,000 in a country of seven million inhabit-
ants. And among us, we soak up more than 30 billion? This can't go
on!
Rapp: Not to mention other advantages!

Sankara: In fact, it's those of us in town who set the tone, who
explain to world public opinion what is running smoothly and what is
not and how they should understand the situation here. We are the
ones who talk about human rights, the drop in our buying power, a
climate of terror. We forget that we've condemned thousands of chil-
dren to death because we wouldn't agree to cutting our salaries just a
tiny bit so that a little dispensary could be built.
We haven't stirred up international public opinion against the kind
of scandal such deaths represent. We participate in the international
complicity of men of good conscience: "I'll forgive you your mis-
takes if you forgive me mine. I'll keep quiet about your dirty deeds
if you do the same, then we can all be clean together." It's a veritable
gentlemen's agreement among men of good conscience.
Rapp: Being indignant about this is one thing. But what can be
done about it?
Sankara: You have to dare to look reality in the face and take a
whack at some of the long-standing privileges—so long-standing
in fact that they seem to have become normal, unquestionable. Of
course, you run the risk of being violently attacked in the media.
But then no one will ever ask seven million voiceless peasants if
they are happy or not with a road, a little school, a dispensary, or a

well.
Rapp: But what would you do without international aid and in-
frastructural development loans?
Sankara: In 1983, when we came to power, the state coffers were
empty. The regime we overturned had negotiated and obtained a
long-term loan from France of three billion CFA francs. After a cer-
tain amount of pushing and pulling, this loan was reassigned to us.
This wasn't an easy task and I can assure you that since then no one
has loaned us anything at all, not France, nor any other country.
There is no aid in our budget.
Rapp: Under these circumstances, how do you avoid a budget de-

ficit?
Sankara: We fill the hole by preventing it from appearing — that
is, we don't allow a deficit. We've lowered salaries. State officials
have lost up to one month's income. Government functionaries have
had to give up some of their pay, which, as you can imagine, is never
welcomed by anyone. These are the kinds of sacrifices we impose on
members of the government, of whom we demand an extremely
modest life-style. A minister who is a schoolteacher receives a
schoolteacher's salary. The president who is a captain receives a cap-
tain's salary, nothing more.
Rapp: The power of example?

Sankara: Yes. Can you believe that in the past here they were
talking about introducing a thirteenth and a fourteenth month of sal-
ary? At the same time, people were dying for lack of a tiny capsule
of quinine.
We shouldn't be surprised, then, that Cartierism appeared in
France aimed against those black potentates who buy themselves cars
and build mansions with the goods their taxpayers produce. Car- 1
tierism was very much a product of our own errors.

Did you know, too, that there were Burkinabe who got foreign-ser-
vice pay — in their own country —and extra compensation for the
hot sun! Others had salaries of 200,000-300,000 CFA francs just for
running a union. And they demanded salary raises despite the colos-
sal sums they were already receiving! We have had to demand sac-
rifices. This is the kind of change of mentality we're talking about.
And we are nowhere near our limit. This is just one of many steps to
come.
Rapp: Given such a situation, is it possible to foresee any kind of

investment?
Sankara: By lowering salaries, by adopting more modest life-
styles, by bettermanagement of the funds we have, and by prevent-
ing their misappropriation, we have been able to generate some
surplus that allows for modest investment. But this only bears wit-
ness to the need to continue along these lines.
I you want. We draw up our budget once a
can give you figures if
year, then every trimester we see where we are and compare. This
will tell you how carefully we have to watch our pennies. In the first
trimester of 1983, the budget —
in which we had already been in-
volved as members of the Council for the Salvation of the People, but
did not have final say —
showed a deficit of 695 million CFA francs.
By the first trimester of 1984, we had reduced this to one million CFA
francs, since we were able to direct it and implement it ourselves. In the
first trimester of 1 985 there was no deficit but instead a surplus of 1 095 .
billion CFA francs, and this is how it will continue.
Rapp: Yes, but at what price?

Sankara: We've tightened up in all areas. It's not allowed here to
write on only one side of a sheet of paper. Our ministers travel econ-
omy-class and have an expense allowance of only 15,000 CFA
francs per day. It's the same for me, except that as head of state I
have the advantage of being provided for when I am received abroad.
Our minister of labor went to Geneva a little while ago for an in-
ternational conference. As you yourself probably know so well, with
his 15,000 CFA francs daily allowance there is no way he could ex-
pect to find accommodation in Geneva. He had to go to the other side
of the border to France and share modest accommodations with his
colleagues. This is nothing to be ashamed of. Maybe his living con-
ditions enabled him to carry out his assignment even better than if he
had been staying in a palace. This is just one example among many.
Rapp: A few months ago, Sidwaya carried a headline that read:

"Had Lenin known what we are doing, he would have helped us."
Does this reflect a certain disappointment with the Soviet Union and
other countries?
Sankara: Given the risks we are taking —
for we are leading a
genuine revolution here —
and maybe we lack modesty, but given
what we think we could represent for the whole of Africa, we don't
understand this wait-and-see policy, this lack of interest, this lack of
will to help us on the part of those who should most logically do so.
From the point of view of ideological leanings, they are in the same
camp as we are.
We have even greater difficulty understanding it given that in Bur-
kina we can be choked to death for lack of five million CFA francs.
Several times we have almost had to close down normal operations
and put people out of a job for lack of this kind of a sum. The con-
sequences would have been strikes, protests, and maybe even the
totaldownfall of our regime, if the discontent had been exploited by
more cunning people. And once this happens, "Once bitten, twice
shy," as they say! Horrendous measures would have been taken to
make sure that there would never be another regime like ours.
Rapp: So the article really did express disappointment?

Sankara: The article in Sidwaya did, yes. But on the other hand,
I don't think we should ask others to sacrifice for us to the point of ig-
noring their own problems, even if theirs are not comparable to ours.
The unhappiness of the person in your country who finds that the
quality of the wine is poor is as valid as the sadness of the Burkinabe
here who has no water to drink.
Elsewhere in the world, the population is discontented because the
government hasn't created a third or a fourth, or a twenty-fifth, tele-
vision channel. This is no reason for us to ask you to mark time, to
wait for those of us who don't even have one. Other countries have
their burdens to carry too.
And we are the ones who are making
then we should also add that
our revolution. So much the better or worse for us, we must accept
the consequences. After all, no one asked us to make it! We could
have mortgaged off the country and put it up for rent —
someone would
have paid. We are the ones who judged that all forms of outside con-
trol should be rejected. Now we have to pay the price.
Rapp: Learn how to shed the welfare mentality?

Sankara: Yes. We must do this. Had we not been colonized and
therefore not had particular relations with France to begin with, how
could we possibly think we had the right to expect something of
France? Why? In Correze and Larzac, there are those who are still
not happy. So we must do away with this mentality, even if, in the
name of some form of internationalism, we would have liked the aid
to go where it should.
But even there, we shouldn't forget that, unless you're a masochist
or have suicidal tendencies, you don't help your enemy. You don't
provide him with arms so that he can survive and make his influence
felt and convince those around him to follow his example. There are
many, many people who are afraid that we will succeed. They come
after us with all kinds of challenges.
Rapp: Isn't time working against you?

Sankara: Well, they give us less than a year, for example, before
our coffers are empty —
before we'll no longer be able to pay our
functionaries and have to run to the International Monetary Fund or
some other organization for help. But struggling along, for better or
for worse, we pass through this storm and emerge on the other side
with our heads high. Then they set another deadline by which time
we will fail. But we hold our own through thick and thin. We are prov-
ing over the long run and in real life that there exist other game plans
that can make it possible to bypass the classical methods of filling the
coffers.
Rapp: But what more can the Burkinabe people do? Won't it
backfire on you if you demand too many sacrifices?
Sankara: Not if you know how to set an example. We have set up

a Revolutionary Solidarity Fund, to which thousands of Burkinabe
have contributed. Their contributions represent a considerable effort
aimed at relieving our people of the need to beg for food aid. The
fund has allowed us to ward off the most urgent problems, in particu-
lar the problem of survival faced by the population of the Sahel re-
gion.
Rapp: A related question is that of the foreign debt. At the confer-

ence of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa,
the participants were quite divided on how to deal with the question
of paying back this debt.
Sankara: As far as we were concerned we stated very clearly that
the foreign debt should not be repaid. To repay it would be unjust. It
would be like paying war reparations two times over. Where does
this debt come from, anyhow? It comes from needs imposed on us by
other countries. Did we need to build mansions or tell doctors that
they would receive a fabulous salary at the end of the month? Or fos-
ter the mentality of overpaid men among our officers? We were
coerced into running up very heavy debts, and the economic installa-
tions made possible by these loans have not always run smoothly.
We entered into some rather weighty financial commitments often —
suggested, proposed, and organized by the same people who loaned
us the money.
DARE TO INVENT THE FUTURE • 123
They have quite a system. First come the storm troopers, who
know exactly what they are going to propose. Then they bring out the
heavy artillery and the price keeps going up. These are wonderful in-
vestments for the investors. They don't put their money in banks at
home because it doesn't pay. They have to create the need for capital
elsewhere and make others pay.
For example, do we really need to smoke this or that brand of
cigarette? They've convinced us that if you smoke their brand of
cigarette you will be the most powerful man on earth, capable of
seducing any woman you wish. So we've smoked their cigarettes and
gotten cancer instead. The most privileged among us have gone to
Europe to be treated. And all to give a boost to your tobacco market.
Rapp: But does refusing to pay the debt make any sense if only
one or two countries do it?
Sankara: The pressure to pay the debt doesn't come from the iso-
lated usury of a single bank. It's done by an entire, organized system,
so that in the event of nonpayment, they can detain your planes at an
airport or refuse to send you spare parts that are absolutely indispens-
able. So deciding not to pay requires united-front action. All the
countries concerned should act together —on the condition, of course,
that each one is open to looking critically at the way they manage these
funds. Certain people who have contracted huge debts because of their
own lavish personal expenses don't deserve our support. We said this
clearly in the message we delivered to the OAU: "Either we resist col-
lectively and refuse categorically to repay the debt or, if we are not able
to do this, one by one, isolated, we will suffer death."
Rapp: But this point of view was not unanimous?

Sankara: Though everyone understands the logic behind such a
legitimate refusal to pay, each one thinks he's smarter, more cunning
than the other. A particular government will skirt the need for collec-
tive action to go and see the moneylenders. This country is then im-
mediately portrayed as the best organized, the most modern, the one
that best knows how to respect written agreements. The moneylenders
then make more loans to this country, accompanied by further condi-
tions. When the discontent spills out into the streets, they suggest
sending in the thugs to break those who won't fall into line — and to
put someone of their choice on the throne.
Rapp: Aren't you afraid of a violent public reaction against your

economic measures?
internal
Sankara: The general support we're finding for measures that are
not very popular shows the nature of our revolution. It is a revolution
directed not against other countries or peoples, but rather aimed at re-
storing the dignity of the Burkinabe people, aimed at allowing the
masses to achieve happiness as definedby their own criteria.
In other countries happiness and development is defined by ratios
— so many hundred pounds of steel per inhabitant, so many tons of ce-
ment, telephone lines, etc. In Burkina we have different values. We
are not in the least bit embarrassed to say that we are a poor country.
Within international organizations we are not at all afraid to get up
and speak and to block discussions in order to gain a reduction of one
or two dollars in the dues or contributions countries must pay. We
know that this irritates a good many delegations that are capable of
throwing thousands, if not millions, of dollars out the window.
And when we receive a foreign ambassador who has come to pre-
sent his credentials, we no longer do so in this presidential office. We
take him out into the bush, with the peasants. He travels on our
bumpy roads and endures the dust and thirst. After all this we can re-
ceive him, explaining to him, "Mr. Ambassador, your excellency,
you have just seen Burkina Faso as it really is. These are the people
you must deal with, not those of us who work in soundproof offices."
Burkina has a wise and experienced people capable of shaping a
certain way of life. While elsewhere people die from being too well-
nourished, here we die from lack of nourishment. Between these two
extremes there is a way of life to be discovered if each of us meets the
other halfway.
Rapp: One other factor that should be taken into account is the
growth of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). According to the
census, there are some 600 such organizations in Burkina, 400 of
French origin. How do you explain this growth?
Sankara: I think these organizations have both a good and a bad
side. Above all they reflect the failure of state-to-state relations, so
that people are obliged to find other channels for contact and
dialogue. Even though there is a Ministry of Cooperation and a
Ministry of Foreign Relations they look to other means. This indi-
cates politically that these ministries are nonfunctional.
Of course we know there are nongovernmental organizations that
serve as spy agencies for imperialism. We would be totally naive or
blind to reality we thought otherwise. But this is not the case with
if
all of them. Many are organizations of men and women who think
that this is the ideal way for them to express themselves and make a
contribution. They've heard about the suffering in different countries

and feel ill at ease under the burden of their luxury and calories. They
feel the need to do something about it, and that's good.
Rapp: But couldn't this cause chaos that can't be set straight sim-
ply by good will?
Sankara: We've said to ourselves here that the NGOs exist, so we
must organize them. If we don't, there could be a much more danger-
ous situation. Before, these organizations were established according
to the country's electoral map. If there's a man of political impor-
tance in a certain electoral stronghold, that's where the wells will be
dug, even if it means digging a well every twenty-five centimeters.
Elsewhere, where there is a real need, nothing will be done because
there's no citizen of our country in the public eye.
The work of the NGOs is also hampered in that the wells are built
English- or German- or French-style, while the water is drunk Bur-
kinabe-style. The NGOs refuse to share the necessary information,
preferring to let each one repeat the same mistakes just so they can
say, "You see, these people really don't understand anything."
Rapp: But aren't these organizations in a rather difficult and deli-

cate position?
Sankara: The fact is, they've often made the mistake of not dar-
ing to assert themselves and tell sir, we have
a local leader, "Look,
come for suchand such a precise reason. If you agree, we're in busi-
ness, otherwise we'll pack our bags and go elsewhere."
Their complacency has often become complicity. For many, the
most important thing is to get some good press clippings to circulate
in Europe so that they can say, "You see, my good people, we are
over there saving souls. Give us your pennies, God will repay you."
In reality they're just backing the policies of this or that deputy or
senator who uses their work as proof of his widening influence.
Rapp: Do you think that they upset the local political scene?
Sankara: The main thing is that they haven't had the courage to
confront those who act incorrectly. The result is that they arrive here
and are told, "You've come from Europe, very good. You have
money and you wish to help the country, bravo, this is necessary be-
cause people are starving. But you're going to need an office so why
not rent mine. You'll need a national director since we very much
want to assure some continuity —
I have a cousin who is ready to do
that. As for switchboard operator —

I have another cousin, and as or-
derly there'smy nephew." To make a long story short, he brings the

whole village into it, right down to the second orderly.
You, of course, are quite satisfied since your work is talked about
in France and Switzerland. He is happy because he can go to his vil-
lage and say, "If you are smart and vote for me there will be pow-
dered milk." The powdered milk arrives and everyone is in ecstasy
over this sterling performance that produces such miracles.
Rapp: But how do you guard against such situations?

Sankara: You have to wage a battle. Thiswhy we've created an
is
office for overseeing nongovernmental organizations. We don't in-

tend to stop them from existing or functioning normally. They need
a certain flexibility given the nature of their funds and their particular
work methods. But we must make sure that they all take advantage of
the accomplishments of those who came before them. We must also
indicate the areas where they can be most effective and useful, as
well as how to go about their work.
Rapp: Under what conditions does your government accept inter-

national aid?
Sankara: We do so when the aid offered respects our indepen-
dence and our dignity. We refuse aid designed to buy off consciences
and that only provides benefits for the leaders. If conditions are set
designed to facilitate our purchasing your products, or to enable cer-
tain of us to open up bank accounts in your country, it will be turned
down.
Rapp: Food is a dramatic problem in your country. Fifty percent

of your children are victims of malnutrition and the average caloric
intake is 1,875 per day, or only 79 percent of the recommended
caloric intake. What can be done about this?
Sankara: Hunger has been, in fact, a cyclical problem for us for
many years now. This is a reflection of our lack of organization, as
well as lack of concern for the rural population. The problem also
stems from a level of production that is inadequate because our soil
is less and less fertile, population growth, and the temperamental and
rare occurrence of our rains. We should add speculation to this list.

We are confronting a combination of physical and sociopolitical
problems that must be resolved simultaneously. We expect to take a
number of technical and political measures to transform our agricul-
tural production from a chance phenomenon into a source of wealth.
We aim to go from food stability to self-sufficiency and one day to
DARE TO INVENT THE FUTURE 127
become a great food-producing power.
Rapp: This is an ambitious program. How do you intend to carry

it out?
Sankara: We must first figure out how to interest the rural com-
munity and then organize it for production, providing technical and
organizational assistance. I'll give you an example. The complete
anarchy of our grain distribution was a joy for the speculators and
misery for the consumers. We know of thousands and thousands of
peasants who were obliged to give up their land to usurers and all
types of capitalists during difficult times between harvests. These
capitalists could then use this land for speculation at a later time. So
we took measures to prevent this by nationalizing the land.
Rapp: More than 90 percent of Burkina's population lives on the

land. Given the extremely difficult conditions —
poor soil, shortage
of agricultural land, lack of watering places —
what is your plan for
rural development?
Sankara: We need to solve a series of different problems. First,
we must master the water problem. We are currently constructing a
number of small dams to retain water. But we must also master the
different aspects of production. We need to create opportunities that
an agro-food industry capable of
will serve as incentives, as well as
absorbing and preserving the produce. We also need better distribu-
tion so that seasonal and geographic shortages can be avoided. And
finally, we see no reason why we shouldn't increase our exports to
other markets.
We are less open to big industrial installations since automation
eliminates jobs and requires the use of substantial amounts of capital,
which we do not have. There is also the problem of maintaining this
technology. A single missing part can mean dispatching a plane to
Europe because the spare part can be obtained only there.
Rapp: So you anticipate an increase in food production?

Sankara: In terms of citrus fruits, market gardening, and herding,
Burkina has possibilities that could bring very good results if we
apply the know-how of those who have already thrown themselves
into this kind of work elsewhere. We are not opposed to private en-
terprise as long as it does not infringe upon our honor, dignity, and
sovereignty. We see no reason why people from overseas should not
come and join with Burkinabe in developing the country, either in
the private or public sector.
Rapp: At what pace?

Sankara: At our pace. We much prefer small installations, part
way between industrial and craft production — workshops that em-
ploy labor with little training. Given their small size, they can be set
up close to the production zones. We prefer old-time methods to new
electronic gadgetry.
Rapp: You cultivate green beans, though this is a vegetable

grown for export and very much at the whim of the international mar-
ket.
Sankara: Every cloud has a silver lining. Green beans do cause us
problems, it's true. But this has the merit of laying bare the reality of
the capitalist world and exposing how those abroad view our revolu-
tion. It has enabled us to show clearly who these different pressure
groups are who have decided to keep Burkina Faso in the clutches of
dependency, tied to a certain type of exports.
Rapp: Can you give us some concrete examples?

Sankara: The green bean is grown in the Kougassi region and has
been for a long time. It grows well and has been shipped out steadily
to Europe, to France in particular. This has always been done, of
course, in collaboration with the airline companies: the Union de
Transport Aerien, a French-owned company, and Air Afrique, an Af-
rican multinational essentially controlled by France. Oddly enough, in
1984 we noticed that despite a mediocre rainy season it had been a
splendid season for the green bean. Well, these same airline com-
panies refused to ship them.
The green bean is quite fragile. Every day 30 or so tons of beans
arrived inOuagadougou yet only 20 tons at maximum were shipped
out. As a result, 400 tons of beans had begun to rot at the airport in
less than aweek, since we have no facilities for stockpiling and pre-
serving produce. The airline companies told us their services had
been purchased for other flights. We think that if cooperation is to
exist between ourselves and these companies, especially with Air
Afrique, of which we, as a sovereign state, are part, some sacrifices
should be made. For example, some of the pleasure flights could
have been canceled in order to safeguard the income of these poor
peasants who had sweated blood to produce the beans, and who re-
ally proved their capacities in doing so.
And another thing. When our beans arrive in Europe they are im-
mediately classified as inferior produce. But we know that they are
later repackaged and put back on the market under a different label.
This is second-rate extortion. We can't bring them home again, so

we have to sell them off at any price.
Rapp: Do you think there are political reasons behind this kind of
thing?
Sankara: Yes, there is this too. A systematic boycott of exports
from Burkina is organized in order to strangle us economically and
cause problems between us and the growers.
Rapp: Is this the only example?
Sankara: No, by no means. Take the example of cattle. Burkina

is a big exporter of livestock, yet we are currently having problems.
They are refusing to buy our livestock, or else they place such unac-
ceptable conditions on us that there is no way we can export it.
But the boycott is carried out in the area of imports, too, especially
with regard to products we need urgently. Pressure is exerted to pre-
vent us from importing the quantity of cement we need for general
construction work. They know that by depriving us of materials, they
can create a situation on our construction sites where numbers of
workers will necessarily turn against us, thinking we are just dem-
agogues.
We've sent out delegations to explain our situation and make our
goodwill known to as many people as possible —
to explain that our
revolution is not aimed against other peoples, and that they have no
reason to attack us. In the future, however, we will have to take this
kind of provocative gesture as grounds for war.
Rapp: Are these kinds of blockades in retaliation for some of your

international positions?
Sankara: This is correct. The positions we take don't always
make people happy. But we are in a dilemma: On the one hand, we
can remain on positions we believe to be correct, or con-
silent
sciously lie in order to enjoy the good graces of those who can help
us, and please our delicate and powerful partners; or we tell the truth
in the firm conviction that we are helping our own people and others.
When there is a strike under way in Europe, we are not the ones
who have incited the workers to act against a particular industry. No.
But we know that the workers are striking to defend their legitimate
interests. We have to know how to provide solidarity, although there
is no formal link between us.
Rapp: Another important concern in Burkina is the slow and

seemingly inescapable deterioration of the environment. What can

you do to limit the damage?
Sankara: African societies are living through an abrupt rupture
with their own culture, and we adapt badly to our new situation.
Completely new economic approaches are required. Our populations
are growing as well as our needs. In addition, our natural habitat and
the spontaneous development to which we are accustomed, such as
the natural expansion of the forests and crops, exists less and less.
We have become great predators.
Take the annual consumption of wood for heating in Burkina, for
example. If we were to place end to end the carts traditionally used to
transport wood here, they would form a convoy the equivalent of 4.5
times the length of Africa from north to south. Can we allow such
devastation to go on? But likewise, can we forbid people to continue
cutting wood in this way, knowing that it is their main source of
energy?
We are face to face with new needs and new demographic and
sociological pressures, for which we have not yet found correspond-
ing solutions. Deforestation has taken its toll elsewhere, too, but it
has been possible to find substitutes for wood and replenish the trees.
In Burkina, wood is our only source of energy. We have to con-
stantly remind every individual of his duty to maintain and regener-
ate nature. The galloping and catastrophic spread of the desert,
whose impact our people can see concretely, helps us in this.
Rapp: Explaining this, trying to convince people of it, is one

thing. But what concrete measures can be applied?
Sankara: After a detailed analysis of this phenomenon, its causes
and manifestations, we have come to the conclusion that there is only
one solution: to take draconian measures to stop it. And I mean
draconian, since they go against what people consider to be their
most basic and immediate rights. However, we think that in the end
our collective liberty will be preserved through these measures. So
we've launched what we call the three battles.
First, we have forbidden the unplanned, anarchic cutting of wood.
It must be cut within certain limits defined by specialists so that we
can control it to some extent. In other words, just because you have
wood a few meters from your dwelling doesn't mean you can cut it
down. No. You will have to go as far as five kilometers away if that's
where there is a sufficient quantity. To get the situation under con-
trol,we have forbidden the transport of wood except in specially
painted vehicles that are clearly identifiable. This way, those who
work in this trade are limited in number and we can more easily reg-
ulate them and back them up with technical assistance.
Secondly, we have forbidden the random wandering of livestock,
the second major cause, after man, of this uncontrolled destruction.
Here too, I consider the measures we have had to take to be truly
draconian, but we will not be able to solve the problem without im-
posing rigorous changes in people's mentalities. We have decided
that any animal discovered grazing on crops may be slaughtered
without further ado. This is to force our livestock breeders to adopt
more rational rearing methods. At the moment, our method is any-
thing but scientific. Breeders are quite content to have 5,000 head of
cattle without worrying about how to feed them, to the point of al-
lowing them to destroy other people's crops and devastate the forest,
rightdown to its youngest shoots. Everyone is selfishly proud of his
large number of cattle, which, in reality, do not represent much
wealth, either in terms of weight, milk production, or capacity for
work because they are so puny. Livestock herders must be made to
ask themselves, "What are my real rearing costs and what, therefore,
is the optimal number of livestock for me to get the best returns for
the least expenditure?"
Rapp: But couldn't this solution entail quite a number of abuses?

Sankara: I must admit that there have been some very painful in-
stances of livestock breeders who are unhappy because farmers have
killed their animals. They have the impression that they've been
tricked, because there are some cunning and wily farmers who pur-
posely go and farm right next to the animals and wait for them with
a club. Well, we have to go through this stage. I know my solution
is not perfect, but even if this decision were only 60 percent right, I
would stick by it. And as I see it, we're well above that percentage.
Rapp: So there are bans andconstraints, but what about construc-

tive measures?
Sankara: We have a program of reforestation, a positive act to re-
generate nature. We have decreed that every village and town must
have a wood grove. African tradition included a form of preservation
of nature, a kind of socio-ecological tradition known as the sacred
woods. A certain number of rituals, in particular initiation rituals,
were carried out there. According to myth and animism, these woods
supposedly possessed certain powers that protected them. As these
values gave way to more modern and rational ones, as well as other
forms of religion, the protection disappeared and the woods with it.
The protective shield afforded by the forest was destroyed so that, as

you can imagine, the spread of the desert proceeded at an even more
rapid pace.
This one of the reasons why we've established wood groves.
is
And though we haven't succeeded in investing them with the reli-

gious content of olden times, we try to give them an equivalent sen-
timental value. This is why all happy events in Burkina are marked
by the planting of a tree, whether it be a baptism, a marriage, or some
other ceremony.
On August 3 there was an awards ceremony. Those who received
awards, after having been congratulated, went to plant a tree with
friends and family. We will do the same thing every year. Even if
only 15 percent of these trees survive it will be quite an accomplish-
ment.
Rapp: The improved [mud] stoves are another means of cutting

down on wood consumption?
Sankara: Over the past few years we have talked a great deal
about these improved stoves. We've been subsidized by the hundreds
of millions —
billions —
in order to promote their widespread use.
First, we did basic research, then we applied our research, then, fi-
nally, came the stage of popularizing them. But we only began to
make real progress once wood became scarce. Faced with an emer-
gency, solutions had to be found to preserve this precious resource.
Then the women finally became interested.
We have said that agricultural development in Burkina Faso can be
carried out only by a harmonious marriage between livestock breed-
ing and cultivation techniques. But it is impossible to integrate suc-
cessful breeding as long as the breeder himself does not also think
like a farmer.
Today, it's not only the milk, meat, manure, and bones that must
be sold at an adequate price, but also the animals' capacity for work
that is used all year long. Out of necessity, we are establishing a posi-
tive rhythm of production.
Rapp: You use symbols often in your speeches and in this inter-
view, too.
Sankara: This is a pedagogic style, the product of our reality. As
you will have noticed, we not only speak a great deal, we also give
very long answers and, as you say, we are fond of symbols. This is
because those listening to us are accustomed to the oral tradition of
African civilization where speech progresses in a roundabout fashion.
I most often speak to peasants, so I let my spirit go out to this form
of dialogue, debate, and exchange of views, though I very much ad-

mire the brilliance of those who adopt other styles. There are those
who are able to give short, concise, and well-structured answers even
without a written text. Their skill is a product of the kind of audi-
ences they are used to addressing. When you speak to the university
milieu you don't have to develop your point for hours on end as we
need to do here. Ultimately, in Africa, we mistrust those who give
journalistic answers. These are professional politicians, not men of
the people.
Rapp: It seems that the period of grace following August 4, 1983,

has come to an end. In your opinion, at what stage is the revolution?
Sankara: Interestingly enough, there's less exuberance today and
yet it's easier to convince people. The phenomenon has lost some of
its novelty and, up to a certain point, its captivating glamor. The rev-
olution has become our normal way of life. Last time I saw you, in
May 1984, 1 told you I was convinced that after the euphoric mobili-
zation there would have to come a more conscious mobilization of
the masses. This is the point we have reached.
Rapp: Without any difficulties or period of transition?

Sankara: There was a short transition period between the two
phases, a period of drifting and doubts, despair even. During this
period many people said, "You see, now that they've finished with
their pompous and demagogic speeches, these people are proving in-
capable of leading our country forward." At the time every decision
we tried to take ran up against hostility, whether organized and con-
scious or not. But fortunately for us this period passed quite quickly
and we've been able to push a number of options through to comple-
tion that had seemed reckless.
The benefits and accomplishments were recognized. Today
there's no smug euphoria, but there is a conscious enthusiasm. It's
less exuberant, but it's our best source of support and allows us to
make further decisions. One example: when you invite all the coun-
try's functionaries to take up sports and you say that this will be taken
into account for promotions, you have to have the courage of your
convictions. It's all well and good to be convinced of the beneficial
effects of physical exercise but it's not easy to accept. Yet people did
it.
Rapp: Everyone?
Sankara: No. Here and there people refused or said that we

shouldn't have done it. It was above all a handful of petty bourgeois
who dreaded having to make the effort. But overall it is accepted.

People don't make it a fighting question. They believe we know
where we're going. Today, popular sport has become a real, integral
part of our way of life.
Rapp: Some people talk about a drop in the level of enthusiasm

and mobilization.
Sankara: The seductive side, the fascination of such a new
phenomenon has worn off. People are already familiar with our gen-
eral orientation— some can even guess in advance more or less what
will be said and done. People continue to like the revolution, though
the proselytizing ended some time ago.
Unfortunately, badly informed observers have claimed that this
reflects a drop in enthusiasm, a demobilization, etc., but this is not
so.
Rapp: Does Thomas Sankara still know what is happening in the

country — the attitude of certain functionaries who abuse their
power, or the actions of this or that CDR that is terrorizing the neigh-
borhood?
Sankara: It is now 10:00 p.m. Once we are done here, around
midnight, I'll be leaving for a small village, where I'll stay until 5:00
a.m. You have to take the time to listen to people and make a real ef-
fort to enter into every milieu, including the less commendable. You
have to maintain relations of all kinds —
with the elderly, the young,
the athletes, the workers, the great intellectuals, and the illiterate. In
this way, you can gather a mountain of information and ideas.
When a leader addresses the public, I think he should do it in a
way that makes every single person feel included. When congratula-
tions are in order, everyone should have the feeling that he, person-
ally, is being congratulated.
When it's a question of criticism, everyone must recognize his
own action in the criticism — everyone must know that he has done
such a thing himself, have the feeling of standing naked, of being
ashamed, and determined to not make the same mistakes again in the
future. In this way, we can become collectively aware of our errors
and retrace our steps together. I must take steps to inform myself,
and I must break with protocol and everything that boxes us in. At
times, too, I must say what I have discovered and denounce specific
situations. This shakes people up. Of course, I'm not informed about
everything, especially since there are those who are hesitant to speak
to me, who believe I'm not accessible. Efforts must be constantly
made to bring us closer together. Every week I answer, at the very
least, fifty or so private letters that ask me the most unimaginable and
unanswerable questions. But ties are being forged. I am extremely
pleased when people present their proposals to me in response to the
problems I've laid out, even if we don't always accept their particu-
lar solution.
Rapp: Howdo you foresee a more systematic way of handling

this? It's hard to believe that you're not completelysnowed under.
Sankara: The National Council of the Revolution will soon be
setting up a mechanism to deal with it. But the important thing is to
convince everyone that he has the right to make complaints, and that
maybe his complaint will be resolved, and in any case it will be
studied with the same consideration and importance no matter what
powers have been conferred on the person who has been upsetting
him. We have to set the example ourselves, even when our own fam-
ily is concerned.
Rapp: With the course you have taken, do you foresee the crea-
and when?
tion of a single party
Sankara: The future is leading us toward an organization much
more developed than the current mass mobilization, which is of
necessity much less selective. So a party could come into existence
in the future, but we don't intend to focus our thought and concerns
on the notion of a party. We would be
That could be dangerous.
creating a party in order to conform to revolutionary dictums. "A
revolution without a party has no future." Or to belong to an Interna-
tional for which this would be the precondition for membership.
You cannot create a party with the will of leaders alone. This
opens the door to all kinds of opportunism. A party has to have struc-
tures, leaderships, and representatives. Who would do this other than
those who are there already and who are not necessarily the most
combative? All kinds of people would swear by this party in order to
be sure of a post, a little bit the way the carving up of government
ministries is viewed. Certain people would suggest we divide it this
way so that they, too, can have a post. We must at all costs avoid the
opportunist temptation to create a made-to-measure party. The crea-
tion of a party after the seizure of power is a truly tricky undertaking.
There's also a disadvantage to parties. They become too restric-
tive, overly selective in relation to the masses who are mobilized.
From the moment you begin to base yourself on a mere minority, the
masses become disconnected from the struggle you are waging.
The party is therefore required to play the role of leader, guide,
and vanguard capable of leading the whole revolution, to be a com-
pletely integral part of the masses and, for that, those who are mem-
bers must be the most serious ones who are moving forward and who
are succeeding in firmly convincing others by their own concrete
example. But first the masses must be allowed to struggle without a
party and fashion their weapons without a party. Otherwise you fall
2
into using a nomenklatura.
Rapp: We are fifteen years away from the year 2000. In your
opinion, are we going to see a rebirth of continental united fronts? Or
are we going into the same situation as existed in Havana in 1966
when each revolutionary nationalist entity acted on its own, with no
cohesion and no unity beyond national borders?
Sankara: This is a difficult question and my answer is really
speculation. But I think we are going toward greater cohesion. We
must be optimistic even though it's natural and human, at a time
when sovereign states are mushrooming, that each one should be
more preoccupied with its new powers than with understanding the
evolution of the world. There are as many shades of opinion as there
are books. But this will change.
Of course, those who came before us were more or less obliged to
way they did in order to show
act the the way forward, even if some-
times they fell into acting like messiahs. But more and more, we are
talking about universal civilization as well as a universal revolution.
Imperialism has been organizing an International of domination and
exploitationon a world scale for a long time, yet we have no Interna-
tional of the revolution, of resistance to oppression. Of course there
have been some attempts — the three Internationals — and I've even
heard talk of a fourth.
Step by step leaders as such will be superseded by the organized
masses, especially thanks to the means of communication that break
through all barriers and reduce distances. And thanks, too, to the
leveling out of different cultures, so that we can feel things in more
or less the same way. So the current leaders will be superseded.
Rapp: How will you solve the problem of illiteracy?

Sankara: With regard to our education we intend to attack both
the container and its content. When the colonial masters opened
schools, they had no benevolent or humanitarian intentions in mind.
Their concern was to produce clerks capable of holding down posts

useful to their system of exploitation. Our task today is to inject new
values into our schools, so that they can produce a new human being
capable of understanding ideas and functioning harmoniously and
completely as an integral part of the movement and dynamic of our
people.
Rapp: But isn't your main concern to democratize education in

Burkina?
Sankara: Precisely. Until now only the privileged have had ac-
cess to schools in Burkina. Democratizing education means building
classrooms everywhere. Today, people are mobilized to that end —
and with such enthusiasm, in fact, that they have outstripped the gov-
ernment's capacity to back them up technically. They're going a lit-
tle too fast for us, but we're certainly not going to stop something
that's going so well.
Rapp: In 1984, 1 ,500 teachers who were members of the National

Union of African Teachers of Upper Volta were fired. Can you really
afford the luxury of such a decision when over 90 percent of your
population is illiterate?
Sankara: They were fired for waging a strike that was, in reality,
a subversive movement against our country. At the time we told
them very clearly, "Do not go ahead with this strike because it is part
of a destabilization plan aimed against both us and Ghana." The date
for the action had been established jointly. There was supposed to be
a coup attempt in Ghana, our neighbor, and simultaneously a series
of strikes in Burkina. We had been informed of this and took the
necessary measures.
You know that in our country strikes have always been used to
make and break regimes. We publicly provided a certain amount of
proof in this instance, but not all of it for fear of exposing certain
sources of information. We invited the organizers of the action to
stop the movement. On the same day, Friday, March 23, a French
television network broadcast a program devoted entirely to a Bur-
kinabe dissident. The maneuver was transparent. They were aiming
to build this man up, to give him a certain credibility. It was a double
maneuver aimed at both putting this kind of individual back in the
saddle and destabilizing the situation inside the country.
We arrested the main leaders, who had received a sum of
$250,000 to hand out in order to buy support for the action. As part
of the same operation, security agents also arrested a unionist who,
according to our information, was not involved in the plan. We re-

leased him for the simple reason that he was protesting legitimately
as a unionist and had no hand in the plot.
Rapp: But why take it out on the teachers?

Sankara: We weren't against the teachers but against the plot that
was using the teachers. [The Voltaic Progressive Front,] the party
that instigated the plot, is made up predominantly of primary, sec-
ondary, and even university teachers. It launched its shock troops
against our regime —
a regime that it has condemned ever since Au-
gust 4, 1983, since the day it was born. We acted on our threat be-
cause seemed extremely serious to us that these teachers, who have

it
enormous responsibilities and yet cannot make decisions for them-

selves, would allow themselves to be led off like Panurge's lambs.
Rapp: Given Burkina's urgent educational needs, people find it

hard to understand why you don't modify your position now.
Sankara: We are taking the time to examine one by one the cases
of those who have written to us in repentance. In general, there is no
question of entrusting the education of Burkinabe children to people
who The door is not closed, however. We are re-
are irresponsible.
hiring little by depending on our appreciation of the indi-
little,
vidual's concrete conduct, whether or not he shows a sincere capac-

ity to change his character and become more responsible. Many are
in the process of being rehired or are well on the way.
Rapp: In the meantime, with whom have they been replaced?

Sankara: With others of the same level —
people we called on and
to whom we've given a minimum of training, especially ideological
training.We simply cannot submit to the wholesale blackmailing of
our people. The education of Burkinabe children was taken hostage
to try to force us to resign.
Rapp: But when only 16 percent of the budget goes to education,

and only 20 percent of your children finish their education, what
measures can you take to get better results?
Sankara: Even 100 percent of our budget wouldn't be enough to
educate all of our children. So we have to call on other forms of edu-
cation that have nothing in common with the classical teaching mod-
els. We'll be launching a campaign soon in which everyone who
knows how to read will have the duty of teaching others. Those who
don't participate will lose the possibility of continuing themselves.
Rapp: But how will you do this? Through a kind of public ser-
vice?
Sankara: We will launch a vast national campaign that will take
us everywhere. What's more, I'm convinced that problems be-
all
tween men are problems of communication. When you speak and
people don't quite understand what you are trying to say, misun-
derstandings are always possible. We need a good dose of noncon-
formity. You'll see.
Rapp: Does this mean that you are thinking more generally about
settingup a public service?
Sankara: We do want to completely reorganize our military ser-
vice. Right now military service is obligatory and lasts eighteen
months. But with the means at our disposal we are reaching only 2
percent of those eligible.
In Burkina the army serves as an opportunity, a stable job. The
stampede in the recruitment offices is the complete opposite of the
situation in Europe. I remember when I was in training with French
officers we were given courses to equip us to convince young people
to agree to a military life. In Burkina we learn how to turn away the
greatest number.
Rapp: What will you change, and with what goal?

Sankara: Military service will be lengthened from eighteen
months to two years. During this period people will obviously learn
how to use weapons. But three-quarters of their time will be spent on
production. This is because we believe the defense of a people is the
task of the people themselves. They must be able to mobilize and
have access to the necessary weapons, for we have many enemies.
We think, too, that it is out of the question to entrust the defense of
a country to a minority, no matter how specialized it may be. The
people must defend themselves. They must decide to make peace
when they cannot or do not wish to pursue a war. They must decide,
too, what the army should be.
Rapp: What does this mean concretely?

Sankara: We don't want a caste sitting on top of others. We want
to break with this kind of reasoning and make a number of changes.
Our stripes, for example. We want to change these so that the army
fuses with the people.
Rapp: What do you mean by "spent on production"?

Sankara: Some of those doing their national service will work in

agriculture. Others will teach or be health-care workers. We're not
talking about them becoming medical doctors, but gaining a certain
knowledge of hygiene and first aid so that they can teach others
lifesaving techniques. That's be much more valuable than
all. It will
multiplying the number of doctors by We're not thinking of any
ten.
innovations on that score. We are considering a system that would
mobilize people from different social layers and different ages,
somewhat similar to the Swiss system.
Rapp: But what qualifications will these people have?

Sankara: They will be quite heterogeneous. Medical doctors,
before entering into public service, should take it upon themselves
to practice in the armed forces. In this way they could discover or
rediscover the Burkinabe people. We would call up both high-rank-
ing academics and simple peasants alike. For a small number it
would even be possible to do an apprenticeship, or at least to learn
the rudiments of a trade: agriculture, livestock breeding, construc-
tion, etc.
Rapp: And what about those who are currently enlisted?

Sankara: Similarly, we believe the army to be an arm of the peo-
ple and that it cannot live in tranquility and opulence that clashes
with the chronic misery of the masses. Our soldiers must constantly
feel what the masses are feeling. It's not right that military men
should be paid regularly whereas the civilian population as a whole
does not have the same possibilities. So to bring military personnel
into contact with reality we put them in touch with the needs of the
day. We've decided that in addition to their professional military ac-
tivities, they should participate in the economic life of the country.
We've instructed them to build chicken coops and proceed with rear-
ing livestock.
Rapp: What was the slogan?

Sankara: One quarter of a chicken per soldier per week. This
way, not only will the quality of food improve, but, in addition, this
particular layer of people with regular salaries will not be buying
chickens and this will necessarily lower the price for the civilian
population. With this kind of training, the soldier who is ordered to
do this or who takes the initiative himself will acquire the habit of
this sort of conduct and continue it when he goes home. So the move-
ment will be generalized. Some say we have already gone over our
goal. This is all we ask, because the revolution is a means to a better

life, but above all a better life and greater happiness for all.
Rapp: You are not immune to imminent physical elimination.

What image would you like to leave of yourself and your role if this
happens?
Sankara: I would simply hope that my contribution had served to
convince the most disbelieving that there exists a force, called the
people, and that we must fight for and with these people. I would like
to leave behind me the conviction that if we maintain a certain
amount of caution and organization, we deserve victory a sure and —
durable victory. would like this same conviction to take hold of all
I
others so that what seems to them today to be a sacrifice will seem to-
morrow to be normal and simple gestures.
Maybe in our lifetime we'll seem like we are tilting at windmills.
But perhaps we are blazing the trail along which, tomorrow, others
will surge blithely forward without even thinking
, —
as we do when we
walk. We place one foot in front of the other without ever question-
ing, though all our movements are subject to a complex set of laws
having to do with the balance of our bodies, pace, and rhythm. It will
be a real consolation to myself and my comrades if we have been able
to be useful, if we have been able to be pioneers. Provided, of
course, we're able to get that consolation where we're going.
Rapp: If someone does not share your views, are you prepared to
use violence and constraint and, in doing so, go against the convic-
tions you hold?
Sankara: Given a choice between two solutions, I am not pre-
pared to say I would choose violence, but I do know that the logic of
some situations sometimes leaves you no choice. This is a decision
thatyou must make alone. It is distressing, painful. It causes great
anguish. The following day you come face to face with those against
whom you have had to order violent measures, and all the time, until
the very last minute,you were hoping there would be some other way
to avoid resorting to violence, a way to save men. And sometimes
you don't find a solution.
Rapp: Against what kind of people have you had to use violence?
Sankara: There are those who naively think that they can get
away with anything. This is not a serious problem. We don't have to
use maximum force against these people.
Then there are those who for their own ends devise elaborate, cyn-
ical, and Machiavellian means to provoke us to outbreaks of vio-

lence. They send people to plot against us. If you show weakness to-
ward them and they succeed, everything you have accomplished, all
your commitment to the service of the masses, will be reduced to noth-
ing. These people are totally cynical. They care nothing for the lives
of those they enlist for their plots. We can catch ten, twenty, thirty.
They won't shed a single tear. They'll simply go out and find others
to send against us.
And should you fight back against these actions with violence,
they resort to powerful, even terrifying means to try to give you a bad
conscience. "There's a man with blood on his hands," they say. But
the point is, should you sacrifice the majority in order to preserve a
minority — which sometimes amounts to no more than one man?
Somebody must decide these questions, alone.
Rapp: A difficult task that could lead to arbitrary decisions?

Sankara: extremely difficult for the individual with regard to
It's
his own conscience. Outwardly, one can refuse to listen to or under-

stand what is being said. There are those in other places who have
bathed in blood without feeling the slightest remorse. But inwardly,
if one has a minimum of conviction and faith in humankind, it is pro-
foundly upsetting. I am a military man. I can be summoned to the
battlefield at any moment. On the battlefield, I hope to be able to

help my enemy and spare him senseless suffering, even though the
logic of the battlefield demands that I use my weapon against him
and kill him as quickly as possible in order not to be killed myself.
Rapp: But how far are you willing to allow your enemies to go be-
fore resorting to violence?
Sankara: I hope to be able to give my enemy the opportunity to
comprehend me, because from that moment on he will understand
one fundamental thing: we can disagree on a certain number of ques-
tions without my necessarily being against him. The goals I am striv-
ing for are noble. But he thinks my means are bad, inadequate? If
that's what he thinks, we should discuss it.
Rapp: But what if his position is more radical?

Sankara: We have set a number of prisoners free, including the
one who betrayed me and had me imprisoned. I am still alive not be-
cause he took pity on me nor because he didn't try to kill me. I was
fired at. I am not dead. I was lucky.
We set him free. Some people say we acted out of weakness, for
sentimental reasons. But my concern is that this man understand he

is atour mercy, that he always has been, and that even today we
could still condemn him to death by firing squad, but that something
higher than revenge prevents us from harming him.
Why didn't you have him executed?

Rapp:
Sankara: We weren't after his life. It's true we could have had
him executed the day we took power.
Rapp: Your attitude was maybe simply a good political move?

Sankara: Today he probably thinks that I declared him a free man
to give myself a good image. He is probably thinking, "We are defi-
nitely enemies, but since he is the stronger at this moment I'll play
dead and take my revenge as soon as the opportunity arises." I don't
know, but it would sadden me to think that he sees anything in this
act other than a profound conviction that we must reach the point
where all men can listen to each other and work together. This is a
very long and painstaking task.
Rapp: Executions have, however, been ordered. 3 Were these

souls that could not be saved?
Sankara: Any soul can be saved. I believe that a man's better side
isalways ahead of him. But we were in a particular situation that did
not allow me to respond favorably to requests to pardon those con-
demned. Justice had to take its course.
Rapp: Aren't you afraid that tomorrow it could all be over?

Sankara: No. That kind of fear I do not have. I have told myself,
either I'll finish up an old man somewhere in a library reading books,
or I'll meet with a violent end, since we have so many enemies. Once
you've accepted that reality, it's just a question of time. It will hap-
pen today or tomorrow.
Rapp:Do you know other kinds of fear?

Sankara: Yes, the fear of failure, the fear of not having done
enough. You can fail because of a disagreement, but not because of
laziness, because you should have, you had the means to, and you
didn't do it. I do fear that, and I'm prepared to fight all the way
against such a thing. Imagine what it would be like if tomorrow
someone said you'd stolen money and it were true; or if you let peo-
ple die of hunger because you didn't have the courage to punish the
person responsible for bringing them food but had failed to do so;
that you knew this man and you knew he was guilty as accused.
that
I should have, and I didn't. If this were
and because of this I
true
were to be executed, fine. But if I weren't to be executed, that would
be a cross I would have to bear for the rest of my days —
the cross of my
own incapacity, of shirking my responsibilities. Every day of my
life, having to explain myself to everyone —
that would really drive
you out of your mind. Imagine you're out there in the street, on the
sidewalk, a man talking to himself, trying to tell everyone: "I am in-
nocent, believe me, save me." No. This would be impossible.
Rapp: But doesn't a kind of Sankara madness already exist in a

certain way?
Sankara: Yes. You
cannot carry out fundamental change without
a certain amount of madness. In this case, it comes from nonconfor-
mity, the courage to turn your back on the old formulas, the courage
to invent the future. Besides, it took the madmen of yesterday for us
to be able to act with extreme clarity today. I want to be one of those
madmen.
Rapp: To invent the future?

Sankara: Yes. We must dare to invent the future. In the speech I
gave launching the five-year plan, I said, "All that comes from man's
imagination is realizable for man." I am convinced of that.
Notes
1. Cartierism was the idea, promoted in the early 1960s by French jour-
nalist Raymond newly independent countries
Carrier, that foreign aid to the
in Africa should be drastically cut, ostensibly because of corruption among
the leaders of the former French colonies.
2. The list used to make appointments to high government and adminis-
trative posts by the top echelons of the Communist Party in the Soviet
Union.
3. On June 11, 1984, seven people, arrested May 26 and 27, were exe-
cuted for plotting a coup. They included several former military officers, the
head of security at Ouagadougou airport, and a former mayor of
Ouagadougou.
We Are in
Solidarity with Our Neighbors
September 11, 1985
In this speech, given to a mass rally on September 11, 1985, in

Ouagadougou, Sankara reported on a special meeting of the Entente
Council he attended the day before in Yamoussoukro, Ivory Coast.
The speech is translated from Sidwaya, September 13, 1985.
Comrades, we were called upon today to respond to international

imperialism and its local lackeys who, from the very moment we
stood up, began to tremble. [Applause] We have no speeches for

them, except to recall that as we meet here, imperialist radios
everywhere are tuned into Ouagadougou. [Applause] We know that
in the imperialist dens they will try to scrutinize what we say here.
Above all, they will try to discern how far the Burkinabe people are
willing to go to repel the enemy. I say to you that we will push him
back until we have drowned him in the ocean! [Applause]
We are aware that right now they are attempting to cook up plots
against our people. In particular, they are trying to make the noise of
marching boots resound at our borders. They are trying to create, to
unleash, an unjust war on many fronts against the Burkinabe people
— to push us into conflict with other peoples. They are attempting to
manipulate those who are susceptible to manipulation. But we main-
tain the serenity, calm, and tranquility of a people that has confi-
dence in its strength and knows that the limits of its struggle will be
determined not by the enemy, but by the people itself.
I say that once the Burkinabe people have decided to go forward,
only Burkina Faso, only the Burkinabe people themselves, will de-
cide how far we will go. [Applause] On behalf of all of you, I issue
a very firm warning to those who confuse Burkina Faso with Upper
Volta. [Applause] I issue a firm warning to all those who would dare
disturb the tranquility of any Burkinabe, here or abroad. [Applause]
We have no need for foreign troops or advisers. A short while ago,
145
the comrade commander in chief brought you some very clear, fight-
ing words. He
explained that you are the shock troops that will seize
the citadels from which the thieves are now conspiring against us. I
will complete his message by saying that though we possess no arms,
providing we are great in numbers, we will —
and I promise you this
— go and take our arms from the enemy. [Applause] So all the equip-
ment, the arsenal of war and death, that the enemy is assembling at
this very moment will be ours! [Applause]
Comrades, it is obvious that a demonstration of this kind is not to
everyone's liking. But I want to insist above all on the friendship and
internationalist duty that must be with us at all times. The struggle
waged by the Burkinabe people is not at all a chauvinist struggle. Our
struggle will in no way be a limited struggle characterized by narrow
nationalism. Our struggle is that of all peoples aspiring to peace and
freedom. This is why we must never lose sight of the qualities and
the just aspiration toward peace —
a just peace, dignity, and genuine
independence —
of the peoples that surround us.
Of course, they must carry out their historic duty. They must rid
themselves of all the serpents that infest their territory, of all the
monsters who rob them of their happiness. We have shouldered our
responsibilities. Other peoples must do the same —
their youth, their
patriotic and democratic forces, their civilian and military personnel,
their men and women alike.
We want to build an Entente Council, a revolutionary Entente
Council, and we will exhaust all of our energy to ensure that our just
perspective triumphs. In this, we can count on the peoples of Benin,
Niger, Togo, and the Ivory Coast because we know that these peo-
ples are in need of freedom, dignity, peace, and security; and be-
cause we know that these peoples have understood that only revolu-
tion can enable them to rid themselves of all those inside and outside
their countries who stand in the way of achieving this noble goal.
This is why we say that today it is the Entente Council; tomorrow,
thanks to the peoples of Togo, Benin, Niger, the Ivory Coast, to-
gether with the Burkinabe people —
independently of the desire of
others —
it will be the revolution. [Applause] The revolution is al-
ready under way.

We are well-informed of their plots, their attempts to divide and
create opposition as well as their assassination attempts. But we also
know that these out-and-out reactionaries do not understand, and
confuse, the forward march of the people with the evolution of indi-
viduals.
This is why, as I have said before, attacking this or that leader will
SOLIDARITY WITH OUR NEIGHBORS 147
never suffice to put an end to the revolution. It is why we say, too,

that their plots will never be able to stop the revolution. It is well
under way and will triumph. It will liberate all the peoples.
Since we spoke of security measures at Yamoussoukro it is natural
that we seek the ways and the means to concretely insure that secu-
rity. But it will never happen —
we will never obtain this security as
long as the revolution has not liberated the peoples. Our struggle is
not limited to the concept of alliances. Other peoples on our borders
also need revolution. Of course, I am not talking here about Ghana.
But I am talking about Mali. [Applause, cheers] Our sister republic
of Mali can and must understand that its happiness is our happiness;
its misfortune is our misfortune; the worries of the people of Mali are
also those of the Burkinabe people; its preoccupations are our preoc-
cupations; and the Burkinabe people's revolution is at the disposal of
the people of Mali, who need it. [Applause] Because only revolution
will allow them to fight against hunger, thirst, disease, ignorance,
and above all, against the neocolonial, imperialist forces that domi-
nate them. Only revolution can free them.
Given that revolution cannot be the monopoly of one people, we
have the duty to recognize that all peoples aspire to revolution and
they are on the move. Therefore, the revolution is advancing. We
thus salute the just struggles these peoples are waging every day and
we will not fail to be present at our rendezvous with them to celebrate
the joyful day when they will have destroyed all their enemies,
within and without. [Applause]
Of course, this must be repeated and stressed, they must assume
the historic responsibility for their own liberation. There is abso-
lutely no question of waiting for the saving grace of any other people
or messiah. This would be an error, a monumental, gross, and coun-
terrevolutionary error.
Whether the revolutionary Entente Council comes into being or
not [Shouts of "It will, it will!"], the security of our people depends
on each combatant, inside and outside the country. We must call on
those combatants outside the country to redouble their vigilance and
fervor in unmasking the plots that are being fomented so that they can
uncover the vermin's tracks and so that with our invincible flame-
throwers, we can pour fire on our enemies, burn them to a cinder,
and reduce them permanently to dust. [Applause]
This evening we were simply called upon to reaffirm something
we have become permanently convinced of: we needed to reaffirm
the mobilization and determination of the Burkinabe people; we
needed to state and stress with force that we are in solidarity with our
neighbors. This very evening I will send a message in your name to

Felix Houphouet-Boigny [Applause], a message to Eyadema, to
Seyni Kountche, one to Moussa Traore, one to Mathieu Kerekou,
and one to Rawlings 1 [Applause] to tell them that we reaffirm our
solidarity with their peoples, and that all of the just struggles of their
peoples will be our struggles. [Applause] I hope these messages will
be read in their capitals.
Whatever the case, we will send our message because it is one of
friendship, a friendship that has no need whatsoever of legal agree-
ment. [Applause] We will tell them, too, that we think that the En-
tente Council already provides the basis, a juridical and moral
framework, for permanently defending our different interests. We do
not think other documents and legal provisions should be added.
What have we been doing since 1958 —
in fact since the Entente
Council was created —
if it has taken until 1985 to formulate agree-
ments? This is disturbing.

Comrades, thank you for coming out in such great numbers and
for having shown that our mobilization and enthusiasm are perma-
nent, and that our struggle will be victorious.
Long live the people of Ghana!
Long live the people of Benin!
Long live the people of the Ivory Coast!
Long live the people of Niger!
Long live the people of Togo!
Long live the people of Mali!
Revolution for all!
Revolution for all!
Revolution for all the peoples!

Thank you.
Notes
1 Felix Houphouet-Boigny has been the president of Ivory Coast since

.
independence from France in 1960. Gnassingbe Eyadema is the president of

Togo. Seyni Kountche was president of Niger from 1974 until his death in
November 1987. Moussa Traore is the president of Mali. Mathieu Kerekou
is president of Benin (formerly Dahomey). Jerry Rawlings is Ghana's head
of state and government.

We Fought to Repel the Enemy
January 3, 1986
In December 1985, Malian troops, backed by tanks, armored

cars, and jet fighters, invaded Burkina, starting a war that lasted
five days. The government of Mali, which was receiving arms from
France, used a border dispute as the pretext for the war. The follow-
ing is excerpted from Sankara's January 3, 1986, speech to a Bur-
kina-Mali solidarity rally in Ouagadougou, after the signing of a
cease-fire. The speech originally appeared in French in Sidwaya on
January 6, 1986.
Comrades of the democratic and popular revolution:

As the year was drawing to a close, on December 25, 1985, our
population was bombarded by planes and wounded and killed by
tanks and military personnel from the other side. We fought back.
We confronted the enemy's material superiority and abundant
supplies with collective political and revolutionary determination.
We unleashed our creative genius, and our strategists have written
heroic deeds into the pages of African military history. This is how
we protected our people. We protected them because they were
under attack, and we owe them liberty and tranquility day and night.
We defended them, thus fulfilling a revolutionary duty.
War is nothing other than an extension of politics. The enemy's
politics were extended and became war. Our politics were extended
and became a generalized popular defense. Two political lines con-
fronted each other, and one triumphed.
Dear comrades, on this January 3, 1986, I would like us to think
about all those from both Burkina and Mali who fell on the field of
honor and to think about all those who were injured, all the tearful
families, our two peoples and other African peoples touched by this
painful confrontation. I would like each of us to make an effort to
surmount all feelings of hate, rejection, and hostility toward the Ma-
lian people. I would like each of us to win the ultimate victory by
149
killing all seeds of hostilityand enmity within us toward anyone.

This an important victory to win. We must plant the seeds of
is
genuine friendship in our hearts —

a friendship capable of withstand-
ing the murderous assault of cannons, planes, and tanks. This kind of
friendship can only be built on the revolutionary bedrock of sincere
love for other peoples.
I know that you are capable of this kind of love for the Malian peo-
ple — capable of demonstrating it to them. We will demonstrate it to
them. Our brothers from Mali have said in their speech that they are
for dialogue. First, we answer yes. But then we must put these words
into practice. It is we are con-
for this reason, comrades, that as far as
cerned, there has never been anything but friendship and love be-
tween the peoples of Mali and Burkina. Comrades, are you or are
you not for friendship between our two peoples? [Shouts of "Yes!"]
There. The people —
the guardians of power in Burkina have spo- —
ken. On their behalf, I inform the entire world that there are no
longer any political prisoners from Mali in Burkina. The Malian mil-
itary personnel remaining in Burkina are no longer prisoners. They
are our brothers. They can return to Bamako when and as they wish,
in total freedom.
We did not fight in order to take prisoners. We fought to repel the
enemy. The enemy has been repelled and every Malian in Burkina
Faso is our brother. Starting today, arrangements will be made for
them to live in freedom, for them to taste joy and liberty in Burkina,
especially in Ouagadougou. Their families in Mali should know that
they can come and fetch them or wait for them at Bamako airport as
they wish.
Comrades, let us avoid being diverted and dragged into fights that
are not the peoples' fights. Let us avoid being involved in concerns
that are not concerns of the people in this mad race toward conflict
and excessive armament. We know that there is strong pressure on us
to keep pace step by step with the military arsenals of others, giving
them a justification for their bellicose actions and sometimes even an
easy and convenient pretext for holding the masses for ransom. This
will not be the case with Burkina.
The Western media, the imperialist press, has often said of Bur-
kina that it is over-armed. You have always read in the papers that
our country has received tons and tons of military equipment. Fortu-
nately, this same media has passed sentence on itself by reversing its
opinion on this and recognizing that Burkina is militarily under-
equipped. We are not the ones who said this. They wrote it. Burkina
is indeed underequipped. Everything they wrote about us before was
WE FOUGHT TO REPEL THE ENEMY -151
a slander, and today they are face to face with their own slander and
lies. It is quite clear now which countries are overarmed and which
have military hardware at their disposal. It is also clear which coun-
tries impose sacrifices for the social, political, and economic de-
velopment of their people rather than for excessive militarization.
These five days of events allowed Burkina to wash away the
shame and reestablish the truth. They allowed the entire world to see
us as we really are, so that only those who detest revolution —
and
there are many —will continue their maneuvers to spread confusion.
Future battles await us, and we must win them.
I would like to wish all of you happiness for the year 1986, which
is beginning —a happiness in keeping with our goals and with the

kind of efforts we are ready to make. In wishing you all a good and
happy year I would also like to ask all of you to brace yourselves and
look on the experience we have just been through as an episode, an
unfortunate episode, but nevertheless one rich in lessons.
I would like us all to analyze the experience, because as revolu-
tionaries we know that every day is a day of confrontation. We know

that since that day, March 26, 1983 —
when we proclaimed on this
very spot, "When the people stand up, imperialism trembles" —
we
know that ever since that day we have been standing face to face with
imperialism and its local lackeys.
Save Our Trees,
Our Environment, Our Lives
February 5, 1986
Sankara spoke in Paris at the First International Tree and Forest

Conference on February 5, 1986. This speech is translated from the
version that appeared in Carrefour africain, February 14, 1986.
My country, Burkina Faso, is without question one of the rare

countries on this planet justified in calling and viewing itself as a
microcosm of all the natural evils from which mankind still suffers at
the end of this twentieth century.
Eight million Burkinabe have internalized this reality during
twenty-three painful years. They have watched their mothers,
fathers, sons, and daughters die, decimated by hunger, famine, dis-
ease, and ignorance. With tears in their eyes, they have watched their
ponds and rivers dry up. Since 1973 they have seen their environ-
ment deteriorate, their trees die, and the desert invade the land with
giant steps. It is estimated that the desert in the Sahel advances at the
rate of seven kilometers per year.
Only by looking at this reality can one understand and accept the
birth of the legitimate revolt that matured over a long period of time
and finally erupted in an organized form in Burkina Faso the night of
August 4, 1983 in the form of a democratic and popular revolution.
,
At this conference I am merely a humble spokesperson who re-

fuses to watch himself die for having passively watched his natural
environment die. Since August 4, 1983, water, trees, and life —
if
not survival itself — have been fundamental and sacred in all actions
taken by the National Council of the Revolution, which is leading
Burkina Faso.
In this regard, I must thank the French people, its government, and
in particular its president, Francois Mitterrand, for this initiative,
which and clarity of a people always open
reflects the political genius
to the world and sensitive to its misery. Burkina Faso, which is
152
SAVE OUR ENVIRONMENT • 153
situated in the heart of the Sahel, will always show the appropriate
appreciation for such initiatives, which are in total harmony with the
Burkinabe people's most vital concerns. We will find a way to be
present every time it is necessary — as we do not do for futile proj-
ects.
For nearly thirty years now, the Burkinabe people have been fight-
ing a battle against the encroachment of the desert. It was thus ob-
ligatory for us to be here at this conference in order to talk about our

experience and benefit from that of other peoples from around the
world. For nearly three years, every happy event in Burkina Faso,
such as marriages, christening services, the presentation of awards,
and visits by well-known individuals and others, is celebrated with a
tree-planting ceremony.
For the new year 1986, the schoolchildren of our capital,
Ouagadougou, constructed more than 3,500 improved stoves with
their own hands for their mothers. This is in addition to the 80,000
made by the women themselves in the last two years. This was their
contribution to a national effort to reduce the consumption of fire-
wood and protect the trees and life.
The buy or simply rent one of the hundreds of the public

ability to
dwellings built since August 4, 1983, is strictly conditional on the
tenant or owner planting and nurturing a minimum number of trees as
the apple of their eye. There have already been evictions of those
who do not respect their commitment, thanks to the vigilance of our
Committees for the Defense of the Revolution —
those very CDRs
that poisonous tongues like systematically and unequivocally to
decry.
In a few weeks, we successfully vaccinated 2.5 million children
between the ages of nine months and fifteen years, throughout Bur-
kina and in neighboring countries, against measles, meningitis, and
yellow fever; we have sunk more than 150 wells, guaranteeing drink-
ing water for the twenty or so sectors of our capital that until now
lacked this necessity; and we have raised the rate of school atten-
dance in Burkina from 12 percent to 22 percent.
The Burkinabe people are now conducting a successful struggle
for a green Burkina. Ten million trees have been planted under the
auspices of a People's Development Program lasting fifteen months
— a first venture while the five-year plan was being prepared. In the
villages in the developed river valleys, families must each plant one
hundred trees per year. The cutting and selling of firewood has been
completely reorganized and is now strictly regulated. To carry out
this work you must now hold a wood merchant's card, respect the
zones designated for cutting, as well as pledge to reforest the cleared

areas. We have resurrected an ancestral tradition so that every town
and village in Burkina today has a wood grove.
Thanks to our efforts to make the people aware of their respon-
sibilities, we have freed our urban centers from the plague of roam-
ing livestock. In. the countryside, we are focusing on the fight against
the primitive nomadic approach to rearing livestock by working to
settle the livestock in one place as a means of promoting intensive
stockbreeding.
All criminal acts of pyromania that result in forest fires are judged
and sentenced by the village Popular Conciliation Courts. The plant-
ing of a certain obligatory number of trees is one of the forms of
punishment meted out by these courts.
From this coming February 10 to March 20, 35,000 peasants who
are leaders of village groups and cooperatives will take intensive
courses in reading, economic management, and environmental or-
ganization and maintenance.
Since last January 15 a vast operation called the People's Harvest
of Forest Nurseries has been under way in Burkina with a view to
supplying the 7,000 village nurseries. We sum up all of these ac-
tivities under the banner of the "three battles."
Ladies and gentlemen:
I say all this not to shower unrestrained and unending praise on the
modest, revolutionary experience of my people with regard to the de-

fense of the forest and the trees, but rather to speak as explicitly as
possible about the profound changes occurring in relations between
man and tree in Burkina Faso. I would like to depict for you as accu-
rately as possible the deep and sincere love that has been born and is
developing between the Burkinabe man and the trees in my country.
In doing this, we believe we are applying our theoretical concep-
tions concretely to the specific ways and means of the Sahel reality,
in the search for solutions to present and future dangers attacking
trees the world over. Our efforts and those of all who are gathered
here, the experience accumulated by yourselves and by us, will
surely guarantee us victory after victory in the struggle to save our
trees, our environment, in short, our lives.
Excellencies;
I come to you in the hope that you are taking up a battle from
which we cannot be absent, since we are under daily attack and be-
lieve that the miracle of greenery can rise up out of the courage to say
what must be said. I have come to join with you in deploring the
SAVE OUR ENVIRONMENT • 155
harshness of nature. But I have also come to denounce the one whose
selfishness is the source of his neighbor's misfortune. Colonialism
has pillaged our forests without the least thought of replenishing
them for our tomorrows.
The unpunished destruction of the biosphere by savage and mur-
derous forays on the land and in the air continues. Words will never
adequately describe to what extent all these fume-belching vehicles
spread death. Those who have the technological means to find the
culprits have no interest in doing so, and those who have an interest
in doing so lack the necessary technological means. They have only
their intuition and their firm conviction.
We are not against progress, but we want progress that is not car-
ried out anarchically and with criminal neglect for other people's
rights. We therefore wish to affirm that the battle against the en-
croachment of the desert is a battle to establish a balance between
man, nature, and society. As such, it is a battle that is above all polit-
ical, one whose outcome is not determined by fate.
The establishment in Burkina of a Ministry of Water, in conjunc-
tion with our Ministry of the Environment and Tourism, demon-
strates our desire to place our problems clearly on the table so that we
can find a way to resolve them. We have to fight to find the financial
means to exploit our existing water resources —that is to finance
drilling operations, reservoirs, and dams. This is the place to de-
nounce the one-sided contracts and draconian conditions imposed by
banks and other financial institutions that preclude our projects in
this area. These prohibitive conditions bring on traumatizing indebt-
edness robbing us of all meaningful freedom of action.
Neither fallacious Malthusian arguments — and I assert that Af-
rica remains an underpopulated continent —nor those vacation re-
sorts pompously and demagogically called "reforestation operations"
provide a solution. We are backed up against the wall in our destitu-
tion like bald and mangy dogs whose lamentations and cries disturb
the quiet peace of the manufacturers and merchants of misery.
This is why Burkina has proposed and continues to propose that at
least 1 percent of the colossal sums of money sacrificed to the search
for cohabitation with other planets be used by way of compensation
to finance the fight to save our trees and life. While we have not
abandoned hope that a dialogue with the Martians could result in the
reconquest of Eden, we believe that in the meantime, as earthlings,
we also have the right to reject an alternative limited to a simple
choice between hell or purgatory.
Explained in this way, our struggle to defend the trees and the
forest is first and foremost a democratic struggle that must be waged

by the people. The sterile and expensive excitement of a handful of
engineers and forestry experts will accomplish nothing! Nor can the
tender consciences of a multitude of forums and institutions sin- —
cere and praiseworthy though they may be —
make the Sahel green
again, when we lack the funds to drill wells for drinking water just a
hundred meters deep, and money abounds to drill oil wells three
thousand meters deep!
As Karl Marx said, those who live in a palace do not think about
the same things, nor in the same way, as those who live in a hut. This
struggle to defend the trees and the forest above all a struggle
is
against imperialism. Imperialism is the pyromaniac setting fire to our

forests and savannah.
Presidents;
Prime ministers;
We adopted these revolutionary principles of struggle so that the
green of abundance, joy, and happiness could come into its own. We
believe in the power of the revolution to stop the death of our pat-
rimony and open up a bright new future for it.
Yes, the problem posed by the forest and the trees is exclusively
the problem of harmony between the individual, society, and nature.
It is a fight that can be waged. We do not retreat in face of the im-
mensity of the task. We do not turn away from the suffering of

others, for the desert today knows no limits.
We can win this struggle if we choose to be architects and not sim-
ply bees. This would signify the victory of consciousness over in-
stinct. We should say yes to the bee and the architect! If the author of
these lines [President Mitterrand] will allow me, I will extend this
twofold analogy to a threefold one —
that is, we should say yes to the
bee, the architect, and the revolutionary architect!
Thank you.
On Books and Reading
February 1986
This interview with Sankara by Elisabeth Nicolini is translated

from the version that appeared in the March 12, 1986, issue of the
Paris magazine Jeune afrique. It is copyright 1986 and reprinted by
permission.
Elisabeth Nicolini: You came to France recently to participate in

where the problem of the advancing
the Tree and Forest Conference,
desert was raised —
a problem of great concern to your country.
Have you read many books on this topic?
Thomas Sankara: [Smiling] No, they're too dry.
Nicolini: What was the last book you read?

Sankara: La gauche la plus bete du monde (The most stupid left
in the world) by Jean Dutard. There are some amusing things in it.
It's relaxing.
Nicolini: This is a book on the upcoming legislative elections in

France, written by a right-wing journalist. Does the election cam-
paign in France interest you that much?
Sankara: No. I find it amusing.
But you read political books?

Nicolini:
Sankara: Of course. Without giving myself away, I can admit to
being familiar with the classics of Marxism-Leninism.
Nicolini: You've surely read Capital by Karl Marx.

Sankara: No, not all of it. But I have devoured all of Lenin.
Nicolini: Would you take these works with you if you were stuck
on a desert island?
Sankara: I would certainly take [Lenin's] State and Revolution.
157
This is a book I take refuge in, that I reread often. Depending on

whether I'm in a good or a bad mood, I give the words and sentences
different interpretations. But on a desert island, I would also take the
Bible and the Koran.
Nicolini: You find that Lenin, Jesus, and Muhammad go well to-
gether?
Sankara: Yes. There are many references to the Bible and the
Koran in my speechs. I think that these three works form the three
most powerful currents of thought in our world, except perhaps for
Asia. State and Revolution provides an answer to problems that re-
quire a revolutionary solution. Then the Bible and the Koran allow
us to synthesize peoples' past and current thought in space and
time.
Nicolini: Which is the most revolutionary of the three in your

opinion?
Sankara: That depends on the epoch. In modern times, Lenin is
unquestionably the most revolutionary. But it's also undeniable that
Muhammad was a revolutionary who provoked much social up-

heaval. Jesus too, but his revolution was never completed. Jesus
ends up being more abstract, while Muhammad was able to be more
concrete. We took Christ's word as a message capable of saving us
from the real misery we live in, as a philosophy to qualitatively trans-
form the world. But we were disappointed by how it was utilized.
When we had to look for an alternative, we found the class struggle.
Nicolini: Are there any political writers whose writings you ap-
preciate more than others?
Sankara: In general, I find them all interesting —
military books,
books on tactics, or how to organize work. De Gaulle, for example
— I've read most of his books, Mitterrand's too, such as L'Abeille et
V architecte (The bee and the architect). Mitterand writes well but not
just for the pleasure of writing. You can see through his writings that
he wanted to become president, and he succeeded.
Nicolini: I suppose you have a library?
Sankara: No, absolutely not. My books are all in footlockers. A

library is dangerous. It's too revealing. I don't like to tell people
what I read, either. I never make notes in a book or underline pas-
sages. That's where you reveal the most about yourself, it can turn
into a real personal diary.
ON BOOKS AND READING • 159
Nicolini: Apart from official speeches, do you write?

Sankara: Yes, I have for a long time —
since 1966 when I was
still in high school. Every night in fact. There was a short interrup-
tion starting in 1982, but I've picked up the thread again since then.
I write down my thoughts.
Nicolini: Do you intend to publish them?

Sankara: No, I don't think so.
Nicolini: What book would you like to have written?

Sankara: A book on how to organize and build happiness for the
peoples of the world.
Nicolini: Don't you like literature for relaxation?

Sankara: No, I don't read to pass the time or to discover well-
constructed narrative.
Nicolini: How do you choose your books?

Sankara: Well, first I should say that I buy them —
it's the title
more than the author that attracts me. I don't read to discover the
literary itinerary of a writer. I like to keep on top of new men and new
situations.
Nicolini: Let's talk for a moment about African literature, Bur-

kinabe writers. Who has made an impression on you?
Sankara: I don't like African novels any more than I like African
films.Those I've read have really disappointed me. It's always the
same story: young man from Africa leaves for Paris, suffers, and re-
turns home at odds with tradition.
Nicolini: You're referring to Ambiguous Adventure by Cheikh

Hamidou Kane!
Sankara: Yes. I don't like this way of depicting people. It's not re-
ally blacks who are speaking in African literature. You get the impres-
sion that you're dealing with blacks who want to speak French at any
price. That annoys me. The authors should write as we speak today.
Nicolini:You'd rather they use broken African French?

Sankara: To a certain extent, I'd prefer that. Anyhow, the Afri-
can writers I like best are those who deal with concrete problems,
even if I don't agree with their positions. I don't like writers who
write for literary effect.
Nicolini: In your office in Ouagadougou you have the complete

works of Lenin, a really fine collection.
Sankara: Yes, but I've read Lenin in a much more practical col-
lection, the same kind as the paperback series I used to see when I
went to buy my supply of books in Paris at 1 Paul-Painleve Place, at
the Herbes-Sauvages Bookstore.
Nicolini: Are you familiar with Arabic literature?

Sankara: Yes, I've read several Algerian and Tunisian books a —
book about Oum Kalsoum, the Egyptian singer. Who was its author?
I never remember names. I've also read a book called L
Autogestion
en Algerie (Self-management in Algeria) written by a member of the
National Liberation Front.
Nicolini: So you don't read novels?

Sankara: No, almost never. I did read one recently by accident
called UAmour en vogue (Love in fashion). It was a rather candid
story. It was on sale —
I went into a bookstore and bought it.
Nicolini: You don't read detective stories either? Not even a book
like SAS, by Gerard de Villiers, that took place in Ouagadougou?
Sankara: No, I'm not interested in them —
they're in the same
category. It seems that Gerard de Villiers came to Ouaga before writ-
ing his book SAS. He never asked to see me.
Nicolini: Would you have met with him?

Sankara: Why not? In terms of spy books, I'm reading a book at
the moment called The Devil's Alternative by Frederick Forsyth. It
sheds a lot of light on the duplicity of the big powers.
Nicolini: There's a Burkinabe author called [Joseph] Ki-Zerbo

whom you evidently know well and who lives in exile. Have you
read his books?
Sankara: Yes, his studies are very interesting. But he's still an
African with a complex. He came to France to learn, then returned
home to write so that his African brothers could recognize and see in
him what people in France had been unable to see or recognize. No-
thing is more frustrating for an African than to arrive at his peak
without having been recognized in France. At home, at least, he says
to himself, his greatness will be recognized.
Nicolini: What has become of him?

ON BOOKS AND READING -161
Sankara: When the revolution called him, he fled. I've asked him
to come back twice, but he wants to hide his continual failures. He
was never able to succeed in Burkina, neither by the electoral nor the
putschist route. This is why he has left the country. I met with him
twice before he left. We were happy to see him leave because we
sensed that he was really very scared. We didn't want him to die —
to croak in our arms — because this would have provoked some
awful accusations. Once out of the country he went over to active op-
position. But he can come back any time. The door is always open.
Abuse of Power
Must Be Foreign to the CDRs
April 4, 1986
Sankara gave the closing speech to the First National Conference

of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, which took
place in Ouagadougou from March 31 to April 4, 1986. The confer-
ence was attended by over 1,300 delegates. This speech is translated
from a pamphlet published by the CDR National General Sec-
retariat.
After what we have just seen and heard my task has been greatly
facilitatedand I will have only a few things to say to you.
Our arduous task is drawing to a close. We are nearing the end of
a particular kind of test, the first of its kind, in the course of which
the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) have vol-
untarily and consciously agreed to take a critical look at themselves.
They have been in session nonstop, day and night, in the spirit of
criticism and self-criticism, with the goal of examining the work of
the CDRs over the past two and a half years of revolution in Burkina.
This principle itself is a victory in the sense that only revolutions are
willing to subject themselves and their struggle to criticism. Revolu-
tions are the opposite of reaction, which sings its own praises only to
fail totally in the end. [Applause]
Comrades, I want first to ask all the foreign delegations who
weren't able to be represented here to understand and excuse the pro-
cedure we followed. We judged that this first conference of the
CDRs should be conducted virtually behind closed doors, that is,
among Burkinabe only. This in no way means, however, that we are
ignoring the internationalism that binds us to other struggles, and I'm
sure they will grant us their indulgence and understanding. In fact
messages and delegations were prepared to be sent here from around
the world. We ask all those fraternal countries and sister revolutions
who understandingly withheld their delegations to communicate to
162
COMMITTEES FOR DEFENSE OF THE REVOLUTION 163
their people the internationalist greetings of the Committees for the

Defense of the Revolution of Burkina Faso. [Applause]
I would like to thank the Pioneers who were present here and who
played a leading role in this first national conference from beginning

to end. For us, the Pioneers are our hope, our hope of tomorrow.
They are today a symbol of and a model for the future. But at the
same time they show each of us the daily task we must accomplish.
How well and how consciously we live up to our responsibilities to-
ward these young revolutionaries will determine in good part what
becomes of them and their revolution. As revolutionaries we have no
right to think that these Pioneers should be marginal to our revolu-
tionary activity, that they should become part of our activity only
once they reach the age of eighteen. Wherever revolutionaries are
concerned with the lives of these Pioneers, they should assume their
responsibilities by supporting, educating, and raising the conscious-
ness of these young children so that they grow up, live, and die as
revolutionaries. [Applause]
How could we
fail to congratulate and admire these young chil-
dren — Voice of the Pioneers, the orchestra from Bobo

the
Dioulasso, the Little Singers with the Raised Fists from Ouaga-
dougou, the Little Dancers from CDR District Twenty-seven in
Ouagadougou and CDR District Six from Banfora who performed a
short while ago. How can we fail to be heartened! We know the min-
ute we see them perform and express themselves that our culture is in
good hands. If only each one of us had been able to learn music and
master our culture at this age, Mozart would be a very mediocre
celebrity today compared with us. Alas! We grew up with deficien-
cies. [Applause]
I would also like to thank the National Union of Elders of Burkina
(UNAB) for its participation in this First National CDR Conference
of Burkina Faso. [Applause] UNAB makes an important contribu-
tion. It is very important, in fact, because we know that, on a tactical
level, if we do not mobilize the elders our enemies will mobilize
them against us. [Applause] Reactionaries and counterrevolution-
arieseverywhere encourage us to ignore the elders so that they can be
mobilized against us. [Sustained applause] Well, comrades, let's not
play the game of reaction and counterrevolution. Let's not play the
game of populism. Instead, let's state that there must not be a single
human being in Burkina Faso, regardless of age, who has not been
mobilized. We need everyone.
And nevertheless I must say to our dear comrade elders that, just
as it's true that snow on the roof doesn't mean it's not warm inside,
we must understand that it's equally true that among the elders there
are tortoises with double shells. [Applause] There are also predatory
owls and a certain number of
that strike in the darkness, [Applause]
chameleons who think that the revolution just gave
fence-sitting
them a dangerous opening, like in a game of checkers, to position
themselves for their favorite sport —
intrigue, plots, settling of ac-
counts, defamation, scheming, and heaven knows what else! The el-
ders themselves have primary responsibility for unmasking and com-
bating these unscrupulous elders. [Applause] If after crossing swords
with these bad elders —
and they are generally tenacious because
they have tough hides [Laughter] —
the good elders haven't man-
aged to succeed, they should call on the CDRs and give us permis-
sion to act. We will know what to do, won't we comrades? [Shouts
of "Yes!" and applause] So let's be vigilant.
We would like to thank the Women's Union of Burkina (UFB)
[Applause] whose silence at the beginning of the conference was
particularly "deafening" and noted. [Applause] This mass organiza-
tion, a latecomer compared with other organizations, is neverthe-
less far from marginal to our victorious march forward. We have
confidence in the UFB that all women — all our women and all the
women of the entire world — will be mobilized. So the task is

great.
I congratulate the CDR National General Secretariat for the impor-
tant organizing work that has been carried out. [Applause] I con-
gratulate it all the more since it was not certain that we could or-
ganize an important meeting like this with such meticulous care in
the short amount of time at our disposal.
Our daily paper, Sidwaya, in a fit of impertinence dared to speak
illof our National General Secretariat, which will reply to this
meddling by Sidwaya at the appropriate moment. [Applause]
Good! Congratulations to all of the organizers and allthose who
came from other provinces for this impressive event, for we have yet
another victory to our credit.
Do you remember on August 4, 1984, after the celebration of the
first anniversary of the democratic and popular revolution, the reac-
tionaries and counterrevolutionaries claimed in unison that we had
squandered billions and billions for the celebration, so big and won-
derful was the event? It drove them wild. It was beyond the imagina-
tion of these gentlemen that revolutionary capacity could compensate
for and even surmount our lack of resources! Since then, they no
longer talk about the billions spent. To the contrary, when they hear
that we are organizing a celebration they go into a state of panic and
UN photo
Women in Kaona, Burkina Faso, terrace soil to control erosion, April 1986.
Margaret A. Novicki/Africa Report
Tomato harvest, Sourou Valley irrigation project.

New construction, Cite An III housing complex on General Sandino Street,

Ouagadougou,
fe & 1987. „ TT Ljm ,. t .
Ernest Harsch
Tree-planting ceremony at peasants' rally, Pibaore, Burkina Faso, October

1987.
Margaret A. Novicki/ Africa Report
Weaver in Bombore, Burkina Faso.
COMMITTEES FOR DEFENSE OF THE REVOLUTION • 165
try as best they can to sabotage it.
The last Summit Conference of the Heads of State of the West Af-
rican Economic Community (CEAO) was a resounding success for
the democratic and popular revolution. [Sustained applause] It was a
success not because brought us great resources, but because revo-
it
lutionaries outdo themselves when they are attacked —

and we were
attacked, as you well know! [Applause] We even commanded the re-
spect of those who didn't want to come. They came despite them-
selves, right here to Ouagadougou. [Applause]
The most recently held session of the People's Revolutionary
Courts, the fifteenth of its kind, was likewise the international reflec-
tion of this revolutionary authority. [Applause] We tried and passed
1
sentence on international crooks! [Applause] We dared to do what
many dared not do. In the process, we proudly established the peo-
ple's court as a form of legal power essential to the peoples of the
world.
We are pleased to note that here and there our example has given
rise to attempts at imitation. [Applause] Elsewhere, too, people want
to tryand pass sentence, and we know that this can be done anywhere
in the world.But the difference is between daring to tell the truth, the
whole truth, or being obliged to tell half-truths because maybe you
are involved yourself, or perhaps because you head a reactionary and
corrupt regime. [Applause] Have you ever seen a cat ask for a certifi-
cate of good behavior for its son? [Laughter, applause] He is a thief
himself. But we know that even cats can put on the air of a serious
person.
We warn those who imitate us: They can follow our lead, they can
imitate us, but there is a secret, one secret, that they do not have.
This secret, while it allows us to overcome great obstacles, will lead

to their downfall. [Applause]
Comrades, there was a lot of talk when we called this national
CDR conference. It was said here and elsewhere that the conference
would be an opportunity to tell all, and by "tell all" certain people un-
derstood that it would be the place to settle certain accounts with cer-
tain individuals. Others said that this conference would be a mere
masquerade with the appearance of letting the people speak but in re-
ality a block to the truth being told. At the very moment I am speak-
ing, there are those who think this because they didn't have speaking
rights.
There were more than 1 ,310 delegates at the conference. Allowing
only ten minutes for each delegate —
the mathematicians among us
can figure it out —
it would have amounted to ten days in a row of
just listening to contributions. This would obviously have been im-

possible! So, we had proceed through composite resolutions. I
to
must admit that the synthesis of certain theses occasionally distorted
ideas to the point that some proposals and points of view were not
adequately or entirely expressed in the final analysis and review.
This is unfortunately the product of normal rules that govern a proj-
ect aimed at the participation of the greatest number of people, not
simply a minority.
That is also why, from now on, I urge the CDR National General
Secretariat to take all necessary steps to be able to periodically, every
trimester, say, organize meetings between itself and the main repre-
sentatives of the CDRs across the country. This would enable it to
hear more of the thinking of each one so that when it comes to syn-
thesizing their ideas we won't unintentionally distort them.
[Applause]
There were those who believed that this First National Conference
had been called to definitively lay the CDRs to rest. Some people re-
ally did come here to present their condolences to the National Sec-
retariat — hypocrites in many cases, since they really came to cele-
brate the disappearance of these famous CDRs.
Why the CDRs?
You know that, historically, nothing could be more wrong than the
idea that the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution were
created the day after August 4, 1983, etc. The CDRs were born with
the first bullets that were fired here. The CDRs were created pre-
ciselyon August 4. [Applause] The CDRs were born dialectically
along with the revolution in Burkina Faso [Applause] because the
very moment we pronounced the word "revolution" in this country,
we felt the need to defend it — and he who speaks of revolution with-
out taking the necessary measures to protect it makes a serious error
and misunderstands the capacity for fighting and destruction of the
forces of reaction. As for us, we called on the masses everywhere
during the night of August 4 to organize themselves into CDRs be-
cause we had no illusions; the revolution would come under attack.
The revolution was attacked. It is still under attack today and will
be in the future. Thus, the CDRs were also attacked. They are still
under attack today and will be in the future. [Applause] Not one of
the positive accomplishments of the revolution could have been car-
ried out without the CDRs. However, we in the CDRs know that we
are not perfect. We know this, but we continue to look for examples
of perfection in this world of ours.
We in the CDRs have had to exercise popular power. As such we
are directly involved in every aspect of national life on the political,

economic, and military level — on every level, in fact, of the lives of
Burkinabe. So it is important to understand that the correct function-
ing of the CDRs has beneficial and favorable consequences for each
one of us. To turn your back on the CDRs is to do harm to yourself,
unless you are in a position to leave Burkina. We need the CDRs and
we will always need the CDRs, whatever form they might take in the
future.
But we notice that certain people from abroad, on arrival in Bur-
kina Faso, think that the country is divided into two parts: there is the
normal Burkina Faso with a flag, an anthem, offices, an administra-
tion, functional structures; in other words, the Burkina Faso that
knows the right rules, that wears white gloves, handsome ties, and
heaven knows what else! And then there's the Burkina Faso of the
CDRs. Oh, those CDRs! [Applause] And they tell us what a magni-
ficent country we have! And what colossal work has been ac-
complished! But unfortunately, there's the problem of your CDRs.
[Applause] But what should we do with the CDRs? Put them in bot-
tles? There are so many of them that if we were to put them in bottles,
they'd be in all the bars! [Applause]
Even Burkinabe say to us, "Ah! Comrade President, believe us,
we are quite satisfied. What has been accomplished is magnificent,
but couldn't you see what you can do about the CDRs [Laughter] be-
cause these children. ..." I listen to their proposals and advice with
great interest and with all due respect for the white beard that speaks
in this way before asking them what, in reality, is the difference in
age between those in the CDRs and myself? [Applause]
No! We could never agree to put aside the CDRs. There are not
two Burkina Fasos. There is one single Burkina Faso —
the Burkina
Faso of the CDRs. Our country begins and ends with the CDRs.
[Applause] This is why CDRs must rapidly be formed wherever they
do not yet exist. Wherever there are Burkinabe, their first reflex must
be to form a Committee for the Defense of the Revolution because
they exist thanks to the revolution. If they do not do this, they are
going against the revolution and there is no reason for them to benefit
from the revolution's blessings.
I must tell you that in this respect we have encountered some prob-
lems with different international organizations that, claiming that

they are not political, oppose the formation of CDRs in their ranks.
Well, we say that all Burkinabe who work in international organiza-
tions must remain connected to the revolution through the CDRs.
[Applause] So there must be CDRs everywhere. [Applause] In short,
I'll not name any of these international organizations, they know

who they are.
When we tried the thieves from the West African Economic Com-
munity, those bankers, crooks, and opportunists, if there had been a
single Burkinabe from the CEAO involved, do you think the CDRs
would have drawn up a motion of congratulations for that thief? So
you see, the CDR —
the inspiration behind the people's court is —
a guarantee for the CEAO because the CDRs
against thieves! It is
exist that we dared to go after the unscrupulous thieves. They've

been making billions for a long time. [Applause]
So we say once and for all that all international organizations that
accept our presence must likewise accept the presence of the CDRs.
Of course, we will respect the rules and statutes of these international
organizations. We organize within them to the extent possible.
We're not talking about asking the Secretary General of the United
Nations for permission to hold a general assembly of the CDRs in
that glass house in New York, even though that wouldn't be so much
to ask!
This First National Conference of the CDRs must produce greater
cohesion and organic unity and broader internal agreement. This is
very important. As a founding CDR member, I cannot avoid the re-
sponsibility of criticizing the CDRs profoundly and totally; but at the
same time, I do not hesitate to give them all the support and rein-
forcement they require to continue to advance. [Sustained applause]
We must have the courage to take a frank look at ourselves. There
are unscrupulous CDR members in our ranks We must not shy away
!
from this fact. As you well know, very few people wanted to join the
CDRs at the beginning of the revolution. But when it became clear
that the CDRs were a tool to resolve a certain number of problems,
the old maneuverers took up their old tricks again and got themselves
elected within the CDRs. [Applause] You can see them driving
around we're out waging the Battle for the Rail-
in their cars while
2
road. Their first question is, "Will the television be coming?"
[Laughter, applause] As soon as they are sure that the television will
be there, they put the ice chest into the car, cold beer and all, and off
they go to wait, driving around and around in their cars in front of the
cameraman, who doesn't seem to understand. [Laughter] Finally
they call over the cameraman and tell the crew, "Ah, you guys, we're
working hard here, we've been here for hours! Oh, yes!"
Journalists being journalists, the inevitable question is asked:
"What are your impressions?" This is the moment they've been wait-
ing for. [Applause] One of them will promptly answer, "Yes! Yes!
My impressions are very impressed, my impressions are very favor-

able. One thing's for sure, we're standing together as one!" These
old refrains, you know them well! We sang the same one in Revolu-
tion Square, the old January 3 Square. "We're standing together as
one," we sang, while some were going off to the left and others to the
right. [Applause] Ah, yes! These opportunists have understood
which way the wind is blowing, this wind of power, and there they
are in the CDRs doing everything they can to get elected and become
officials.
I'm going to say something now that may well cut both ways, but
I'll say it anyhow because it is true. We often see the following kind
of thing with regard to our Revolutionary Solidarity Fund: "Con-
tribution from such and such a comrade of one-tenth of his salary per
month —
who requests to remain anonymous." Well! Do you know
what form this anonymity takes? The good comrade, this great and
valiant activist, first goes to see his supervisory minister and tells
him, "Comrade minister, I've donated a part of my salary but I've
asked to remain anonymous because I am a man who likes to be dis-
creet." [Applause] He then goes to the National Secretariat of the
CDRs and repeats the same thing. "I'm contributing, but I want to re-
main anonymous. I want to be discreet." He goes to his local CDR
and says the same thing.
He writes a long letter to the comrade president, explaining how,
since the historic night of August 4, [Laughter] his checkbook quiv-
ers just for the revolution, but he requests to remain anonymous. He
signs the letter, prints hisname, his first name, his CDR district
number, names of his wife and children.
his date of birth, the
[Laughter] He writes to the comrade who is minister of family de-
velopment and requests anonymity. And then he waits.
A ministerial council announces that the comrade has given up
one-tenth of his salary for three months, asking to remain anony-
mous. Meanwhile, the entire town —
especially his constituents —
knows who this generous, anonymous person is. All this is nothing
but a ploy to get elected.
Of course, let no one say because of this that it's not worth sending
a contribution to the solidarity fund. We must continue to build it,
along with all money to help those
the other funds that need a lot of
who our funds, but who nevertheless take advantage of
criticize
them. [Applause]
This is how political power is used for opportunist ends. There are
unscrupulous elements in our midst. We must remove them. These
neofeudal elements are present in our ranks. They must be rooted
out, combated, and defeated. They themselves up as veritable des-

set
pots in our local districts, villages, and provinces.They are every bit
as dangerous as despots. Their method of functioning is anarchist.
They reign and hold sway like warlords. In fact they're fascists.
When all is said and done, they're anarcho-fascists, a new race we
have to deal with. [Sustained and loud applause]
It is in this regard that the Committees for the Defense of the Rev-
3
olution, particularly those in the service sector, sometimes become
real instruments of terror against directors. Right now, there are di-
rectors of services who can no longer even sign a dispatch note, they
are so afraid of their CDR. [Applause] There are some directors of
services who can't decide what color paint to use for their cars with-
out calling a general assembly, they have been so terrorized. They
have been literally brutalized —
threatened with suspension, firing,
and dismissal. We must admit that there has been some settling of ac-
counts, which needs to be redressed today. [Applause]
Or there are cases, too, of directors who have obtained their posts
through maneuvering —going door-to-door every night —
in order
to be named director. They are then at the mercy of those who nomi-
nated them. We have seen political cowardice on the part of some
CDRs, which don't have the courage to assume their responsibilities.
I'll use the example of a suspension. A comrade is suspended for a
wrongdoing — something serious. The comrade is out there on the

street complaining vociferously and issuing threats and those same
people who had proposed his suspension come and say, "Well, you
know, we weren't aware ourselves." [Applause] This kind of cow-
ardice must be combated.
When the CDRs come under fire, they run to the National Sec-
retariat and say, "We're under attack by a group of fascists,
populists, counterrevolutionaries, and reactionaries." No! They must
face their enemies where they are. [Applause] Let's pursue this! Are
we here in Ouagadougou supposed to resolve the problem of counter-
revolutionaries confronting our CDRs thousands of kilometers
away? This is a poor understanding of the role of the CDR National
Secretariat. Some people have no hesitations at all in crossing the
Mediterranean or Caspian Sea in order to come to Ouagadougou, to
the Sahara, and explain the problem. No! It's over there in Troca-
dero, in the Nineteenth Arrondissement [of Paris] that you have to
fight back and triumph, not here! Comrades who happen to be in
Leningrad or Bouake [Ivory Coast] are not the ones who will wage
the battle for CDR District Twenty-six.
On the military level, the CDRs have often been crammed with in-
COMMITTEES FOR DEFENSE OF THE REVOLUTION -171
competents. Competency is not reducible to being able to handle a

weapon. If it were merely a question of this kind of dexterity, we
could simply go down to Ouagadougou's prison. There are many
very adroit people to be found there. If it were just a question of
know-how and intelligence, we could simply ask Moussa Ngom. He,
as you know, is very skilled. His boss, [Mohamed] Diawara, could
be national general secretary of the CDRs. [Moussa] Diakite could
take care of social matters. [Lively applause]
we have had a lot of accidents. These have not been the re-
Well,
sultof inadequate training. I insist on pointing this out right away.
There has not been a higher rate of accidents with our weapons in the
CDRs than among regular troops, either here in Burkina or abroad.
There are accidents every year in every army in the world; they are
just not talked about. People die in these accidents, parachutists,
When the French plane came down in Bangui, how many
pilots, etc.
people died? Quite a few, anyway, and this was no CDR. You see,
there are accidents everywhere. When the Challenger exploded,
people died! It was an accident. Accidents happen, even at NASA!
They happen everywhere.

What must be condemned is not this, but rather the presence of un-
scrupulous elements in our ranks. This is what we must combat. In
order to show off, these elements sport a whole arsenal of weapons,
as if they needed —
as if they were Himmler's assistants. No! These
elements must be pushed aside. They are very often the cause of ac-
cidents. "If you do that, I'll blast you." This is the kind of thing we
must condemn. This is the kind of person you must work to punish
severely from now on. This is the way it should be. The person who
is not sure of himself should put down his weapons.
On the military level, we know, too, that during patrols, some
CDRs have committed unspeakable atrocities. But since unspeakable
is not a revolutionary concept, we must speak of everything. CDRs
actually took advantage of their patrols to engage in looting. Well,

we them from now on as we would thieves and we'll
will pursue
shoot them down. It's as simple as that. Let this be clear! We have
arms to defend the people. All those who steal from and pillage the
people will be shot down.
There have even been cases, we should speak about this too,
where another kind of settling of accounts has occurred during
periods of curfew. This, too, must be condemned. Certain comrades
— because they are CDR members responsible for security and
armed with a big gun that they are not even sure will fire have —
given themselves all kinds of liberties. During the period when the
curfew began at 7 p.m., they would show up at a female comrade's

house at 6:50 p.m. and start saying to their rivals, to other suitors,
"It's almost time! Everyone out! Everyone out! If you don't leave,
you'll be locked up." This is what they did! Some even asked that the
curfew be maintained permanently so that they could continue to
reign supreme. Well! We lifted the curfew so that we could all be on
an equal footing in this regard, and so that those who deserve to lose
because of their incompetence would lose.
On the military level again, we've seen CDR members scruffily
dressed. Of course, problem of uniforms is a real one. It is true
the
that there are not enough. But the little you have, you must take care
of. They are dressed in a scruffy, negligent, slovenly fashion. No!
From now on, no CDR leader should have the slightest hesitation in
reprimanding forthwith members who show up badly dressed. This is
merely an outward sign of an incapacity to organize oneself.
We have seen CDRs arrest someone and lock them up just like
that. "It's the rules, justice, we will deal with you," they say! No!
Every Burkinabe has the right to the protection of the CDRs. The
CDR headquarters must not be a torture center but a place where
leaders can be found who lead, organize, mobilize, educate, and
struggle as revolutionaries. You can educate with firmness, but you
must be clear in your firmness. Abuse of power must be foreign to
our struggle.
On the economic and social level, too, there are many, many com-
radeswho schedule activities, construction work, for example, then
they sit on the sidelines. They make the people work, and their own
laziness stands out so clearly that the people themselves become de-
moralized and demobilized. We must fight against this.
In addition, the CDRs' funds are often managed in an anarchic,
muddled, fraudulent fashion or misappropriated. This is why it is
legitimate to establish mechanisms for control of the funds. From
now on, how much is in the account and what has been done with the
money must be public knowledge. Even this is not enough. Many
people have grown rich off the backs of CDR activists by declaring
themselves to be CDR activists, a whole new brand of thieves.
Don't think for a minute that we in the National Council of the
Revolution are not aware of these numerous shortcomings and fail-
ings that continue to undermine our CDRs. We are conscious of them
and have a firm commitment to combating all these negative prac-
tices so harmful to the revolution.
This is, in fact, one of the reasons for holding this conference. The
CDR activist should everywhere and at all times set a good example.
COMMITTEES FOR DEFENSE OF THE REVOLUTION - 173
This is why, in saluting the small children who performed for us ear-
lier, we were also saluting those who them and insured their
trained
development.
At the same time, we are pointing out that there are those in the
provinces who are lagging behind. There are high commissioners
and commanders, as well as regional governors, some of whom think
they are still in the era of the Voulet-Chanoine column, 4 others who
think they haven't left the epoch of rural communal life.
All of this is bad. We must denounce and combat these people. As
high commissioners we should lead our provinces on every level. We
must be energetic and full of initiative, supporting innovation and or-
ganizing its implementation. If our thirty provinces organized thirty
presentations like the one we've just seen, that would be good! We'd
be making good progress. But this is not yet the case.
On the level of our civil service, the Committees for the Defense
of the Revolution still function very poorly. This is because the
workers organized into these CDRs are chasing after privileges, ti-
tles, and power instead of improving the quality of the services, in-
stead of seeking quantitatively and qualitatively to increase the pro-

duction of social and economic wealth. These power-hungry gluttons
must be combated. [Applause]
If we continue in this way, we run the risk of seeing bureaucracy
take root in our services and administration. Twenty-five people
want to sign "seen and passed on" on any given document "seen —
and passed on," "seen and passed on." This adds absolutely nothing
to the quality of the document. It's just that everyone wants to be sure
to add their two cents. [Applause] The whole process is held up sim-
ply because a CDR official wants to be sure that people in town will
say "Ah, yes, really comrade, thank you! It's really thanks to you."
[Laughter] If you don't thank him and honor him with a few bows,
he delays and blocks your document at will until you've understood
the logic of the strongest.
We want nothing to do with these kinds of methods, because
bureaucracy and bureaucrats are the worst enemy of our cause. As
such, we must fight against them relentlessly and doggedly in all
their forms.
Our offices are dirty and badly maintained despite the revolution-
ary days, revolutionary weeks, and soon the revolutionary months,
years, decades, and centuries. They will continue to be dirty, badly
organized, and maintained as long as we are unable to face up to our
responsibilities and denounce what should be denounced.
I usually hold up certain places as examples of offices that are well
maintained and deserve congratulations. Everyone should look to

their example, I won't list them all here. I don't want to create
jealousies and I'll limit myself to listing them in the presidential res-
idence. [Applause] This is what should be done!
How can it be that a revolutionary office has chairs that wobble,
not because they weren't bought new, but because they've been used
carelessly. There are officials and cadres who are scruffy, badly
dressed, dirty like their own documents, [Laughter] lazy typists, and
scatterbrained telephone operators. This is not worthy of a CDR and
we must correct ourselves. Quality begins with accepting the truth.
Let's look squarely at our weaknesses, be more conscious of them,
and pledge to improve ourselves. Even better, we revolutionaries
should always distinguish ourselves.
We could say a lot in criticism of elders who say they are members
of the National Union of Elders of Burkina, or that they are now part
of the revolution, but who forbid their children to go to CDR meet-
ings; or about the husbands who prevent their wives from going to
CDR meetings or who terrorize them. This must also be denounced.
[Applause]
We must now move on to a much more conscious level of organi-
zation. The days of the revolution were days of enthusiasm,
first
euphoria — Now we must organize ourselves on a much

a festival.
more scientific, methodical level and make corrections every step of
the way in order to go forward! We have seen examples elsewhere of
the demise of other organizations similar to our CDRs —
revolution-
ary committees, etc. Wherever such organizations have existed,
there have been failures. In certain countries, reactionary forces have
triumphed over these organizations. We must be conscious of our
weaknesses. We must never cease to struggle — to struggle and to
keep in mind that the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution
signify above all courage, political courage, the courage to live up to
our responsibilities.
We are not CDR members just so that we can shout slogans, but so
that we can raise consciousness, act, and produce. This is why we
should banish empty slogans —
these futile and tiresomely repetitive
and ultimately irritating slogans —
from our demonstrations. You ar-
rive at a demonstration and someone shouts, "Homeland or death,
we will triumph!" twenty-five times. It's beginning to be a bit much
[Laughter] especially when there's no solid, militant explanation
along with it! It's just repetition. No, let's set aside the tape recorder
CDRs! [Applause] We are just improvising slogans to fill up time, so
you get "Down with thieves!" "Down with liars!" [Laughter] It's not
good! We should differentiate ourselves from folk theater troupes. At

some shows we see crude scenes where comrades sometimes per-
form obscene dances. This is not revolutionary either. The revolution
should have its sense of decency. [Applause]
We need to be critical of the lack of organization in our demonstra-
tions. While we have scored victories in some areas, in others we
haven't! Some of our ceremonies are tiresome and, though I don't
condone the frequent absence of some of our ambassadors, I under-
stand why they might not want to come! Well, we must put a stop to
this.
We
must even put a stop to certain kinds of praise that are poorly
disguised and badly controlled expressions of feudal reflexes. This
song, for example, "Oh, CNR, Thomas Sankara may he forever be
president" is not good. [Applause]When you're president, you're
president. When you're not, you're not. [Applause] We must be
clear, this is not a good song. At this rate, in one or two years we'll
find ourselves in celebrations with groups that are much more trained
in this and who may have nothing other than this to do.
The CDRs are there to produce.Of course, if we need themes and
slogans for our mobilizations, okay! If we need images and symbols
to understand the revolution, we need them, and we won't hesitate to
use them. But we must not mistake the form of the revolution for its
content.
The success of the revolution cannot be measured by the number
of slogans, by the number of tenors and basses who chant our slo-
gans. The revolution's success will be measured by other standards,
by the level of production. We must produce, this is essential. This
is why I welcome the slogan advanced for the two million tons of
grain.
Our country produces sufficient food to feed itself. We can even
surpass our current production. But unfortunately, because of our
own lack of organization, we are still forced to hold out our hands for
food This food aid is an obstacle to us, instilling in us and plant-
aid.
ing in our minds the habits and welfare reflexes of the beggar. We
must do away with this aid through increased production!
We must succeed in producing more because it's natural that he
who gives you food also calls the tune. When families kill the
cock, the turkey, and the lambs for the Tabaski festivities, or at
Easter or Christmas time, they should do so with the confidence
that these have been well fattened and that they are free to kill them
whenever they wish —
at Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, or even
during Lent.
He who does not feed you can demand nothing of you. We, how-
ever, are being fed every day and every year. We say, "Down with
imperialism!" yet we can't ignore our bellies. [Laughter, applause]
Even though we do not want our speech to reflect
as revolutionaries
forms of domination, our stomachs are still there, pushing us to the
right, onto the path of reaction and peaceful coexistence [Applause]
with the help of all those who oppress us by means of the grain they
pour into our country. Let us consume only what we ourselves con-
trol!
Many people ask, "Where is imperialism?" Look at your plates

when you eat. These imported grains of rice, corn, and millet that —
is imperialism. You need
look no further. [Applause] So, comrades,
we must organize to produce here at home and we can produce more
than we need.
What's more, they say that it's due to the drought that our produc-
tion has fallen. The minister of agriculture can tell you that even dur-
ing the drought our cotton production continued to increase. Why?
Because company] SOFITEX pays.
[the national textile
Yes, we'll change our methods! But production is not limited only
to grain. We have to produce in all areas, in the factories, in the of-
fices. I invite all of you to participate in intellectual production. This
conference correctly congratulated all those who wrote something,
who produced something in the domain of literature and art, or what-
ever. This is production, we are revolutionaries!

I read in a telex, in an agency dispatch, that Burkina Faso was
beaten by Nigeria and Liberia in the table tennis tournament. I
thought this was good. We should be beaten again. But we were

beaten this time because of all those who failed to organize
adequately in the past years. If we are beaten in the years to come,
comrades, it will be our own fault. [Sustained applause] So we must
produce, produce, and produce some more.
On the intellectual level, many positive things are said but not
written down. Let's take the example of the People's Revolutionary
Courts. Can anyone quote me a book written by a Burkinabe on this
subject? The little that has been written has been written by foreigners
— students, university professors, researchers, etc. And yet there are
many precious lessons to be learned from the people's courts that
should be recorded in books. Ask our broadcasting station if they still
have the tape recording of the fourteenth people's court. They will
tell you that the tape has been used to record the latest hit song of
some star or other.

This is not correct. We haven't developed the reflex of safeguard-
We must produce more in this area. After

ing our intellectual capital.
all, Burkina Faso must hold the record for production of underground
literature. This country is where you'll find the greatest number of
leaflets, as we well know! This proves that we know how to read and
write. But Mamadou and Bineta grew up a very long time ago and
5
are beginning to be somewhat old. [Laughter, applause]
Comrades, it is important to keep coming back on other occasions
to what has not been accomplished and what still remains to be done.
Unity —unity in our ranks! Unity, criticism, self-criticism, unity.
Let's purge from our ranks all trace of beating around the bush and
insidious opportunism that is brewing there visibly and invisibly;
let's do away with slogans guided from afar by remote control. For-
tunately, this conference has allowed us to see that our unity has been
strengthened. This proves that healthy elements are at work con-
sciously and loyally on all levels to consolidate our unity. It repre-
sents a real victory. [Applause]
Comrades, I want to congratulate you all for the efforts you have
made, particularly leading up to the conference. Everything we have
accomplished here in Burkina Faso has been accomplished above all
thanks to the CDRs. We have built schools, houses, clinics, roads,
bridges, and dams. We have carried out intellectual and artistic pro-
duction. In short, we have advanced on many fronts. We have made
sacrifices on the level of the economy, our finances, and our budget.
Every one of us has paid the necessary price. I know that no one likes
having portions of their salary withheld. Who in this mean world is
ready to give up part of their wages except when necessity demands
it?
The universe we evolve in and the forces that surround us are not
conducive to independent development such as ours. To the contrary,
all possible traps are laid to force us to prostitute ourselves in order to
achieve a semblance of development. "Rely on our own resources"
must cease to be merely a slogan —
we must be obsessed with it. We
must understand it as a principle that we always rely on our own re-
sources. Sometimes this is difficult and we hear the defeatist alarm
bells singing the praises of aid. Aid, no! Cooperation, yes! We need the
cooperation of all the peoples of the entire world. But we really do not
want aid that nurtures a welfare mentality in us. [Applause]
This is why we have made such a great effort and will continue to
do so. Our efforts have been blocked and distorted by those who say,
"There, you see, the revolution has lowered our salaries, our pur-
chasing power is down, there are people who are being paid only
twenty francs per month and why? Because of deductions." This is
quite an insult, comrades, a crude insult! We cannot fall into this
trap. If there is someone who has only twenty francs per month be-
cause we have
withheld 12 percent of that person's salary, what
would this mean? It's serious. Those who have only twenty francs
per month because we withheld 12 percent will be reimbursed 100
percent of their salary. This means that at the end of the month they
will have 22.40 francs. Mathematically, this is what it means!
Let no one say that salaries have disappeared because of the Popu-
lar Investment Effort or other deductions. The salaries have disap-
peared on beer and kebabs, on offensive luxury and consumerism.
[Applause] Those who drive around in cars bought on credit, the op-
portunists, those who go to marabouts to increase their money —
those are the ones who no longer have their purchasing power.
Nevertheless, the revolution is for all of us and our efforts benefit
us all. This is why we should mobilize for the budget meetings that
are about to be held. Tell as many comrades as possible that these
meetings will discuss measures along the same lines as those we have
implemented to date. In particular, the meetings will underline the
successful efforts made for the benefit of the people. This is why,
starting with the next budget, there will be no more Popular Invest-
ment Effort. [Applause] The Popular Investment Effort will be
abolished and full salaries will be reestablished. [Applause]
I know you don't like the idea of reestablishing full salaries. I
know. But I understand how you feel. Isn't that right, comrades?
[Shouts of "Yes!"] You're not being honest. You don't have the cour-
age to state your opinion! Well, we are reestablishing salaries be-
cause the enormous effort we have made allows us to do so. We want
to be frank with the people —
never promise anything we cannot de-
liver. [Applause] There are countries where they promise wage in-
creases that are never paid. We promised to withhold your salaries
and we did —
didn't we? [Shouts of "Yes!"] So we kept our word!
[Applause]
We're not like other countries, that's the difference. When we say
we are going to withhold salaries, we And you all
withhold them.
have concrete proof of that. If there is a single person here whose sal-
ary was not withheld, he should indicate this to the Budget Ministry.
[Laughter]
The National Council of the Revolution intends to channel the
fruits of these efforts into developing the country. This is possible,
and we can do it because of the cohesion we've maintained, shoulder
to shoulder. After this national CDR conference we should learn to
fight our enemies without fear, pity, weakness, or useless sentimen-
tality! Every time we let ourselves be softened up by their tears, we

are the ones who lose. Moussa Ngom shed tears and made a lot of
others cry. But when children died at the hospital here for lack
of
1 ,000 francs worth of medicine with which to treat them, everyone
began to understand that 6 billion and some francs represents 6 mil-
lion and some times we could have bought medicine for these chil-
dren. Moussa Ngom's tears should not cause us to soften, [Applause]
and if there is anyone here with a sensitive heart —a heart uselessly
sensitive to the impact of the bourgeoisie, of reactionary forces,
forces of the counterrevolution — he should make an effort to grow
up.
Comrades, congratulations to all those who have traveled far, in
particular from abroad, to be here at this conference. I wish you a
good trip back to the countries where you are in search of knowledge
of how to produce more for your country. I would like you to com-
municate to the comrades over there the National Council of the Rev-
olution's message and the resolutions from this First National Con-
ference of the CDRs in which you have been able to participate.
I wish those who came from our provinces near and far a good
journey home, in order to spread the message of the National Council

of the Revolution and the CDRs. I wish you a safe trip home, and
urge you to exercise caution so that the accidents we've been ex-
periencing will not recur and so that we lose no more comrades and
equipment from such accidents.
We should take the opportunity here to note that we in the CDRs
have not adequately maintained our equipment up to now. We have
broken vehicles, pumps, generators, typewriters, loudspeakers,
microphones, and even weapons. This is not good. From now on, we
need better management of our equipment out of respect for the peo-
ple, because this equipment was acquired by the people and belongs
to the people. We should preserve it, and those who break vehicles
must know that they are breaking the vehicles of the people, that they
are showing contempt for and insulting the people when they do this.
Once more, congratulations to the CDR National General Sec-
retariat for the important effort it made, as well as the national gen-
eral secretary, who has moved forward amid adversity, ingratitude,
and defamation, but who has effectively moved forward —
an effec-
tiveness that improves daily. [Applause]
So, our first national conference is drawing to a close. As it does,
it opens the door to other national conferences and congresses, to the
deepening and further radicalization of our revolution. So I encour-

age everyone now to think hard about the battles of the future. But I
.
encourage you, too, to practice genuine, conscious, and consistent

militant activity.
I hereby declare this First National Conference of the Committees
for the Defense of the Revolution of Burkina closed.
Thank you.
Notes
1 This refers to the West African Economic Community-sanctioned trial

by Burkina's People's Revolutionary Courts of Mohamed Diawara, Moussa
Ngom, and Moussa Diakite in April 1986. These three prominent West Af-
rican politicians had embezzled over 6 billion CFA francs from the CEAO.
Diawara and Diakite were sentenced to fifteen years in prison. Ngom was
sentenced to fifteen years with the possibility of release after ten years. They
were ordered to pay back the stolen money.
2. On February 1 1985, the National Council of the Revolution formally
,
launched a campaign to begin constructing a rail line from Ouagadougou

north to Tambao, a town near the border with Mali, using both government-
employed construction workers and voluntary workers.
3. The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution were organized in
all neighborhoods, workplaces, and military units. Those in the workplace
were called service CDRs, regardless of the type of work done. Members
frequently belonged to both a neighborhood CDR and a service CDR, but
could hold office in only one.
4. Paul Voulet and Charles Chanoine were French officers who led the
military campaign in 1 896-97 to conquer the area of West Africa that is Bur-
kina Faso today. They used extremely brutal methods to subdue the indige-
nous peoples.
5. These are characters used in elementary school books throughout
French-speaking West Africa to teach reading. For each grade, the charac-
ters are one year older.
Burkina Will Be at Nicaragua's Side
August 27, 1986
Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega headed a delegation to Bur-

kina Faso at the end of August 1986. At a dinner on August 27, San-
kara presented Ortega with the Gold Star of Nahouri, the highest
revolutionary honor in Burkina. The text ofSankara's toast is trans-
lated from Sidwaya, August 29, 1986.
This visit by a leader of the Nicaraguan revolution to Burkina Faso

is indeed an honor and an event of great political significance. As
you know, Nicaragua is very far from Burkina —
geographically and
historically. Yet despite the thousands of kilometers that separate us,
despite the language barrier, and despite the cultural differences,
Comrade Daniel Ortega, president of the revolutionary Republic of
Nicaragua, is here with us. We salute Comrade Ortega.
Comrade President:
Allow me first of all, on behalf of myself and the Burkinabe peo-
ple, towelcome you and your delegation to the free African territory
of Burkina Faso. It is with great pride and joy that I and the Bur-
kinabe people welcome you today.
Comrade Ortega:
To those who ask themselves what interests Nicaragua and Bur-
kina Faso might have in common, I would answer that the shared
ideals of peace, justice, and liberty for the peoples of the world unite
us across the oceans, the seas, and the continents, and that our two
countries intend to join forces to safeguard and defend this ideal at a
time when imperialism still arrogantly spreads its tentacles. Further-
more, a whole network of various ties and interests unite us, as de-
veloping countries, as members of the Group of Seventy-seven and
the Nonaligned Movement, and simply as nations that have chosen
the path of freedom and dignity.
Comrade President:
Neither Burkina nor Nicaragua can allow itself to accept the divi-
181
sion of the world into two, a division whereby those who do not
pledge allegiance to the West are working for the East. We
Nonaligned countries are of the opinion that the politics of blocs are
harmful to world peace. We refuse to be the hinterlands of the West,
just as we refuse to be the beachheads of the East. Though we are as
willing to collaborate with one as with the other, we demand the right
to our differences.
No one should expect us to sit by as indifferent spectators watch-
ing a football match played by the big powers, in which our most es-
sential interests constitute the football. We too are actors in the inter-
national arena, and we have the right to choose a political and eco-
nomic system true to our aspirations. We have the duty to fight for a
more just and more peaceful world, regardless of the fact that we
have neither large industrial cartels nor nuclear weapons.
It is for this reason, Comrade President, that you and I, together
with our peoples, have chosen to condemn colonialism, neo-

colonialism, apartheid, racism, Zionism, and forms of aggres-
all
sion, occupation, domination, and outside interference, no matter

where they come from.
We condemn and fight apartheid in South Africa as we do Zionism
in Palestine; we protest the aggression against Nicaragua as we pro-
test that perpetrated against Libya and the Frontline States; we de-
nounce the invasion of Grenada as we do the occupation of Namibia;
and we will not cease doing so until these peoples obtain justice.
What is Nicaragua for us?
To answer that it is a country of the Americas would not be
adequate. It would, by unforgivable omission, even be hiding the
truth. Nicaragua represents first and foremost four centuries of the
harshest colonial rule, one hundred years of gang warfare aimed at
dividing the spoils, and fifty years of bloody and voracious dictator-
ship. Nicaragua is synonymous with struggle against domination,
exploitation, and oppression, with struggle against foreign control,
and with direct and open confrontation with imperialism and its local
henchmen.
The men, women, and children of Nicaragua are fighting against
this slavery, they always have, and they always will. They are close
to three million —
Marxists, intellectuals, peasants, believers and
nonbelievers, bourgeois and rich men who love their homeland, and
poor people too —
fighting back against humiliation.
They are all compafieros, combatants, fighting and dying for the
same ideal and writing the most beautiful and most noble pages in the
great book of Latin American history.
AT NICARAGUA'S SIDE • 183
Children have perished in combat; women have fallen after being

tortured and raped; combatants have been mowed down; priests have
had to interrupt mass in order to repel the enemies of the people with
the help of the Kalashnikov rifle, which thus spat fire in the name of
the progressive gospel.
Comrades, how difficult it is to be free!
Dear Nicaraguan brothers, we understand the suffering of your
flesh and your soul. Yes, there are countries not smiled upon by
chance. Sad Nicaragua, so far from God and so close to the United
States —yes, under such conditions it is difficult to be born and live
free.
But heroes die on their feet. They never say they are dying for their
homeland. They simply die. And their blood fertilizes the soil of the
revolution. Thus Sandino shed his blood, and the Sandinista revolu-
tion triumphed one summer day in 1979. The Sandinista National
Liberation Front led the struggle of the Nicaraguan people to victory.
On July 19, 1979, God passed through Nicaragua. This new dawn
was hailed the world over — including by the United States. It was
not enough to be born. Nicaragua had to live. How difficult it is to
live free!
Why should the Nicaraguan people's celebration be disturbed and
darkened by so much hostility?
With Nicaragua, an explosive situation developed in Latin Amer-
ica. The plots began. First there was talk of appeals to reason, then
rumors of negotiations that were swept aside by threats and abuse.
Public opinion in North America became troubled and divided.
The Nicaraguan regime was denounced as Marxist-Leninist. They
cried another Cuba. The campaign to discredit Nicaragua unfolded.
They called it a dictatorship and invented destabilization efforts by
Nicaragua against its neighbors, claiming, in order to whip up hate,
that Nicaragua was being manipulated from the outside.
So the Somozaists and their guards were revived. In Nicaragua
they are called las bestias, los perros, that is, beasts, dogs. They
were aided by massive infusions of dollars. They were even shel-
tered, trained, and equipped by neighboring sister republics. The
counterrevolution was institutionalized. And there you have the con-
tras —
a new race of terrorist carnivores.
From time to time there was a lull. There were hopes it would last
forever. But the continued to smolder and flared up anew.
fire
To live free, simply to believe in a better future —
this is not easy
when you are Nicaraguan. This is why the Burkinabe people sing this
poem with you — a poem born not from poetic inspiration but from
.
our revolutionary commitment to say what we think.
The imperialists are prowling.

From the bowels of the earth afire with revolt
Arise the protests of a determined people
For each day is a day of struggle,
Of combat proclaiming the enemy's downfall.
But the price is heavy
Rivers of blood are spilled daily.
Mothers have wept, their young ones dead at the front.
Children have buried their fathers
Groping in this darkness wrought by the contras.
Babies have lost their pacifiers,
Grasping instead the Kalashnikovs,
And growing up quickly.
White bridal veils stained with blood
A sign of the times for patriotic priests.
How it is to live free and be Nicaraguan.
hard
How sweet it is to die for our brother humans.
Nicaragua will be victorious.
Already people can read and write,
Fend for themselves and cultivate the fields,
Rediscovering how to smile.
The revolution will triumph.
As for the contras, no pasardn!
Your land, our land, will know true manna
Because of our genius.
At Nicaragua's side will be Burkina.
For the revolution is invincible and the people will reign.
From the depths of the calm fragrant earth then will arise
The fraternal cries
Of a perfect symphony.
It is for all these reasons, comrades, that I have the honor and the
pleasure of presenting you, in the name of the Burkinabe people,
with this symbol of our pride in you
Free homeland or death!
Ours Is a Seething
Anti- Apartheid, Anti-Zionist Dream
September 3, 1986
Sankara spoke at the Eighth Summit Conference of the Movement

ofNonaligned Countries, held in Harare, Zimbabwe, on September
3, 1986. This speech is translated from Carrefour africain, Sep-
tember 12, 1986.
Given that Harare was chosen as its location, our eighth confer-
ence has an obligation to respond to the liberation movements' ex-
pectations. This is why this summit conference must be conducted
under the theme of the hour, that is, the close relationship between
nonalignment and the concrete demands of the liberation move-
ments, especially with regard to alliances and support.
The experience of the struggle of peoples throughout the world
demonstrates every day that we can and must be nonaligned, even if
by necessity we have received heavy backing in our struggle from
powerful countries and states. To do this successfully, we must be
armed with an ideology whose political line is consistent and funda-
mentally correct and can assure that our struggles will be waged cor-
rectly.
There are three dimensions to this liberation struggle: the antico-
lonial, the anti-imperialist, and the class-struggle dimension.
Those who won their independence were successful in doing so
because they waged a struggle against colonialism. Their indepen-
dence became real only when it was understood that subsequent bat-
tles must be waged against neocolonialism and imperialism. We be-
lieve that the world is divided into two antagonistic camps: the camp
of the exploiters and the camp of the exploited. In principle, every
national liberation struggle —
as a struggle in the interests of the peo-
ple — forms part of the camp of the exploited. Alliances are naturally
and automatically established among all countries and regimes that
are on the side of the people. But this is not sufficient to protect coun-
185
tries from new bondage. We must be able to look beyond this and
maintain a permanent struggle. We can receive help without becom-
ing subjugated. We can forge alliances
and remain independent and
nonaligned. Wecan proclaim ourselves part of the same school of
thought as others while preserving our autonomy. This is our deep
conviction.
Comrade President;
Excellencies;
Comrades;
I would like to salute the memory of Mrs. Indira Gandhi who gave
me an exceptional opportunity to speak about my conception of

nonalignment and, above all, to receive some valuable advice from
her. Today, I miss her.
Being among the youngest here in age and seniority, I feel a duty
to bring you the feelings of a youth of this world, a Third World
youth, an African youth, a youth of Burkina Faso. I would like to ex-
plain here the thinking of all those like me who, in their childhood,
heard about the Nonaligned Movement and who, in their adoles-
cence, proclaimed fanatically that the Nonaligned Movement was a
force with which colonialism, neocolonialism, imperialism, and rac-
ism could be confronted and that the Nonaligned Movement was a
rumbling force akin to a volcano that would soon set the earth afire
and create a new international order.
It is now 1986 and my eighteenth birthday is long since dead and
buried. My country's history has placed me among the leaders of the

Nonaligned Movement. Nonalignment is already twenty-five years
old. Today, a feeling rather of disappointment, failure, and frustra-
tion has displaced the certainty, the enthusiastic promise of victory
and hopeful satisfaction. Perhaps this is called realism and reality. If
so, how sad reality is! I prefer the dream! For this was the dream that
made possible the most insane boldness of that era. And it was this
madness that enabled men to rise up against the barbarism of colo-
nialism, to believe in victory, and actually triumph.
Of course, not all the anticolonial victories were won after the for-
mation of the Nonaligned Movement. Many obtained their indepen-
dence —in whatever form — well before the birth of the Nonaligned
Movement. But fundamentally the philosophy of multifaceted strug-
gle that resulted in independence was nothing other than the applica-
tion of the general principles of the Nonaligned Movement.
The dream that brought to life the Nonaligned Movement was this
morally just and scientifically logical undertaking, which has given
AGAINST APARTHEID AND ZIONISM - 187
birth to projects such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and

Development and the New International Economic Order. Even
though these undertakings were born with certain reformist limita-
tions, it still remains true that the Utopia of some, combined with the
great pragmatic caution of others, produced beneficial results. The
association of these two currents resulted in strengthening the fight
for an order in which economic relations would cease to be always
unfavorable to our peoples.
The bold dream we prefer is that seething antiracist, anti-apart-
heid, anti-Zionist fervor that led us all to believe at one time that the
death knell had sounded for the racial fascism that relegated our
brothers in the diaspora on every continent to the status of beasts of
burden. This same racial fascism was institutionalized in the Middle
East to the misfortune of the Palestinian people, subjecting them to
the most vicious denial of justice. Not far from here this fascism sus-
tains the Nazism of our epoch, with Pieter Botha and his superstruc-
ture in the role of Hitler and blacks — always blacks — in the role of
non- Aryans!
The Nonaligned Movement signifies this awakening and this re-
fusal to be the grass that fighting elephants trample with impunity.
Our movement is the force they are obliged to respect and must take
into account. It is the recovery of our dignity.
But today we surprise ourselves by wanting to cry out, "Tito,
Nehru, Nasser, Kwame Nkrumah, wake up, the Nonaligned Move-
ment is dying!" We want to say to them with all the strength of our
lungs and faith, "Help us. Namibia is still occupied, the Palestinian
people are still searching for a home, and we are being traumatized
by the foreign debt." Who would dare deny it?
Can't we see that the Palestinians are becoming more and more
dispersed, and that they are now being attacked and bombed even in
the sovereign states that had the goodwill to welcome them
thousands of kilometers away from the zones of their territory at high
risk of bombardment. The Nonaligned Movement has not yet won
The Palestine Liberation
the reinstatement of the Palestinians' rights.
Organization's acceptance as a member of the Nonaligned Move-
ment no longer has the same soothing effect on these brothers, who
have been wandering for decades and who can tell us only where they
spent the last night, never where they will spend the next! And this
has been going on for a long time. The Palestinians, too, expect ul-
timate protection from the Nonaligned Movement.
In South Africa and Namibia, blacks continue to be treated as
slaves in their reservations. An expression used the world over says
that there is no place like home. This is not the case for our brothers
in South Africa. Blacks are not at home in their country. It is the only
country in the world that also serves as a collective prison. If you are
born black, you must flee South Africa in order to breathe the air of
freedom.
They, too, had faith in the Nonaligned Movement. The
Nonaligned Movement's support, along with that of others, spurred
them on. They came out of their townships to confront the racists.
Alas, they died in ever-greater numbers. After the whites' clubs and
police dogs, came the tear gas and exploding bullets of guns that
have now become basic instruments of racist oppression.
So where is the Nonaligned Movement? What is the Nonaligned
Movement doing? We are here in Harare, just an hour's flight from
Pieter Botha's bunker, the headquarters of Nazism. We are not far
from the housing complexes where mothers bury the children who
have been mowed down by the bullets of whites, and where coffins
are lowered into the ground every day as a result of the repression.
Yes, outside the walls of this majestic and secure conference hall
there is death for all those who are not white; and there is moral suf-
fering for all those who, even though they are not black, hold ideals
opposed to the classification of men according to the color of their
skin.
Yes, in leaving here, just a few steps away, we would find a world
where death is the supreme deliverance, the only remaining road to
freedom!
And what are we doing?
Willwe continue to whip up our brothers in South Africa with our
fiery speeches and deceive them as to our determination, thus rashly
throwing them up against the racist hordes, knowing very well that
we have done nothing to create a relationship of forces favorable to
blacks? Isn't it criminal to exacerbate struggles in which we do not
participate?
And what about our duty toward the Frontline States —
this living
rampart that protects us from the wild beasts of South Africa? Have
we done our duty as nonaligned fighters? This country has been
bombed and other Frontline States are subjected to periodic military
or economic attack, either directly or through intermediary bandits.
What is the Nonaligned Movement doing?
By meeting here in Harare we are, of course, expressing our sol-
idarity with all those struggling inSouth Africa and in the Frontline
States. But let us not forget that we are thereby enraging the racists
who will focus their vindictive anger against those whom we will
AGAINST APARTHEID AND ZIONISM • 189
soon abandon. What will we do then? Send messages of support,

compassion, and condemnation? No! That will not return the mur-
dered children to their mothers, nor will it repair this country's sabo-
taged economy!
What will we do if, because of our highly threatening speeches,
Pieter Botha sends his bombers against Zimbabwe when we leave
here, because Zimbabwe is guilty of the impertinence of hosting such
a unanimously anti-apartheid summit conference? It would be futile
to heap praise and congratulations on Robert Mugabe. Protection is

much more what he and all the other Frontline States need.
The Nonaligned Movement also signifies our struggle for develop-
ment. The terrible problem of the debt is riding roughshod over our
economies. Each day, under threat from our creditors, we have
looked to the Nonaligned Movement in vain. So each one of us has
tried to ease his plight in his own way. Some talk about paying back
the debt but plead for a moratorium; others decide to declare a unilat-
eral moratorium; yet others judge that the debt is unpayable. In fact,
we are repaying everything just as the capitalists wish, because we
are disunited.
We must be able to say no! Paying back the debt is not a moral
choice to be made out of supposed respect for obligations. It is a con-
crete question to be resolved concretely. Objectively, we cannot con-
tinue to pay it an elementary calculation that can be
back. This is
clearly demonstrated. Sous stop paying individually for our

let
docility, let us stop negotiating with our creditors by betraying our

brothers, secretly hoping that in this way we will be given some
bonuses. After all, such bonuses are the wages of indignity, of
shame, and of betrayal. From both a moral and logical point of view,
they are an expression of our low level of understanding of economic
questions. They are futile sacrifices. We must resist together, collec-
tively. What is the Nonaligned Movement doing?
All these questions can only lead us to ask ourselves what strength
the Nonaligned Movement has today, now that the Titos, Nehrus,
Nassers, and Kwame Nkrumahs are gone.
won't go on by citing the fratricidal conflicts between member
I
statesof the Nonaligned Movement that we still have not been able to
resolve; or the punitive assaults against Grenada, Libya, and the
Frontline States; or the drought that is ruining the fragile economies
of certain countries here; or the migrating locusts that make us won-
der whether drought without locusts or rain with locusts is preferable;
or the cyclones that inevitably devastate the coastal regions of some
countries here each year!
Faced with all this we are tempted to call on the founding fathers
for help.Yet that is not a solution. First, because I want to take my
distance from messianism —
there are no prophets or messiahs for
whom we can wait. Reality must be faced. Second, because I am
confident that the historical laws of humanity's development are pro-
ducing contradictions, and that these very contradictions are the
bearers of radical solutions.
This is why, while not hiding the disappointment I spoke of ear-
lier, I am pleased to note the degree of confidence in the struggle
generated by an accurate assessment of the situation.
It is true that the Nonaligned Movement faces increasing difficul-
ties. Our united front has been cracked open. Our combativity has
been blunted. No one fears our movement today. We must recover
themovement's dynamism, while stripping our founding fathers' en-
thusiasm of the romanticism and lyricism that were so understand-
able given the reality of the time.
Comrade President;
Excellencies;
Ladies and gentlemen;
Comrades:
Burkina Faso is a small, landlocked country in West Africa. We
remain a member of the Nonaligned Movement because it is in our
interests to do so, and because the principles of the movement are in
harmony with our revolutionary beliefs.
We have come to Harare to seek solutions to the problems of secu-
rity, peace, good neighborliness, economic cooperation, the foreign
debt, and, finally, in the hope of escaping from the humiliation of
small countries by large ones that have only contempt for the wisdom
of those nations that reject the idea that might makes right. Can the
Nonaligned Movement help me in this today, or must we wait
another twenty-five years?
Burkina Faso is a country that refuses to be classified forever
among the poorest of the poor. One of the obstacles to my country's
development is the notorious question of the foreign debt. Burkina is
aware that this debt —
this infernal trap —
was proposed, no, im-
posed on it by people who today, in our opinion, have reached such
a level of intransigence and cynicism that only their wallets under-
stand them. Burkina Faso knows that the foreign debt is a vicious
cycle in which they want to ensnare us. We are supposed to go into
debt in order to pay the debt, going further into debt. Burkina Faso
wants to put an end to this situation. Yet we know that alone we can
do nothing or practically nothing. We need at least fifteen other
AGAINST APARTHEID AND ZIONISM -191
countries in order to resist collectively and win.

The Nonaligned Movement includes more than one hundred mem-
bers! When the poor mobilize themselves as the Organization of Pe-
troleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) did, they will be able to impose
their law on the rich. And you can be sure that this will be the law of
justice, and that the world economy will then reorganize itself.
Twenty-five years have passed since we first spoke of the New Inter-
national Economic Order. Are we to go through another twenty-five
years of vain pleading?
Disarmament, peace, and nonalignment are closely interrelated
One cannot sincerely want one without
concepts for the Nonaligned.
fighting for the others.
A prerequisite for development is an end to famine, ignorance,
and disease. This is why we hope that International Literacy Day,
celebrated on September 8 every year, will be an occasion for pro-
found reflection by all sincere members of our movement. Illiteracy
must be placed among the ills we aim to eliminate as soon as possible
from the face of our planet so that better days may be in store for our
peoples. This is why the activities of UNESCO are and will remain
irreplaceable.
Behind our instability and incapacity to adhere to our principles lie
both the objective weakness of our movement, the current interna-
tional relationship of forces,and the real pressures exerted by the im-
perialist powers from afar the positions of certain of the
that control
theoretically independent and Nonaligned countries. These same
weaknesses make the choice of host for the Ninth Summit a night-
mare for those who reject nonalignment and fall in behind those pow-
ers that mine the territorial waters of others, bomb towns, invade
neighboring territories, impose some political regimes and depose
others, and finance movements created, organized, and trained by
themselves simply because they are the strongest.
Burkina Faso could have been a candidate to host the Ninth Sum-
mit. It is not a lack of reception facilities or the unwritten rule of
rotating continents that hold us back. We believe, simply, that
another people has suffered more than we, and is therefore more de-
serving to host the next summit. Nicaragua, more than any other
country today, knows the price of nonalignment. It pays daily in
blood and sweat for its courageous choices.
If the conferences of the nonaligned contribute to the struggle for
victory of those countries that host them, then we will undoubtedly
reconvene in Managua in order to support and strengthen Nicaragua
in its struggle and allow it finally to guarantee its farmers the ability
to farm in peace, allow its children to go to school without fear of

counterrevolutionary attack, and permit all of its inhabitants to pass
their nights peacefully.
The Nonaligned Movement must survive and win. Thousands of
men and women are investing their hopes in it. Yesterday, genera-
tions of Third World youth watched the movement's birth with
euphoria and passion. The disappointment came only later. Let us
see to it that future generations who know less about our movement
will discover it through the victories we accumulate.
Thank you.
Samora Machel's Death
Must Enlighten and Strengthen Us
October 1986
Mozambican President Samora Machel was killed October 19,

1986, in a plane crash over South African territory under mysterious
circumstances. Sankara's speech in Ouagadougou on Machel's
death is translated from the October 31, 1986> issue o/Carrefour af-
ricain.
Our task today is not to weep, but to adopt a revolutionary attitude

as we face the tragic situation brought about by Samora Machel's
disappearance. If we weep, we open ourselves up to sentimentality,
and sentimentality is not capable of interpreting death. Sentimental-
ity belongs to the messianic vision of the world that expects a single
man to transform the universe. Mourning, discouragement, and de-
spondency follow as soon as this individual disappears from the
earth.
Another reason why we should not weep is so that we are not con-
fused with hypocrites the world over —
the crocodiles and dogs —
who make believe that they are saddened by Samora Machel's death.
We know very well who is sad and who is pleased that this fighter is
gone. We have no intention of taking part in the competition among
cynics who decree so and so many days of mourning, each one trying
to assure us of his grief and attempting to demonstrate it by shedding
tears, tears that we revolutionaries must be able to see for what they
are.
Samora Machel is dead. His death must serve to enlighten and
strengthen us as revolutionaries in the sense that the enemies of our
revolution, the enemies of the peoples of the world, have revealed
yet another of their tactics and traps. We have discovered that the
enemy is capable of killing combatants even when they are in the air
— that it can take advantage of a single moment's inattention on our
part to commit its odious crimes.
193
The only goal of this direct and barbaric aggression is to disor-

ganize the political leadership of the Mozambique Liberation Front
(Frelimo) and definitively jeopardize the Mozambican people's
struggle, thus putting an end to the hopes of an entire people — of
more than one people, of all peoples. Confronted with this, we must
draw the lessons together with our brothers of Mozambique.
We say to imperialism and to all our enemies that every time they
carry out such actions they will be teaching us lessons. These lessons
may not come free, but they will be adequate for us to learn what we
deserve to know. Yesterday, the enemies of the people and of our lib-
erty thought they were doing well —
they thought they had been suc-
cessful — when they Eduardo Mondlane in such a cowardly,
killed
barbaric, and treacherous fashion. They hoped that this would cause
the liberation struggle's flag to fall in the dirt and that the people
would take fright and give up the fight forever.
But they were forgetting the people's determination and will to
free themselves. They were forgetting the special force that men
have within them that makes them say no despite the bullets and the
traps. They were forgetting the fearless Frelimo combatants.
These were the conditions in which Samora Machel dared to pick
up the flag that Eduardo Mondlane, whose memory is still with us,
had carried. Machel immediately became a leader, a force, a star that
guided and lit the way. He knew how to help others benefit from his
internationalism. He not only fought in Mozambique, but elsewhere,
too, and for others.
We should ask ourselves a question today. Who killed Samora
Machel? There is and experts meet-
talk of investigations being held
ing to determine the cause of Machel's death. South Africa, with the
help of the imperialist media, is already attempting to pass off its
theory of an accident. Lightning is supposed to have struck the plane
and brought it down. Pilot error supposedly took the plane off
course.
Without being one ques-
pilots or experts in aeronautics, there is
tion of logic we how
could a plane flying at
should ask ourselves:
such high altitude suddenly graze the trees, that is, come within 200
meters of the earth and flip over?
They tell us that the number of survivors is proof that this was an
accident and not an assassination attempt. But comrades, how can a
plane's passengers —
wakened so brutally by the impact —
say how
and why their plane flipped over and crashed.
In our opinion, this event is purely and simply a continuation of
the racist policies of South African whites. It is another manifestation
SAMORA MACHELS DEATH • 195
of imperialism. To know who killed Samora Machel we have only to

ask ourselves who is rejoicing, and who has an interest in seeing him
dead? In answer to this we find, side by side and hand in hand, first
the racist whites of South Africa, whom we have never stopped de-
nouncing. By their side we find the puppets, the armed bandits of the
MNR, the so-called Mozambique National Resistance. This move-
ment is in resistance to what? To the liberation of the Mozambican
people, to their march to freedom, and to the internationalism that
Mozambique brings, through Frelimo, to other peoples.
Likewise, we find the Jonas Savimbis. He was supposed to go to
Europe and we protested against him. We told the Europeans, in par-
ticular France, that if they established an entry visa in order to fight
terrorism, if they are looking for terrorists, well, they have found
one: Jonas Savimbi.
By their side we find the African traitors who allow arms for use
against the peoples of Africa to pass through their countries. We find
elements who occasionally talk about peace but who are constantly
using all their capacities and energy to help support traitors to the Af-
rican cause.
These are the people who assassinated Samora Machel. Alas, we
Africans delivered Samora Machel up to his enemies by not giving
him the support he deserved. In fact, when Mozambique answered
the call by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and broke all re-
lations with South Africa, who in the OAU supported it? In spite of
the fact that Mozambique — economically South Africa
tied to —
was experiencing enormous difficulties, Mozambique resisted and
fought alone against South Africa. This is why we Africans within
the OAU carry a heavy responsibility for Samora Machel' s disap-
pearance.
Our speeches of today will never count for anything as long as we
do nottry to be more consistent in our resolutions of the future. Bur-
kina Faso put forward this view in Harare. We said it is not sufficient
to applaud Robert Mugabe and put him forward as the Nonaligned
Movement's worthy son if, a few hours after our departure, South
Africa starts to bomb Zimbabwe, and we all stay snugly at home in
our capitals, content to send messages of support.
Some countries applauded us. Others felt we were going too far.
But history has proven us right. Shortly after the Nonaligned sum-
mit, South Africa has carried out its dirty deed. And here we are,
simply issuing verbal condemnations.

It is imperialism that organizes and orchestrates all these misfor-
tunes. Imperialism armed and trained the racists; imperialism sold

them the radar equipment and the fighter planes to track and strike
down Samora Machel's plane. It is the imperialists who placed their
puppets in Africa to communicate the information as to when his
plane would take off, and when it would pass over their territory.
And it is they who today are still trying to take advantage of the situ-
ation by involving themselves in the choice of Samora Machel's suc-
cessor. It is they who Mozambican combatants by
try to divide the
them as moderates or extremists.
categorizing
Samora Machel was a great friend of our revolution and a great
source of support. He said so everywhere and demonstrated it in his
attitude toward Burkinabe delegations. We had our first contact with
him through his writings on revolution. We read and studied his
works and were in intellectual communication with him. Our second
contact was in New Delhi at the Nonaligned Summit Conference. He
told us he was following the situation in our country but was worried
by imperialism's will to dominate.
We met him twice in Addis Ababa, where we were able to discuss
with him. We had great admiration for this man who never bowed his
head —
not even after the Nkomati accord, whose tactical signifi-
cance he fully understood, even though certain opportunist elements
tried to use the accords against him, making him out to be a coward.
The Burkinabe delegation took the floor to say that as long as they
had not taken up arms and gone to fight in South Africa, those who
were attacking Mozambique had no right to speak.
We supported him a great deal, but he, too, supported us. At the
last OAU summit, when Burkina's position was under attack by cer-
tain states, Machel took the floor and said that if these people didn't
have "the courage and gratitude to applaud Burkina Faso, they
should at least have some shame and keep quiet."
We met him again at his home in Maputo. He helped us greatly to
understand the extremely difficult internal and external situation in
which he found himself. And everyone here knows the role Samora
Machel played among the Frontline States.
We saw him again at the last Nonaligned summit in Harare where
we had numerous conversations with him. Samora Machel knew he
was one of imperialism's targets and had made a commitment to visit
Burkina Faso in 1987. We agreed to exchange delegations from our
Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, from the army, from
our ministries, etc.
But all this should teach us valuable lessons. We must close ranks
and march hand in hand with fellow revolutionaries because there are
other plots lying in wait for us and other crimes in preparation.
,
SAMORA MACHEL'S DEATH • 197
Comrades, I would of you to send, along with

like to invite all
your good wishes, medal, this honorary distinction, that we will
this
take to Mozambique to confer on Samora Machel. We will bring him
the highest distinction in revolutionary Burkina Faso because we
think that his work contributed and continues to contribute to the
progress of our revolution. He award of the
therefore deserves this
Gold Star of Nahouri.
At the same time, I invite you to name streets and buildings, etc.
after Samora Machel all across the country, because he deserves it.
Posterity must remember this man and all that he did for his own and
other peoples. Thus we will have concretized his memory in Burkina
so that others will always remember him. Comrades, we are gathered
here today to think about Samora Machel' s disappearance. Tomor-
row we must go on to victory.
Nicaragua Must Be
Supported by All of Us
November 8, 1986
On November 8, 1986, Sankara spoke at a rally of 200,000 people

in Managua, Nicaragua, marking the twenty -fifth anniversary of the
founding of the Sandinista National Liberation Front and the tenth
anniversary of the death of FSLN founder Carlos Fonseca. Sankara
spoke on behalf of the 180 international delegations invited by the
FSLN to participate in the anniversary activities. This speech ap-
peared in the Militant, November 28, 1986, published in New York.
First of all, I would like to thank you for the warm welcome we
have received here in Managua. I also want to express the pride we
feel in speaking in the name of all the foreign delegations. We come
from far away, some from very far away, thousands of miles away.
But what is important is what unites us with the Nicaraguans, who
are so different from us, apart from the color of our skin.
What unites us with Nicaragua, which is so far from us? It is not
geographical distance. We are united in establishing the freedom and
well-being of the people. We are united to establish justice for the
people. And we are united because we are resolute in the face of the
enemies of the people.
All the delegations here measure the strength of the struggle of the
Nicaraguan people. We from around the world join your struggle.
Throughout the entire world, we certainly admire your struggle.
Your struggle is just. It is just, because it is anti-imperialist. It is just,
because it is against the oppressors and the assassins of the people.
Your struggle is just, because it is against colonialism. And your
struggle is just, because it is the struggle of all the peoples of the
world.
The Palestinian people fight for freedom and happiness. The
Namibian people fight for their independence. Many of our peoples
around the world are fighting for their freedom. In Africa, we are di-
198
NICARAGUA MUST BE SUPPORTED • 199
rectly confronting colonialism, neocolonialism, and imperialism.

The fascists and racists who South Africa created apartheid
exist in
against the blacks. The struggle against apartheid is not only the
struggle of black people; it is the fight of all the peoples who want to
live free and united. This struggle belongs to all the peoples of the
world, and we Africans demand the participation of everyone. The
people and the leaders who do not participate in the struggle against
apartheid are traitors. They are traitors because yesterday the Afri-
cans shed their blood to fight against Nazism, for the benefit of the
peoples of Europe and elsewhere. Today, it is a question of shedding
blood against apartheid and for the well-being of our peoples.
Comrades, I would like to ask you to observe a minute of silence
in remembrance of Samora Machel, that great fighter for African
freedom.
I thank you.
We say that the struggle of the Nicaraguan people must be sup-

ported by each one of us throughout the world. We must support Nica-
ragua because if Nicaragua is destroyed, it would be a breach in the
well-being of the other peoples of the entire world. This is why we
must wage a political and diplomatic struggle to support Nicaragua.
We must support Nicaragua economically. We must popularize the
struggle of the Nicaraguan people throughout the world. And here
we must congratulate all the peoples throughout the world who sup-
port Nicaragua, whether they are the countries of the Contadora
Group, the countries of the Contadora Support Group, parties, or-
ganizations, or other international organizations that have decided to
support the just cause of Nicaragua. You all have my congratula-
tions, because imperialism has many and varied maneuvers to try to
stop you from supporting the Nicaraguans.
Nicaraguan comrades, today we celebrate together the twenty-
fifth anniversary of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. Today
we also salute the memory of Carlos Fonseca. The only way and the
best way for each one of you to pay tribute to Carlos Fonseca is for
the entire people to see to it that every square centimeter of Nicara-
gua becomes a square centimeter of dignity and freedom.
The contras must be destroyed. The contras are stinking corpses
that must be destroyed. The contras are jackals that do not deserve
any respect. The contras are people who have sold their hearts to
serve imperialism. But you, you have the duty of standing up to the
bombardments, the mining of your ports, and against economic pres-
sures. It is the duty of each Nicaraguan to repulse imperialism's pup-
pets and marionettes, the contras.
We want to take the time to thank you in the name of revolutionary

Burkina Faso. We want to thank you in the name of all the progres-
sive and revolutionary countries that are represented here. Likewise,
we want to thank you in the name of all the fraternal parties that are
here.
Together with you, we say: Down with imperialism! Down with
colonialism! Down with neocolonialism! Down with the exploiters
of the people! Down with the enemies of Nicaragua!
Long live the Sandinista National Liberation Front!
Eternal life to Carlos Fonseca!
Eternal glory to the revolutionary friendship between the peoples!
No pasardn!
No pasardn!
No pasardn!
Muchas gracias.
The Revolution Cannot Triumph
Without the Emancipation of Women
March 8, 1987
Sankara spoke thousands of women from throughout the coun-

to
try at the March 1987, International Women's Day celebration
8,
held in Ouagadougou. This translation, including the subheadings,
is based on a pamphlet published in Ouagadougou in 1987.
It is not an everyday occurrence for a man to speak to so very

many women at Nor does it happen every day that a man
once.
suggests to so many women new battles to be joined. A man experi-
ences his first bashfulness the minute he becomes conscious that he
is looking at a woman. So, sisters, you will understand that despite
the joy and the pleasure it gives me to be speaking to you, I still re-
main a man who sees in every one of you a mother, a sister, or a
wife.
I hope, too, that our sisters here from Kadiogo Province who do
not understand French — the foreign language in which I will be giv-
ing my speech — will be patient with us, as they always have been.
After all, it is they who, like our mothers, accepted the task of carry-
ing us for nine months without a complaint. [Sankara then explains
in the Moore language that these women would receive a transla-
tion.]
Comrades, the night of August 4 gave birth to an achievement that
was most beneficial for the Burkinabe people. It gave our people a
name and our country new horizons. Imbued with the invigorating
sap of freedom, the men of Burkina, the humiliated and outlawed of
yesterday, received the stamp of what is most precious in the world:
honor and dignity. From this moment on, happiness became accessi-
ble. Every day we advance toward it, heady with the first fruits of our
struggles, themselves proof of the great strides we have already taken.
But this selfish happiness is an illusion. There is something crucial
missing: woman. She has been excluded from this joyful procession.
201
Though our men have already reached the edges of this great gar-
den that is the revolution, our women are still confined within the
shadows of anonymity. Among themselves, in voices loud or soft,
they talk of the hopes that have embraced Burkina — hopes that are,
for them, still merely fine words. The revolution's promise is already
a reality for men. But for women, it is still merely a rumor. And yet
the authenticity and the future of our revolution depend on women.
These are vital and essential questions, because nothing whole,
nothing definitive or lasting could be accomplished in our country, as
long as a crucial part of ourselves is kept in this condition of subju-
gation — a condition imposed in the course of centuries by various
systems of exploitation.
Starting now, the men and women of Burkina Faso should pro-
foundly change their image of themselves. For they are part of a so-
ciety that is not only establishing new social relations but is also pro-
voking a cultural transformation, upsetting the relations of authority
between men and women and forcing each to rethink the nature of
both.
This task isformidable but necessary. For it will determine our
our revolution to its full stature, unleash its full poten-
ability to bring
tial, and show its true meaning for the direct, natural, and necessary
relations between men and women, the most natural of all relations
between people. This will show to what extent the natural behavior
of man has become human and to what extent he has realized his
human nature.
This human being, this vast and complex combination of pain and
joy; solitary and forsaken, yet creator of all humanity; suffering,
frustrated,and humiliated, and yet endless source of happiness for

each one of us; this source of affection beyond compare, inspiring
the most unexpected courage; this being called weak, but possessing
untold ability to inspire us to take the road of honor; this being of
flesh and blood and of spiritual conviction — this being, women, is
you. You are our mothers and life companions, our comrades in
struggle, and because of this fact you should by rights assert your-
selves as equal partners in the joyful victory feasts of the revolution.
It is in this light that all of us, men and women, must define and af-
firm the role and place of women in society. Therefore, we must re-
store to man his true image by making the reign of freedom prevail
over differentiations imposed by nature and by eliminating all kinds
of hypocrisy that sustain the shameless exploitation of women.
Posing the question of women in Burkinabe society today means
posing the abolition of the system of slavery to which they have been
THE EMANCIPATION OF WOMEN • 203
subjected for millennia. The first step is to try to understand how this
system works, to grasp its real nature in all its subtlety, in order then
to work out a line of action that can lead to women's total emancipa-
tion.
In other words, in order to win this battle that men and women
have in common, we must be familiar with all woman
aspects of the
question on a world scale and here in Burkina. We must understand
how the struggle of the Burkinabe woman is part of a worldwide
struggle of all women and, beyond that, part of the struggle for the
full rehabilitation of our continent. Thus, women's emancipation is
of the question of humanity itself, here and everywhere.

at the heart
The question is thus universal in character.
The class struggle and the worldwide status of women

We undoubtedly owe it to dialectical materialism for having shed
the greatest light on the problem of the conditions women face, al-
lowing us to understand the exploitation of women as part of a gen-
eral system of exploitation.
Dialectical materialism defines human society not as a natural, un-
changeable fact, but as something working on nature. Humankind
does not submit passively to the power of nature. It takes control over
this power. This process is not an internal or subjective one. It takes
place objectively in practice, once women cease to be viewed as
mere sexual beings, and we look beyond their biological functions
and become conscious of their weight as an active social force.
What is more, woman's consciousness of herself is not only a prod-
uct of her sexuality. It reflects her position as determined by the eco-
nomic structure of society, which in turn expresses the level reached
by humankind in technological development and relations between
classes. The importance of dialectical materialism lies in having
gone beyond essential biological limits and simplistic theories about
our being slaves to nature and having laid out the facts in their social
and economic context.
From the first beginnings of human history, man's mastering of
nature has never been accomplished with his bare hands alone. The
hand with the opposable thumb reaches out for the tool, which in-
creases the hand's power. It was thus not physical attributes alone —
musculature or the capacity to give birth, for example —
that deter-
mined the unequal status of men and women. Nor was it technolog-
ical progress as such that institutionalized this inequality. In certain
cases, in certain parts of the globe, women were able to eliminate the
physical difference that separated them from men.

It was rather the transition from one form of society to another that
served to institutionalize women's inequality. This inequality was
produced by our own minds and intelligence in order to develop a
concrete form of domination and exploitation. The social function
and role to which women have been relegated ever since is a living
reflection of this fact. Today, her childbearing functions and the so-
cial obligation to conform to models of elegance determined by men
prevent any woman who might want to from developing a so-called
male musculature.
For millennia, from the Paleolithic to the Bronze Age, relations
between the sexes were, in the opinion of the most skilled paleon-
tologists, positive and complementary in character. So it was for
eight millennia! As Frederick Engels explained to us, relations were
based on collaboration and interaction, in contrast to the patriarchy,
where women's exclusion was a generalized characteristic of the
epoch. Engels traced the evolution of technology but also of the his-
toric enslavement of women, which occurred with the appearance of
private property, when one mode of production gave way to another,
and when one form of social organization replaced another.
With the intensive labor required to clear the forests, cultivate the
fields, and put the natural resources to best use, a division of labor
developed. Self-interest, laziness, indolence, in short, taking the
most for oneself with the least effort, emerged from the depths of the
human spirit and become elevated into principles.
The protective tenderness of women toward the family and the
clan became a trap that delivered her up to domination by the male.
Innocence and generosity fell victim to deceit and base motives.
Love was made a mockery of and human dignity scorned. All
genuine human feelings were transformed into objects of barter.
From this moment on, women's hospitality and desire to share were
overpowered by cunning and treachery.
Though conscious of this treachery, which imposed on her an un-
equal share of the burdens, the woman followed the man in order to
care for all that she loved. For his part, the man exploited her great
self-sacrifice to the hilt. Later, this seed of criminal exploitation was
set in terrible social imperatives, going far beyond the conscious con-
cessionsmade by the woman, historically betrayed.
Humankind first knew slavery with the advent of private property.
Man, master of his slaves and of the land, became in addition the
woman's master. This was the historic defeat of the female sex. It
came about with the upheaval in the division of labor and as a result
of new modes of production and a revolution in the means of produc-

tion. In this way, paternal right replaced maternal right. Property was
now handed down from father to son, rather than as before from the
woman to her clan. The patriarchal family made its appearance,
founded on the sole and personal property of the father, who had be-
come head of the family. Within this family the woman was op-
pressed. Reigning supreme, the man satisfied his sexual whims by
mating with his slaves or courtesans.
Women became his booty, his conquest in trade. He profited from
their labor power and took his fill from the myriad of pleasures they
afforded him. For their part, as soon as the masters gave them the
chance, women took revenge in infidelity. Thus adultery became the
natural counterpart to marriage. It was woman's only form of
the
self-defense against the domestic slavery to which she was subjected.
Her social oppression was a direct reflection of her economic oppres-
sion.
Given this cycle of violence, inequality can be done away with
only by establishing a new society, where men and women will enjoy
equal rights, resulting from an upheaval in the means of production
and in all social relations. Thus, the status of women will improve
only with the elimination of the system that exploits them. In fact,
throughout the ages and wherever the patriarchy has triumphed, there
has been a close parallel between class exploitation and women's in-
ferior status. Of course, there were brighter periods where women,
priestesses or female warriors, broke out of their oppressive chains.
But the essential features of her subjugation have survived and been
consolidated, both in everyday activity and in intellectual and moral
repression.
Her status overturned by private property, banished from her very
self, relegated to the role of child raiser and servant, written out of
history by philosophy (Aristotle, Pythagoras, and others) and the
most entrenched religions, stripped of all worth by mythology,
woman shared the lot of a slave, who in slave society was nothing
more than a beast of burden with a human face.
So it is not surprising that in its phase of conquest the capitalist
system, for which human beings are just so many numbers, should
be the economic system that has exploited women the most brazenly
and with the most sophistication. So, we are told, manufacturers in
those days employed only women on their mechanized looms. They
gave preference to women who were married and, among them, to
those with a family at home to support. These women paid greater at-
tention to their work than single women and were more docile, hav-
ing no choice but to work to the point of exhaustion to earn the barest
subsistence for their families. So we can see how women's particular
attributes are turned against her, and all the most moral and delicate
qualities of her nature become the means by which she is subjugated.
Her tenderness, her love for her family, the meticulous care she takes
with her work —
all this is used against her, even as she guards her-
self against any weaknesses she might have.

Thus, throughout the ages and throughout different types of soci-
ety, women suffered a sorry fate, in a continually reinforced position
of inferiority to men. Though her inequality was expressed in many
and varied guises, she remained unequal. %
In slave society, the male slave was looked upon as an animal, a
means of production of goods and services. The woman, whatever
her social rank, was crushed not only within her own class, but by
other classes too. This was the case even for women who belonged to
the exploiting classes. In feudal society, women were kept in a state
of absolute dependence on men, justified with reference to women's
supposed physical and psychological weakness. Often seen as a de-
filed object, a primary agent of indiscretion, women, with a few rare
exceptions, were kept out of places of worship. In capitalist society,
the woman, already morally and socially persecuted, is also subju-
gated economically. Kept by the man if she does not work, she is still
a slave when she works herself to death. We will never be able to
paint an adequate picture of the misery women suffer, nor show too
strongly that women share the misery of proletarians as a whole.
The specific character of women's oppression

Woman's fate is bound up with that of the exploited male. This is
a However, this solidarity, arising from the exploitation that
fact.
both men and women suffer and that binds them together histori-
cally, must not cause us to lose sight of the specific reality of the
woman's situation. The conditions of her life are determined by more
than economic factors, and they show that she is a victim of a spe-
cific oppression. The specific character of this oppression cannot be
explained away by setting up an equal sign or by falling into easy and
childish simplifications.
It is true that both she and the male worker are condemned to si-
lence by their exploitation. But under the current economic system,

the worker's wife is also condemned to silence by her worker-hus-
band. In other words, in addition to the class exploitation common to
both of them, women must confront a particular set of relations that
exist between them and men, relations of conflict and violence that
use as their pretext physical differences. It is clear that the difference
between the sexes is a feature of human society. This difference
characterizes particular relations that immediately prevent us from
viewing women, even in production, as simply female workers. The
existence of relations of privilege, of relations that spell danger for
the woman, all this means that women's reality constitutes an on-
going problem for us.
The male uses the complex nature of these relations as an excuse
to sow confusion among women. He takes advantage of all the
shrewdness that class exploitation has to offer in order to maintain
his domination over women. This is the same method used by men to
dominate other men in other lands. The idea was established that cer-
tain men, by virtue of their family origin and birth, or by divine right,
were superior to others. This was the basis for the feudal system.
Other men have managed to enslave whole peoples in this way. They
used their origins, or arguments based on their skin color, as a sup-
posedly scientific justification for dominating those who were unfor-
tunate enough to have skin of a different color. This is what colonial
domination and apartheid are based on.
We must pay the closest attention to women's situation because it
pushes the most conscious of them into waging a sex war when what
we need is a war of classes or parties, waged together, side by side.
We have to say frankly that it is the attitude of men that makes such
confusion possible. It is men's attitude that spawns the bold asser-
tions made by feminism, certain of which have not been without
value in the war which men and women are waging against oppres-
sion. This war is one we can and will win —
if we understand that we
need one another and are complementary, that we share the same
fate, and in fact, that we are condemned to interdependence.
At this moment, we have little choice but to recognize that mas-
culine behavior comprises vanity, irresponsibility, arrogance, and
violence of all kinds toward women. This kind of behavior can
hardly lead to coordinated action against women's oppression. And
we must say frankly that such attitudes, which can sink to the level of
sheer stupidity, are in reality nothing but a safety valve for the op-
pressed male, who, through brutalizing his wife, hopes to regain
some of the human dignity denied him by the system of exploitation.
This masculine foolishness is called sexism or machismo. It includes
all kinds of moral and intellectual feebleness —
even thinly veiled
physical weakness — which often gives politically conscious women
no choice but to consider it their duty to wage a war on two fronts.
.
In order to fight and win, women must identify with the oppressed
layers and classes of society, such as workers and peasants, etc. The
man, however, no matter how oppressed he is has another human
being to oppress: his wife. To say this is, without any doubt, to af-
firm a terrible fact. When we talk about the vile system of apartheid,
for example, our thoughts and emotions turn to the exploited and op-
pressed blacks. But we forget the black woman who has to endure
her husband —
this man who, armed with his passbook, allows him-
self all kinds of reprehensible detours before returning home to the
woman who has waited for him so worthily, in such privation and des-
titution. We should keep in mind, too, the white woman of South Af-
rica. Aristocratic, with every possible material comfort, she is, un-
fortunately, still a tool for the pleasure of the lecherous white man.
The only thing these men can do to blot out the terrible crimes they
commit against blacks is to engage in drunken brawls and perverse,
bestial sexual behavior.
And there is no lack of examples of men, otherwise progressive,
who live cheerfully in adultery, but who are prepared to murder their
wives on the merest suspicion of infidelity. How many men in Bur-
kina seek so-called consolation in the arms of prostitutes and mis-
tresses of all kinds! And this is not to mention the irresponsible hus-
bands whose wages go to keep mistresses or fill the coffers of bar owners
And what should we think of those little men, also progressive,
who get together in sleazy places to talk about the women they have
taken advantage of. They think this is the way they will be able to
measure up to other men and even humiliate some of them, by having
seduced their wives. In reality, such men are pitiful and insignifi-
cant. They would not even enter our discussion, if it were not for the
fact that their criminal behavior has been undermining the morale
and virtue of many fine women whose contribution to our revolution
could be of the utmost importance.
And then there are those more-or-less revolutionary militants —
much less revolutionary than more —
who do not accept that their
wives should also be politically active; or who allow them to be ac-
tive by day and by day only; or who beat their wives because they
have gone out to meetings or to a demonstration at night.
Oh, these suspicious, jealous men! What narrow-mindedness!
And what a limited, partial commitment! For is it only at night that a
woman who is disenchanted and determined can deceive her hus-
band? And what is this political commitment that expects her to stop
political activity at nightfall and resume her rights and respon-
sibilities only at daybreak. And, finally, what should we make of re-
marks about women made by all kinds of activists, the one more rev-
olutionary than the next, remarks such as "women are despicably
materialist," "manipulators," "clowns," "liars," "gossips," "schem-
ers," "jealous," and so on. Maybe this is all true of women. But
surely it is equally true of men.
Could our society be any less perverse than this when it systemat-
ically burdens women down, keeps them away from anything that is
supposed to be serious and of consequence, excludes them from any-
thing other than the most petty and minor activities!
When you are condemned, as women are, to wait for your lord and
master at home in order to feed him and receive his permission to
speak or just to be alive, what else do you have to keep you occupied
and to give you at least the illusion of being useful, but meaningful
glances, gossip, chatter, furtive envious glances at others, and the
bad-mouthing of their flirtations and private lives? The same attitudes
are found among men put in the same situation.
Another thing we say about women, alas, is that they are always
forgetful. We even call them birdbrains. But we must never forget
that a woman's whole life is dominated —
tormented —
by a fickle,
unfaithful, and irresponsible husband and by her children and their
problems. Completely worn out by attending to the entire family,
how could she not have haggard eyes that reflect distraction and ab-
sentmindedness. For her, forgetting becomes an antidote to the suf-
fering, a relief from the harshness of her existence, a vital self-
defense mechanism.
But there are forgetful men, too —
a lot of them. Some forget by
indulging in drink or drugs, others through the various kinds of per-
versity they engage in throughout life. Does anyone ever say that
these men are forgetful? What vanity! What banality! Banalities,
though, that men revel in as a way of concealing the weaknesses of
the masculine universe, because masculine universe in an
this
exploitative society needs female prostitutes. We say that both the
female and the prostitute are scapegoats. We defile them and when
we are done with them we sacrifice them on the altar of prosperity of
a system of lies and plunder.
Prostitution is nothing but the microcosm of a society where
exploitation is a general rule. It is a symbol of the contempt men have
for women. And yet this woman is none other than the painful figure
of the mother, sister, or wife of other men, thus of every one of us.
In the final analysis, it is the unconscious contempt we have for our-
selves. There can only be prostitutes as long as there are pimps and
those who seek prostitutes.
But who frequents prostitutes? First, there are the husbands who
commit their wives to chastity, while they relieve their depravity and
debauchery upon the prostitute. This allows them to treat their wives
with a seeming respect, while they reveal their true nature at the
bosom of the lady of so-called pleasure. So on the moral plane pros-
titution becomes the counterpart to marriage. Tradition, customs,
religion, and moral doctrines alike seem to have no difficulty adapt-
ing themselves to it. This is what our church fathers mean when they
explain that "sewers are needed to assure the cleanliness of the
palace."
Then there are the unrepentant and intemperate pleasure seekers
who are afraid to take on the responsibility of a home with its ups and
downs, and who flee from the moral and material responsibility of
fatherhood. So they discreetly seek out the address of a brothel, a
gold mine of relations that entail no responsibility on their part.
There is also a whole bevy of men who, publicly at least and in
"proper" company, subject women to public humiliation because of
some grudge they have not had the strength of character to surmount,
thus losing confidence in all women, who become from then on
"tools of the devil." Or else they do so out of hypocrisy, proclaiming

theircontempt for the female sex too often and categorically, a con-
tempt that they strive to assume in the eyes of the public from which
they have extorted admiration through false pretenses. All these men
end up night after night in brothels until occasionally their hypocrisy
is discovered.
Then there is the weakness of the man who is looking for a polyan-
drous arrangement. Far be it for us to make a value judgment on
polyandry, which was the dominant form of relations between men
and women in certain societies. What we are denouncing here are the
courts of idle, money grubbing gigolos lavishly kept by rich ladies.
Within this same system, prostitution can, economically speaking,
include both the prostitute and the "materialist-minded" married
woman. The only difference between the woman who sells her body
by prostitution and she who sells herself in marriage is the price and
duration of the contract. So, by tolerating the existence of prostitu-
tion, we relegate all our women to the same rank: that of a prostitute
or wife. The only difference between the two is that the legal wife,
though still oppressed, at least has the benefit of the stamp of respec-
tability that marriage confers. As for the prostitute, all that remains
for her is the exchange value of her body, a value that fluctuates ac-
cording to the fancy of the male chauvinist's wallet.
Isn't she just an object, which takes on more or less value accord-
THE EMANCIPATION OF WOMEN -211
ing to the degree to which her charms wilt? Isn't she governed by the
law of supply and demand? Such a concentrated, tragic, and painful
form of female slavery as a whole!
We should see in every prostitute an accusing finger pointing
firmly at society as a whole. Every pimp, every partner in prostitu-
tion, turns the knife in this festering and gaping wound that disfig-
ures the world of man and leads to his ruin. In fighting against pros-
titution, in holding out a saving hand to the prostitute, we are saving
our mothers, our sisters, and our wives from this social leprosy. We
are saving ourselves. We are saving the world.
Women's reality in Burkina Faso

If society sees the birth of a boy as a "gift from God," the birth of
a girl is greeted as an act of fate, or at best, an offering that can serve
in the production of food and the perpetuation of the human race.
The little male will be taught how to want and get, to demand and
be served, to desire and take, to decide things without being ques-
tioned. The future woman, however, is dealt blow after blow by a so-
ciety that, as one man —
and "as one man" is the appropriate term —
drums into her head norms that lead nowhere. A psychological strait-
jacket called virtue produces a spirit of personal alienation within
her. A preoccupation with being protected is nurtured in the child's
mind, inclining her to seek the supervision of a guardian or drawing
her into marriage. What a monstrous mental fraud! This child knows
no childhood. From the age of three, she must be true to her role in
life: to serve and be useful.
While her brother of four or five will play till he drops from
exhaustion or boredom, she, with little ceremony, will enter into pro-
duction. She already has a trade: assistant housewife. It is an occupa-
tion without pay since, as is generally said, a housewife "does noth-
ing." Do we not write "housewife" on the identity cards of women
who have no income, signifying that they have no job, that they are
"not working"? With the help of tradition and obligatory submissive-
ness, our sisters grow up more and more dependent, more and more
dominated, more and more exploited, and with less and less free time
for leisure.
While the young man's road is strewn with opportunities to de-
velop himself and take charge of his life, at every new stage of the
young girl's life, the social straitjacket is pulled tighter around her.
She will pay a heavy price for having been born female. And she will
pay it throughout her whole life, until the weight of her toil and the
effects of her physical and mental self-negation lead her to the day of
eternal rest. She an instrument of production at the side of her
is
mother, who is already more of a matron than a mother. She never

sits idle, is never left to her games and toys like her brother.
Whichever direction we turn —

from the central plateau in the
northeast, dominated by societies where power is highly centralized;
to the west, where the powers of the village communities are decen-
tralized; or to the southwest, the land of scattered collectives — the
traditional form of social organization has at least one point incom-
mon: the subjugation of women. In our 8,000 villages, on our
600,000 plots of land, and in our million and more households, on
the question of women we can see identical or similar approaches.
From one end of the country to the other, social cohesion as de-
fined by man requires the subjugation of women and the subordina-
tion of the young. Our society, still too primitively agrarian, patriar-
chal, and polygamous by far, turns the woman into an object of exploi-
tation for her labor power and of consumption for her reproductive
capacity.
How do women manage to live out this peculiar dual identity,
which makes them, at one and the same time, the vital knot that ties
together the whole family by their presence and attention and guaran-
tees its fundamental unity, and yet also makes them marginalized and
ignored? The woman leads a twofold existence indeed, the depth of
her social ostracism being equaled only by her own stoic endurance.
In order to be able to live in harmony with the society of man, in
order to obey his command, she envelopes herself in demeaning and
self-effacing detachment. She sacrifices herself to this.
Woman, you life, yet an object; mother, yet
are the source of
domestic servant; nurturer, yet pseudowoman; you can do the bid-
ding of both soil and hearth, yet you are invisible, faceless, and voice-
less. You are the pivot, the unifier, yet a being in chains, shadow of
the male shadow.
The woman is the pillar of family well-being, the midwife,
washerwoman, cleaner, and cook. She is errand-runner, matron,
farmer, healer, gardener, grinder, saleswoman, worker. She is labor
power working with obsolete tools, putting in hundreds of thousands
of hours for a hopeless level of production.
Every day our sisters, fighting as they are on the four fronts of our
war against disease, hunger, poverty, and degeneracy, feel the pres-
sure of changes over which they have no control. For every single
one of the 800,000 males who emigrate from Burkina, a woman
takes on an additional load. The two million Burkinabe men who live
outside the country thus exacerbate the sexual imbalance that puts
women today at 51 .7 percent of the total population or 52. 1 percent
of the potentially active population.
Too overburdened to give the necessary attention to her children,
too exhausted to think of herself, the woman continues to slave away
— the grinding wheel, wheel of fortune, drive wheel, spare wheel,
the big wheel. Broken on the wheel and bullied, women, our sisters
and wives, pay for creating life, for sustaining life. Socially they are
relegated to third place, after the man and the child — just like the
Third World, arbitrarily held back, the better to be dominated and
exploited. Subjugated, the woman goes from a protective guardian
who exploits her to one who dominates her and exploits her even
more.
She is first to work and last to rest. She is first to fetch water and
wood, first at the fire, yet last to quench her thirst. She may eat only
if there is food left and then only after the man. She is the very key-
stone of the family, carrying both family and society on her shoulders,
in her hands, and in her belly. In return, she is paid with oppressive,
pro-population-growth ideology, food taboos, overwork, and mal-
nutrition. Society rewards her with dangerous pregnancies, self-
effacement, and innumerable other evils that make maternal deaths
one of the most intolerable, unspeakable, and shameful defects of
our society.
Predatory intruders come to this bedrock of alienation from afar
and foment the isolation of women, making their condition even
more precarious. The euphoria of independence left women with all
hopes dashed. Segregated off during negotiations, absent from all
decisions, vulnerable, and at the mercy of all, she has continued to be
victim to family and society. Capital and bureaucracy have banded
together to maintain her subjugation. Imperialism has done the rest.
With an education level only half that of men and little training in
skilled trades; 99 percent illiterate; discriminated against on the job
market; confined to secondary jobs; and the first to be harassed and
fired, women, under the weight of a hundred traditions and a
thousand excuses, never seeing the light at the end of the tunnel, con-
tinued to rise to challenge after challenge, because they had to keep
going, whatever the cost, for the sake of their children, their family,
and for society in general.
Capitalism needed cotton, shea nuts, and sesame for its industries.
Women, our mothers, in addition to all the tasks they were already
carrying out, found themselves responsible for harvesting these too.
In the towns, where civilization is supposedly a liberating force for
women, they have found themselves decorating bourgeois parlors,

selling their bodies to survive, or serving ascommercial bait for ad-
vertising. Womenfrom the petty bourgeoisie no doubt live better on
an economic level than women in the countryside. But are they really
freer, more liberated, or more respected? Are they really entrusted
with more responsibility? We must do more than ask questions in this
regard. We must take a stand.
Many problems still persist, whether in the domain of jobs, access
to education, women's status in legal codes, or even just at the level
of everyday life: the Burkinabe woman still remains the one who fol-
lows the man, rather than going side by side.
The different neocolonial regimes that have been in power in Bur-
kina have had no better than a bourgeois approach to women's eman-
cipation, which brought only the illusion of freedom and dignity. It
was bound to remain that way as long as only a few petty-bourgeois
women from the towns were concerned with the latest fad in feminist
politics — or rather primitive feminism —
that demanded the right of
the woman to be masculine. Thus the creation of the Ministry of
Women, headed by a woman, was touted as a victory. Did we really
understand the situation faced by women? Did we realize we were
talking about the living conditions of 52 percent of the Burkinabe
population? Did we understand that these conditions were the prod-
uct of entire social, political, and economic infrastructures and per-
vasive backward conceptions, and that their transformation therefore
could not rest with a single ministry, even if this were led by a
woman? The answer is very clear. The women of Burkina were able
to ascertain after several years of this ministry's existence that
nothing had changed for them.
And it could not be otherwise, given that the approach to the ques-
tion of women's liberation that led to the creation of this
pseudoministry refused to recognize, show, and take into account the
real cause of women's subjugation and exploitation. So we should
not be surprised if, despite the existence of this ministry, prostitution
grew, women's access to education and jobs did not improve, their
civil and political rights were ignored, and the general conditions of
their lives in town and countryside alike improved not one iota.
Female trinket, sham female politician, female temptress, obedient
female voter in elections, female robot in the kitchen, female frus-
trated by the passivity and restrictions imposed on her despite her
open mind —
wherever the female is placed in the spectrum of pain,
whether she suffers the urban or the rural way, she continues to suf-
fer!
But one single night placed women at the heart of the family's de-
velopment and at the center of national solidarity. The dawn that fol-
lowed the night of August 4, 1983, brought liberty with it, calling all
of us to march together side by side in equality, as a single people
joined by common goals. The August revolution found the Bur-
kinabe woman by a neocolonial
in her state of subjugation, exploited
society deeply imbued with the ideology of backward social forces.
She owed it to herself to break with these reactionary political views
on women's emancipation, so widely praised and followed until
then. She owed it to herself to draw up with utmost clarity a new,
just, and revolutionary political approach to her liberation.
Women's emancipation and the Burkina revolution
On October 2, 1983, in the Political Orientation Speech, the Na-

tional Council of the Revolution laid out clearly the main axis of the
fight for women's liberation. It made a commitment to work to
mobilize, organize, and unify all the active forces of the nation, par-
ticularly women.
The Political Orientation Speech had this to say specifically in re-
gard to women: "Women will be an integral part of all the battles we
will have to wage against the various shackles of neocolonial society
and for the construction of a new society. They will take part in all
levels of the organization of the life of the nation as a whole, from
conceiving projects to making decisions and implementing them.
The final goal of this great undertaking is to build a free and prosper-
ous society in which women will be equal to men in all domains."
There can be no clearer way to conceptualize and explain the ques-
tion of women and the liberation struggle ahead of us. "The genuine
emancipation of women is that which entrusts responsibilities to
them and involves them in productive activity and in the different
struggles the people face. Women's genuine emancipation is one that
exacts men's respect and consideration."
What is clearly indicated here, sister comrades, is that the struggle
to liberate women is above all your struggle to deepen our demo-
cratic and popular revolution, a revolution that grants you from this
moment on the right to speak and act in building a new society of jus-
tice and equality, in which men and women have the same rights and
responsibilities. The democratic and popular revolution has created
the conditions for such a liberating struggle. It now falls to you to act
with the greatest sense of responsibility in breaking through all the
shackles and obstacles that enslave women in backward societies like
ours and to assume your share of the responsibilities in the political

fight to build a new
society at the service of Africa and all humanity.
In the very hours of the democratic and popular revolution we
first
said that "emancipation, like freedom, is not granted but conquered.

It is for women themselves to put forward their demands and
mobilize to win. them." The revolution has not only laid out the ob-
jectives of the struggle for women's liberation but has also indicated
the road to be followed and the methods to be used, as well as the
main actors in this battle. We have now been working together, men
and women, for four years in order to achieve success and come
closer to our final goal. We should note the battles waged and the
victories won, as well as the setbacks suffered and the difficulties en-
countered. This will aid us in preparing and leading future struggles.
So what tasks does our democratic and popular revolution have in
respect to women's emancipation? What acquisitions do we have,
and what obstacles still remain? One of the main acquisitions of the
revolution with regard to women's emancipation was, without any
doubt, the establishment of the Women's Union of Burkina (UFB).
This is a major acquisition because it has provided the women of our
country with a framework and a solid mechanism with which to wage
a successful fight. Establishing the UFB represents a big victory in
that it allows for the mobilization of all politically active women
around well-defined and just objectives, under the leadership of the
National Council of the Revolution.
The UFB is an organization of militant and serious women who
are determined to change things, to fight until they win, to fall and
fall again, but to get back on their feet and go forward without re-
treating. This is the new consciousness that has taken root among the
women of Burkina, and we should all be proud of it. Comrades, the
Women's Union of Burkina is your combat weapon. It belongs to
you. Sharpen it again and again so that its blade will cut more deeply,
bringing you ever-greater victories.
The different initiatives directed at women's emancipation that the
government has taken over a period of a little more than three years
are certainly inadequate. But they have put us on the right road, to
the point where our country can present itself as being in the van-
guard of the battle to liberate women. Women of Burkina participate
more and more in decision making and in the real exercise of popular
power. They are present everywhere the country is being built. You
can find them at every work site: in the Sourou [Valley irrigation
project], in our reforestation programs, in vaccination brigades, in
Operation Clean Town, in the Battle for the Railroad, and so on.
Step by step, the women of Burkina have gained a foothold

everywhere, are asserting themselves and demolishing all the male
chauvinist, backward conceptions of men. And this process will go
on until women are present in Burkina's entire social and profes-
sional fabric. For three and a half years our revolution has worked to
systematically eliminate all practices that demean women, such as
prostitution and related activity, like vagrancy and female juvenile
1
delinquency, forced marriages, female circumcision, and their par-
ticularly difficult living conditions.
By working to solve the water problem, by building windmills in
the villages, by assuring the widespread use of the improved stove,
by building public nurseries, carrying out daily vaccinations, and en-
couraging healthy, abundant, and varied eating habits, the revolution
has no doubt greatly contributed to improving the quality of women's
lives. Women, for their part, must commit themselves to greater in-
volvement in the fight against imperialism. They should be firm in
producing and consuming Burkinabe goods, and, as producers and
consumers of locally produced goods, always strive to be a major
factor in our economy.
Though August revolution has already done much for the
the
emancipation of women, this is still far from adequate. Much re-
mains to be done. And in order to continue our work and do it even
better, we must be more aware of the difficulties still to be overcome.
They are many. At the very top of the list are the problems of illiter-
acy and low political consciousness. Both of these problems are in-
tensified by the inordinate influence reactionary social forces exert in
backward societies like ours. We must work with perseverance to
overcome these two main obstacles. As long as women do not have
a clear appreciation of the just nature of the political battle to be
fought and do not see clearly how to take it forward, we can easily
run around in circles and eventually slip backwards.
This is why the UFB must fully assume its responsibilities. Its
members must strive to overcome their own weaknesses and break
with the kind of practices and behavior traditionally thought of as
female — behavior we unfortunately often still see today. I am
talking here about all those petty meannesses, like jealousy, exhibi-
tionism, continual empty, negative, and unprincipled criticism,
mutual defamation, supersensitive subjectivity, and rivalries.
Revolutionary women must overcome this kind of behavior,
which is particularly acute on the part of petty-bourgeois women.
It jeopardizes all collective effort, while the fight for women's lib-
eration is one that must be organized, thus entailing the combined
contribution of all women.

We must collectively remain alert to women's access to productive
work. It is this work that emancipates and liberates women by assur-
ing them economic independence and a greater social role, as well as

a more complete and accurate understanding of the world.
Our view of the economic power women need has nothing in com-
mon with the crude greed and crass materialism of certain women
who are literally like stock market speculators or walking safes.
These women lose dignity and self-control, not to mention
all their
their principles, as soon as they hear the clinking of jewelry or the

snapping of bank notes. Some of them unfortunately push their hus-
bands deep into debt, even to embezzlement and corruption. They
are like dangerous, sticky, fetid mud stifling the revolutionary fervor
of their husbands or companions. We find such sad cases where the
man's revolutionary flame has burned out, and where the husband's
commitment to the cause of the people has been abandoned for the
sake of a selfish, jealous, and envious shrew.
The education and economic emancipation of women, if not well
understood and channeled in a constructive direction, can be a source
of misfortune for the woman and thus for society as a whole. The
educated and economically independent woman is sought after as
lover and wife in the good times and abandoned as soon as bad times
arrive. Society passes a merciless judgment on them. An educated
woman "has trouble finding a husband," it is said. The woman with
independent means is suspect. They are all condemned to remain
single — which would not be a problem if being single were not the
cause for general ostracism from society —innocent victims who do
not understand their crime or their defect, frustrated because every
day is like a depressant pushing them to become cantankerous and
hypochondriacs. For many women great knowledge has been the
cause of heartbreak, and great fortune has spawned many a misfor-
tune.
The solution to this apparent paradox lies in the ability of these un-
fortunate rich and educated women to place their great wealth and
knowledge at the service of the people. By doing this, they will be all
the more appreciated and admired by the many people to whom they
have been able to bring a little happiness. How could such women
possibly feel alone in these conditions?How could they not know
emotional fulfillment when they have taken their love of themselves
and turned it into love of others?
Our women must not pull back in the face of the many different as-
pects of their struggle, which leads them to courageously and
proudly take full charge of their own lives and discover the happiness
of being themselves, not the domesticated female of the male.
Today, many women still seek the protective cover of a man as the
safest way out from all that oppresses them. They marry without love
or joy, just to serve some boor, some dreary male who is far removed
from and cut off from the struggles of the people.
real life
Often, women will simultaneously demand some haughty inde-
pendence and at the same time protection, or even worse, to be
put under the colonial protectorate of a male. They do not believe
that they can live otherwise. No. We must say again to our sisters
that marriage, if it brings society nothing positive and does not
bring them happiness, is not indispensable and should even be
avoided.
Let us show them our many examples of hardy and fearless
pioneers, single women
with or without children, who are radiant
and blossoming, overflowing with richness and availability for
others —even envied by unhappily married women, because of the
warmth they generate and the happiness they draw from their free-
dom, dignity, and willingness to help others.
Women have shown sufficient proof of their ability to manage the
home and raise children —
in short, to be responsible members of so-
ciety —
without the oppressive tutelage of a man. Our society is
surely sufficiently advanced to put an end to this banishment of the
single woman. Comrade revolutionaries, we should see to it that
marriage is a choice that adds something positive, and not some kind
of lottery where we know what the ticket costs us, but have no idea
what we will end up winning. Human feelings are too noble to be
subject to such games.
Another sure source of the problem is the feudal, reactionary, and
passive attitude of many men who by their behavior continue to hold
things back. They have absolutely no intention of jeopardizing the
total control they have over women, either at home or in society in
general. In the struggle to build a new society, which is a revolution-
ary struggle, these men place themselves on the side of reaction and
counterrevolution by their conduct. For the revolution cannot
triumph without the genuine emancipation of women.
So, comrades, we must be highly conscious of all these difficulties
in order to better face future battles. The woman, like the man, has
qualities and weaknesses —
which undoubtedly proves that she is
equal to man. Placing the emphasis deliberately on woman's qualities
in no way means we have an idealistic vision of her. We simply aim
to single out her qualities and capacities that men and society have al-
ways hidden in order to justify her exploitation and subjugation.
How should we organize ourselves to accelerate

the inarch forward to emancipation?
Though our resources are ridiculously small, our goals are ambiti-
ous. The will to go forward, our firm conviction, is not sufficient to
win. We must marshal our forces, organize them, and channel them
all toward winning our struggle.
Emancipation has been a topic of discussion in our country for
more than two decades now. It has been an emotional discussion.
Today, we must approach the question in its overall context. We
must not shirk our responsibility by failing to bring all possible
forces into the struggle and leaving this pivotal question of women's
emancipation off to the side. We must likewise avoid rushing out
ahead, leaving far behind those, especially the women, who should
be on the front lines.
At the governmental level, guided by the directives of the National
Council of the Revolution, a consistent plan of action to benefit
women will be implemented involving all the different ministerial
departments and assigning the short- and medium-term responsibility
of each. This plan of action, far from being a list of pious wishes and
other feelings of pity, should be a guide to stepping up revolutionary
action, since it is in the heat of struggle that important and decisive
victories are won. This plan of action should be conceived by our-
selves, for ourselves. Our wide-ranging, democratic discussions
should produce bold resolutions that build our confidence in women.
What do men and women want for women? This is what we will in-
clude in our plan of action. This plan, by involving all the ministerial
departments, will be a sharp break from the approach of treating the
question of women's equality as a side issue, relieving of responsi-
bility those who, throughtheir daily activity, should have and could
have made a significant contribution to solving this problem.
This many-sided approach to women's emancipation flows di-
rectly from our scientific analysis of the origins and source of their
oppression and the importance of this struggle to the building of a
new society free from all forms of exploitation and oppression. We
are not pleading for anyone to condescendingly do women a favor.
—
We are demanding, in the name of the revolution whose purpose
is to give, not to take —that justice be done to women.
From now on, every ministry and the administrative committee of
each ministry, in addition to the usual overall assessment we make,
THE EMANCIPATION OF WOMEN 221
will be judged according to their success in implementing this plan.

So our statistical analyses will necessarily include action taken of di-
rect benefit orconcern to women.
The question of women's equality must be uppermost in the mind
of all those making decisions, at all times, and in all the different
phases of conceiving and executing plans for development. Conceiv-
ing a development project without women's participation is like using
only four fingerswhen we have ten. It is an invitation to failure.
On the level of ministries charged with education, we must be
doubly alert to women's access to education. Education constitutes a
qualitative steptoward emancipation. It is an obvious fact that wher-
ever women have had access to education, their march to equality
has been accelerated. Emerging from the darkness of ignorance al-
lows women to transmit and use the tools of knowledge in order to
place themselves at the disposal of society. All those different
ridiculous and backward concepts that hold that only education for
males is important and profitable, and that educating women is an
extravagance, must be wiped out in Burkina Faso.
Parents must accord the same attention to the progress of their
daughters at school as they do to their sons, their pride and joy. Girls
have proven that they are the equals of boys at school, if not simply
better. But above all they have the right to education in order to learn
and know, to be free. In future literacy campaigns, the rate of partici-
pation by women must be raised to correspond with their numerical
weight in the population. It would be too great an injustice to main-
tain such an important part of the population —
half, in fact in ig- —
norance.
On the level of the ministries of labor and justice, texts should con-
stantlybe kept in line with the transformation our society has been
going through since August 4, 1983, so that equality between men
and women can be a tangible reality. The new labor code, now being
debated and prepared, should express how profoundly our people as-
pire to social justice. It should mark an important stage in the work of
destroying the neocolonial
state apparatus, a class apparatus
fashioned by reactionary regimes in order to perpetuate the system
that oppressed the masses, especially women.
How could we continue to accept that a woman doing the same
work as a man should earn less? Can we continue to accept dowries
and forcing widows to marry their brothers-in-law, which reduce our
sisters and mothers to common commodities to be bartered for?
There are so many medieval laws still imposed on our people, par-
ticularly women, that it is only just that, finally, justice be done.
In the ministries in charge of culture and family affairs, particular

emphasis will be put on developing a new mentality in social rela-
tions. This will be done in close collaboration with the Women's
Union of Burkina. In the framework of our revolution, our mothers
and wives have important and particular contributions to make to the
revolutionary transformation of society. The education of our chil-
dren, efficient management of the family budget, family planning,
the forging of a family spirit, patriotism — these are all important at-
tributes that should effectively contribute to the birth of a revolution-

ary morale and an anti-imperialist life-style, all preludes to a new so-
ciety.
home, women should take particular care to participate fully
In the
inimproving the quality of life. As Burkinabe, living well means eat-
ing well and wearing clothes made in Burkina. It means keeping a
clean and pleasant home, because this in itself has an important im-
pact on relations within the family. Living in squalor produces
squalid relations. Look at pigs if you don't believe me.
And the transformation of our mentality would be incomplete if
the new woman is stuck living with a man of the old kind. Where is
men's superiority complex more pernicious, yet more crucial, than in

the home where the mother, a guilty accomplice, teaches her off-
spring sexist and unequal rules? Such women perpetuate sexual com-
plexes right from the beginning of a child's education and the forma-
tion of its character.
what use are our efforts to draw someone into political
In addition,
activity during the day if this newly involved comrade finds himself
with a reactionary and demobilizing woman at night!
And what about housework, this all-consuming, brutalizing work
that has a tendency to turn you into robots and leave no time or
energy to think! This is why we need resolute action directed toward
men and at implementing a large-scale network of social services
such as nurseries, day-care centers, and cafeterias. This would allow
women to more easily take part in revolutionary debate and action.
Each child, whether rejected as the mother's failure or doted on as
the father's pride, should be of concern to society as a whole, every
one the object of society's attention and affection. Men and women
will, from now on, share all the tasks in the home.
The plan of action to benefit women should be a revolutionary
tool aimed at the general mobilization of all our political and ad-
ministrative structures for women's emancipation. Comrades, I
repeat, before it can correspond to the real needs of women, this
plan must be subjected to a democratic discussion at every level
of the UFB's structures.

The UFB is a revolutionary organization. As such, it is a school
for popular democracy, governed by the organizational principles of
criticism and self-criticism and democratic centralism. It should dis-
sociate itself from those organizations where mystification has won
out over concrete objectives. Such a demarcation can only be a per-
manent and effective acquisition if the comrades of the UFB carry
out a resolute struggle against the weaknesses that unfortunately still
persist in some female milieus. We are not talking here about rally-
ing women for appearance' sake or for any other electoralist, de-
magogic, or otherwise reprehensible ulterior motive. We are talking
about assembling women fighters to win victories.
We must fight in an orderly way and around a program of action
decided democratically within the different committees, taking fully
into account each revolutionary structure's framework of organiza-
tional autonomy. Every leader of the Women's Union of Burkina
must be completely absorbed in the responsibilities she has in her
particular structure in order to be effective in action. The UFB needs
to carry out vast political and ideological educational campaigns
among its leaders in order to strengthen its organization and struc-
tures on all levels.
Comrades, members of the UFB, your union, our union, must par-
ticipate fully in the class struggle on the side of the masses. Those
millions whose consciousness was dormant and who have now been
awakened by the advent of the revolution represent a formidable
force.On August 4, 1983, we Burkinabe made a decision to rely on
our own resources, which means in large part on the resources that
you, the women of Burkina, represent. In order to be useful, your
energies have to be focused as one on the struggle to eliminate im-
perialism's economic domination and every breed of exploiters. As a
tool for mobilization, theUFB will have to work to forge a highly de-
veloped political awareness on the part of its members, so that they
can throw themselves totally into accomplishing the different actions
the government undertakes to improve the situation of women.
Comrades, only the revolutionary transformation of our society
can create the conditions for your liberation. You are dominated by
both imperialism and by men. In every male languishes the soul of a
feudal lord, a male chauvinist, which must be destroyed. This is why
you must eagerly embrace the most advanced revolutionary slogans
to make your liberation real and to advance toward it more rapidly.
This is why the National Council of the Revolution notes with great
joy how intensely you are participating in the big national develop-
ment you to give greater and greater support

projects and encourages
to the August revolution, which is above all your revolution.
By participating massively in these projects you are showing your-
selves to be even more worthy, given that in its division of tasks, so-
ciety has always sought to relegate you to the least important tasks.
We can see now that your apparent physical weakness is nothing
more than the result of norms of appearance and fashion that society
has imposed on you because you are female.
As we go forward, our revolution must break from all those feudal
conceptions that lead us to ostracize the unmarried woman without
realizing that this is merely another form of appropriation, that de-
crees each woman the property of a man. This is why young mothers
are looked down upon as if they were the only ones responsible for
their situation, whereas there is always a guilty man involved. This is
how childless women can come to be oppressed by antiquated be-
liefs, when there is a scientific explanation for their infertility, which
science can correct.

In addition, society has imposed on women norms of beauty that
violate the integrity of their bodies, such as female circumcision,
scarring, the filing of teeth, and the piercing of lips and noses. Prac-
ticing these normsof dubious value. In the case of female circum-
is
cision, it can even endanger a woman's ability to have children and

affect her emotional life. Other types of bodily mutilation, though
less dangerous, like the piercing of ears and tatoos, are no less an ex-
pression of women's conditioning, imposed by society if a woman
wants to find a husband. Sisters, you make a great effort to win a
husband. You pierce your ears and do violence to your body to be ac-
ceptable to men. You hurt yourselves so that the man can hurt you
even more!
Women, my comrades-in-arms, I am addressing myself to you,
you who lead miserable lives in town and village alike. In the coun-
tryside, you sag under the weight of the various burdens of dreadful
exploitation that is "justified" and "explained away." In the towns,
you are supposedly happy, yet deep down you are miserable from
one day to the next, laden down with tasks.
In the early morning, the woman turns round and round in front of
her wardrobe like a spinning top, wondering what to wear not so —
as to be dressed and protect herself against the weather, but in order
to please men. Every day she is supposed to —
obliged to please —
men. You women, when it is time to rest, you have the sad look of
one who has no right to rest. You are obliged to ration yourself, be
chaste, and diet in order to maintain a figure that men will desire. At
THE EMANCIPATION OF WOMEN 225
night, before going to bed, you cover yourselves with makeup, with
those numerous products that you detest so much —we know you do
— but that might hide an indiscreet wrinkle, an unfortunate sign of
age always considered to have come too soon, age that has started to
show, or a premature plumpness. There you are —
obliged to go
through a two-hour ritual every night to preserve your best attributes,
only to be ill-rewarded by an inattentive husband. Then you start all
over again at dawn.
Comrades, yesterday in speeches given by the Directorate for
Mobilization and Organization of Women, and in accordance with
the statutes of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the
National Secretariat of the CDRs successfully undertook to set up
committees, subcommittees, and sections of the UFB. The Political
Commission, which is in charge of organization and planning, will
be responsible for completing the organizational pyramid of the UFB
by setting up a national bureau of the organization.
We don't need another apparatus led by women to bureaucratically
control women's lives, nor to have the occasional underhanded talk
among functionaries about women's lives. What we need are women
who will fight because they know that without a fight the old order
will not be destroyed and no new order can be built. We are not look-
ing to organize the status quo but to definitively destroy and replace
it. The National Bureau of the UFB should be made up of convinced
and determined cadres who will always be available as long as our

great task lies ahead. And the fight begins at home. These cadres
should be conscious of the fact that in the eyes of the masses, they
represent the image of the emancipated, revolutionary woman and
should conduct themselves accordingly.
Comrades, sisters and brothers, experience shows us more and
more that in changing the classical order of things only the organized
people are capable of wielding power democratically. Justice and
women to show that
equality are the basic principles that allow
wrong not to have confidence in them on the political
societies are
and economic level. The woman, wielding the power she has gained
among the people, is in a position to rehabilitate all women con-
demned by history. In undertaking to profoundlyand qualitatively
transform our society, the changes wrought by our revolution must
include the aspirations of the Burkinabe woman.
Comrades, the future demands that women be freed, and the fu-
ture, everywhere, brings revolutions. If we lose the fight to liberate
women we will have lost all right to hope for a positive transforma-
tion of our society into something superior. Our revolution will then
have no meaning. It is to wage this noble struggle that all of us, men
and women, are summoned.
Let our women move up to the front ranks! Our final victory de-
pends essentially on their capacities, their wisdom in struggle, their
determination to win. Let each woman be able to train a man to reach
the height of his fullness. To be able to do so, let each woman draw
from her immense well of affection and love, let her find the strength
and the know-how to encourage us when we are advancing and to re-
plenish our energy when we flag. Let each woman advise a man and
be a mother to all men, you who brought us into the world, who edu-
cated and made men of us. Let each woman continue to play the role
of mother and guide, you who have guided us to where we are today.
Let the woman remember what she is capable of, that she is the
center of the earth; let each one remember that she lives in the world,
for the world; let her remember that the first to cry for a man is a
woman. Likewise it is said, and you will remember this comrades,
that at the moment of death each man calls out with his last breath the
name of a woman —
the name of his mother, his sister, or his com-
panion.
Women need men in order tomen need women's vic-
win, just as
tories in order to win. At the man, comrades, there is al-
side of every
ways a woman. This woman's hand that rocks the man's child will
rock the entire world. Our mothers give us life. Our wives give birth
to our children, feed them at their breasts, raise them, and make them
into responsible beings. Women assure the continuity of our people,
thecoming into being of humanity; women ensure that our life's
work will go forward; women sustain the pride of every man.

Mothers, sisters, companions, there can be no proud man without
a woman at his side. Every proud and strong man draws his energy
from a woman. The endless source of virility is the power of the
female. The key to victory always lies in the hands of a woman. It is
by the side of a woman, sister, or companion, that our honor and dig-
nity will flood back to us.
We all return to a woman to find consolation and the courage and
inspiration to set out anew for the battle, to receive the advice that
will temper our recklessness or some presumptuous irresponsibility.
It is always at the side of a woman that we become men again, and
every man is a child for every woman.
He who does not love women, who does not respect women, who
does not honor women, despised his own mother. Thus, he who de-
spises women destroys the very place from which he is born. He kills
himself because he believes he has no right to exist, having come
.
from the generous womb of a woman. Comrades, woe to he who de-

spises women! Woe to all men, here and elsewhere, to all men of all so-
cial ranks, wherever they may come from, who despise women, who
do not understand, or who forget what the woman represents: "You
have touched the women, you have struck a rock. You have dislodged
you will be crushed." 2
a boulder,
Comrades, no revolution, beginning with our own, can triumph
without first liberating women. Our struggle, our revolution will be in-
complete as long as we understand liberation to mean essentially that of
men. After the liberation of the proletariat, the liberation of women
still remains to be won.
Comrades, every woman is the mother of a man. I would not pre-

sume, as a man and a son, to give advice to a woman or to indicate
which road she should take. This would be like giving advice to one's
mother. But I know too that out of indulgence and affection a mother
, , ,
listens to her son, despite his whims, his dreams, and his vanity. And
this is what consoles me and makes it possible for me to address you
here. This is why, comrades, we need you in order to achieve the
genuine liberation of all of us. I know that you will always find the
strength and the time to help us save our society.
Comrades, there is no true social revolution without the liberation of
women. May my eyes never see and my feet never take me to a society
where half the people are held in silence. I hear the roar of women's si-
lence. I sense the rumble of their storm and feel the fury of their revolt.
I await and hope for the fertile eruption of the revolution through which
they will transmit the power and the rigorous justice issued from their
oppressed wombs.
Comrades, forward to conquer the future!
The future is revolutionary!
The future belongs to those who fight!
Notes
1 Female circumcision, or clitoridectomy, is a tribal custom entailing the

removal of the clitoris of young girls, especially before puberty. It causes
many serious injuries and sometimes death. Declared illegal before the revolu-
tion, it is still practiced in some of the most isolated rural areas.
2. These words are from a song made famous on August 9, 1956, when
twenty thousand South African women, led by the African National Congress,
protested against the pass laws of apartheid. August 9 is celebrated today as
South African Women's Day.
We Can Count on Cuba
August 1987
The following interview by Claudio Hackin, a special correspon-

dent for Radio Havana Cuba, is translated from the August 4, 1987,
issue of Granma, the daily newspaper of the Communist Party of
Cuba.
Claudio Hackin: Comrade Thomas Sankara, you have met sev-

eral times with President Fidel Castro. Would you please tell us
about your first meeting with him, which took place in New Delhi in
March 1983 at the Seventh Summit Conference of Nonaligned Coun-
—
tries before you became leader of the revolution in Burkina Faso.
Thomas Sankara: For me this was and remains a memorable
meeting. As I recall he was very much in demand. There were a great
number of people around him, and I thought it would be impossible
to talk with him since he didn't know me. I did, however, get the
chance to meet with Fidel.
In this first conversation, I realized Fidel had great human feel-
ings, keen intuition, and that he understood the importance of our
struggle and the problems of my country. I remember all this as
though it were yesterday. And I have recalled it with pleasure each
time I met with him again. We are great friends, thanks to the revo-
lutionary process that guides both Burkina Faso and Cuba.
Hackin: After August 4, 1983, new relations opened between

Cuba and Burkina Faso.How do you view the development of these
collaborative ties?
Sankara: Cooperation between Cuba and Burkina Faso has
reached a very high level. We attach great importance to this because
it puts us in contact with a sister revolution. We like to feel we are
among friends; nobody likes to feel alone. The knowledge that we

can count on Cuba is an important source of strength for us.
A number of programs of economic cooperation have been estab-
228
WE CAN COUNT ON CUBA • 229
lished, such as in the sugarcane sector, in which Cuba is a specialist,

and ceramics. In addition, Cuban specialists have carried out studies
in areas such as the production of railroad ties and the prefabrication
of units for use in housing construction. The same is true in the social
sector, in health and education. Many Cubans are helping in the
training of technical cadres here. And we also have many students in
Cuba. So Cuba is very close to us.
Hackin: Do you believe it is necessary to build a vanguard party

in Burkina Faso?
Sankara: We have to build a vanguard party. We have to create a
structure based on organization, because our achievements will re-
main fragile unless we also have the means to defend them, the
means to educate the masses so as to score new victories. We don't
see the formation of a party as a distant or impossible goal. We're ac-
tually quite close to this objective. But given that a number of small-
group concepts still remain, we will have to wage a serious drive for
agreement, regroupment, and unity. The nature of the party, its con-
cept, and the process of building it will certainly not be the same as
it would have been had we built a party before coming to power. We
will have to take numerous precautions in order to avoid falling into

leftist opportunism. We can't let the masses down. We have to be
very careful, selective, and demanding.
Hackin: You have referred to the class struggle in your country in

various speeches. What are the factors of this struggle today?
Sankara: In our country the question of the class struggle is posed
differently from the way it's posed in Europe. We have a working
class that is numerically weak and insufficiently organized. And we
have no strong national bourgeoisie that could have given rise to an
antagonistic working class. So what we have to retain is the very es-
sence of the class struggle, whose expression in Burkina Faso is the
struggle against imperialism, supported by its internal allies.
Hackin: What social groups oppose the revolution?

Sankara: Feudal-type forces that can't applaud the disappearance
of their privileges. We also have a bureaucratic bourgeoisie, which is
still here, hiding. It is experienced in administrative work in the state
apparatus. It's located at various places in state management and

never ceases to harass us and create difficulties for us, with im-
perialism's backing. In addition, there are the big landowners, who
are not very numerous, as well as some sectors of the religious
hierarchy who more or less openly oppose the revolution.
Hackin: What is democracy, in your opinion?

Sankara: Democracy is the people, with all their strength and po-
tential. Ballot boxes and an electoral apparatus in and of themselves
don't signify the existence of democracy. Those who organize elec-
tions every so often and are concerned about the people only when an
election is coming up don't have a genuinely democratic system. But
wherever people can say what they think at any time, there is genuine
democracy —
because the confidence of the people must be earned
every day. Democracy can't be conceived of without total power
resting in the hands of the people —
economic, military, political,
social, and cultural power.
Hackin: How did you become a Marxist?

Sankara: It was very simple —through discussion, through
friendship with a few men, also as a result of my social experience.
I listened to these men discuss and put forward clear and logical sol-
utions to society's problems. Gradually, thanks to reading, but above

all to discussions with Marxists on the reality of our country, I ar-
rived at Marxism.
Hackin: There's a street in Ouagadougou named after Ernesto

Che Guevara. What meaning does this noteworthy Latin American
patriot have for you?
Sankara: This was a man who gave himself totally to the revolu-
tion; his eternal youth is an example. For me the most important
thing is to achieve the victory to be found deep inside each one of us.
I admire Che Guevara for having done this in an exemplary way.
Hackin: In the context of Africa, what does Patrice Lumumba

mean to you?
Sankara: Patrice Lumumba is a symbol, and when I see African
reactionaries who were contemporaries of this hero and who were
unable to evolve even a little despite contact with him, I consider
them miserable wretches. They stood before a work of art and were
unable to appreciate it.
Lumumba confronted an extremely unfavorable situation. He
grew up under conditions in which Africans had practically no rights
whatsoever. Largely self-educated, Patrice Lumumba was one of the
few who learned more or less how to read and managed to become
conscious of the situation of their people and of Africa. When you
WE CAN COUNT ON CUBA • 231
read thelast letter Lumumba wrote to his wife, you ask yourself, how
could this man have come to an understanding of so many truths
other than by experiencing them inwardly and wholeheartedly? It
makes me extremely sad to see how some people use his image and
name. There should be a court to judge those who dare use the name
of Patrice Lumumba to serve the base and vile causes they promote.
Hackin: Comrade President, ifyou could step back four years,

would you do the same thing, follow thesame road?
Sankara: I'd take a different road in order to do much more than
I've accomplished, because in my opinion it hasn't been sufficient.
Many mistakes have held up the process, when progress could have
been more complete and rapid. So if we had everything to do over
again, with the experience we have today, we would correct many
things. But we would never abandon the revolution. We would make
it deeper, stronger, and more beautiful.
Revolution Is a Perpetual Teacher
August 4, 1987
Sankara gave this speech in Bobo Dioulasso, Burkina Faso, on

August 4, 1987, at the fourth anniversary celebration of the revolu-
tion. It is translated from Carrefour africain, August 21, 1987.
Honorable guests from the Soviet Union, Togo, Benin, Niger, Ivory
Coast, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Angola, Ethiopia, the Saharan
Arab Democratic Republic, Libya, Algeria, Iran, Cuba, France, Italy;
Dear friends of Burkina Faso who have come from Senegal, Bel-
gium, and Spain;
Comrades of the democratic and popular revolution:
Today, August 4, 1987, we are celebrating the fourth anniversary
of our revolution, the August revolution, the democratic and popular
revolution. In order to reach this joyful and exhilarating gathering,
we let our hearts guide our way, and our hearts led us to Bobo
Dioulasso, this historic and exuberant town whose name is so totally
linked to the Africa of anticolonial struggle, the Africa of unity, of
federation, in short, the Africa of invigorating pan- Africanism.
I wish to thank all who came here today: all those who have be-
come Burkinabe for the day and those who are Burkinabe forever. I
wish to thank all those who could not make the trip to Bobo Dioulasso,
but who are certainly with us in spirit —
with us humbly and unobtru-
sively by choice or by necessity, with solemnity and dignity.
Thanks also to all those who were unable to celebrate with us
today, due to illness and other various hardships, and who stoically
cherish the hope of better days. And to those who are no longer with
us, but who had every right to savor the pleasure of our victories —
in the memory of all those militants who have prematurely left us, let
us observe a minute's silence.
Thank you.
Comrades, the fourth anniversary of our revolution takes place
under the banner of our dynamic peasantry, the community of those
232
REVOLUTION IS A PERPETUAL TEACHER • 233
who solve in practice the concrete question of food every day and for
every one of us. Yes, it is this peasantry, emerging from the shadows
of the Middle Ages and backwardness, that one way or another must
win this gamble every year under the most precarious conditions.
This peasantry, our peasantry, makes up the largest part of our popu-
lation. It is this part that has been subjected to —
and continues to be
subjected to — the most intense exploitation at the hands of the rem-
nants of feudal-type forces and of imperialism. It is this part that has
suffered the most from the ills we have inherited from colonial soci-
obscurantism, pauperization, various forms of harass-
ety: illiteracy,
ment, endemic diseases, famine, and so on.
So it comes as no surprise that our peasantry today is a force that
wants change, revolutionary change, because only the revolution, by
overturning the old order, can satisfy its legitimate aspirations. In
order to respond to this legitimate desire and mobilize all available
energy, the democratic and popular revolution has transformed this
peasantry into an organized political force by creating the National
Union of Peasants of Burkina.
This political force must have as its axis the strengthening of the
revolutionary process by forging a conscious commitment to the rev-
olution on the part of each and every poor peasant. In the course of
the past year many fine initiatives have been taken in this direction.
But the task is a big and complex one, and we will undoubtedly be re-
quired to come back and define our goals more fully and profoundly
during this
fifth year of the revolution.
This fourth anniversary celebration, focused on the peasantry,
should mark the birth of a new kind of peasant in harmony with the
new society that is being built. We are not celebrating the backward
peasant, who is resigned to his fate, naive, a slave to obscurantism,
and ferociously conservative. We are celebrating the birth of the new
peasant, who is serious and aware of his responsibilities, a man who is
working for the future by arming himself with new technology. The
more and more widespread application of the slogan "Produce and
consume Burkinabe" is already helping to create this new image of the
peasant, the great actor in and beneficiary of our policy of building an
independent national economy, as laid out by the Second National
Conference of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution.
In addition, implementing the first five-year plan of public de-
velopment, which is part of this new economic policy, should be
the occasion for all of us to learn how to meet our own needs and
constantly improve the quality of our work. The plan should thus
not be carried out with the sole concern of making it possible
someday to compile statistics.

Thanks to this all-embracing transformation and its consequences,
the term peasant should cease to be the derogatory term we know
today and become a synonym for respect —
the respect we owe to a
proud and worthy combatant who defends just causes and who suc-
cessfully and adequately shoulders his part in social production as a
member of this great body that is the people. The peasantry should
not be left to fight this battle alone. The working
and the revo-
class
lutionary petty-bourgeois intellectuals should take up their historic
responsibility and, through sacrifices and self-denial, work to reduce
the gap between town and country. The working class and the revo-
lutionary petty-bourgeois intellectuals should thus consider this
celebration as an important milestone in the process of strengthening
their strategic alliance with the peasantry. Today
the festival of the
is
peasantry and therefore of its allies too —

symbolized by our
allies
emblem, the emblem of the democratic and popular revolution.
Comrades, today we must take a look at the four years our revolu-
tion has existed, not to mechanically laud our success though a —
legitimate pride urges us to do so — but
to better draw the lessons
and clarify the road to further progress. We have undertaken and
completed many concrete transformations that have benefited the
masses. These results have not come because our equipment is more
plentiful or exceptional in quality. They are due to the actions of men
— men who yesterday were resigned to fate, mute, and passive.
Today these same men are on their feet and engaged in a concrete
revolutionary struggle in different workplaces. The victories we are
registering are the fruit of their labor, the projection in real life of
their creative genius and their revolutionary enthusiasm. These re-
sults are proof that our revolution is a genuine people's revolution,
because it draws on the strength, the richness, and the invincibility of
the masses.
This is why we should salute so much courage, self-sacrifice, and
devotion on the part of the rank and file of the democratic and popu-
lar revolution. We do not salute them out of self-satisfaction. The re-
sults we have achieved can be explained scientifically. Power,
whether it comes from muscles or is produced by machines, can be
measured and compared and therefore is interchangeable. Others be-
fore us have demonstrated this —
we had only to apply it to our re-
ality. Doing so has required that our mentality here in Burkina cease
to be a mere reproduction of the cultural alienation and political ser-
vitude shaped by imperialism to perpetuate its domination of our
newly independent countries.
REVOLUTION IS A PERPETUAL TEACHER - 235
This transformation of our mentality is far from complete. There

are still many among us who take foreign norms as their point of ref-
erence in judging the quality of their social, economic, and cultural

lives. They live in Burkina Faso yet refuse to accept the concrete re-
ality of our country.
For the new society, we must have a new people, a people that has
its own identity, knows what it wants and how to assert itself, and
understands what will be necessary to reach the goals it has set for it-
self. Our people, after four years of revolution, are the embryo of this
new people. The unprecedented decline of passive resignation
among our people is a tangible sign of this. The Burkinabe people as
a whole believe that a better future is possible. On this level, we have
even managed to convince reactionaries of yesterday —
people who
today, caught up in the gears of history's forward march, join us in
looking to the future with optimism, forgetting that only yesterday
they were preaching submission to imperialism and perpetual beg-
ging as a way to develop the country.
The construction of our homeland has strengthened our collective
consciousness of the need to depend on our own forces and to
energetically reject all servile mimicking and humiliating and degen-
erate groveling.
Comrades, the political year that has just ended, culminating in
this fourth anniversary, has certainly been full of action. While not
going back over the details of the contradictions that have appeared,
or on the quality of the solutions we have found, we must assimilate
the main lesson of this experience. The democratic and popular rev-
olution needs a convinced people, not a conquered people a peo- —
ple that is truly convinced, not submissive and passively enduring its
destiny.
Since August 4, 1983, revolutionary Burkina Faso has burst onto
the African and international scene especially and above all due to
the intellectual genius and moral and human virtue of its leaders and
of its organized masses. We have overcome adversity and triumphed
over determined and vile opponents who were armed to the teeth. We
have known how to be firm in the defense of our principles without
ever giving in to rage. We have defended ourselves without hatred
and with respect for the dignity of others, because dignity is sacred in
Burkina.
What we need to do here above all is to note the diverse forms hos-
tile forces can take and —
since tomorrow's battles will undoubtedly
be harder and more complex —
draw the lessons that will make us
stronger. During the past four years of the revolution we have had to
constantly confront reaction and imperialism. They have hatched the

most sordid plots aimed at sabotaging our work — or worse, over-
throwing our revolution. Imperialism and reaction are and will re-
main fiercely opposed to the transformations that are taking place
every day in our country and that threaten their interests.
Throughout four years of revolution our people have been proving
that it is possible to eliminate exploitation, to do away with misery,
and to create happiness for all with the power of our own hands and
hearts. Those living in luxury from the exploitation of others have
been opposed to our struggle and will be even more so tomorrow.
What have they not done, what are they not prepared to do even
today, to stop our forward march? Economic sabotage, smear cam-
paigns, corruption, provocations of all sorts, blackmail, and threats
— these are the kinds of enemy maneuvers we have had to identify
and confront during these four years of revolutionary struggle.
We have also seen adversity within our beloved Burkina, within
our own ranks, in the camp of the revolution. Erroneous practices
and ideas harmful to the revolution have, in fact, developed within
the masses and among revolutionaries. We have had to combat these
problems despite the relative fragility of our own ranks. We have
seen appalling about-faces; confrontations have followed provoca-
tions, and we have seen splits, though nothing is ever permanent.
We have come up against opportunism and watched it at work. It
works in various ways to get us to desert the revolutionary struggle
and abandon an intransigent defense of the people's interests in the
frantic search for personal and selfish advantage. The systematic de-
fense of our revolutionary orientation has led us to combat any idea
or conduct that blocks the deepening of the revolution.
For having chosen to follow this path rather than the easier road of
demagogy, we have been subjected to ever more slanderous attacks
from both our traditional enemies and from elements who have come
out of the ranks of the revolution. These elements are either impa-
tient and smitten with the unfortunate zeal of the novice, or else they
are frantically and openly pursuing personal ambitions.
Opportunism, just like the counterrevolution, is a thornbush
habitually found in the path of the revolution. Until the revolution
reaches its final objective —
the creation of a new society where
exploitation of man by man has ceased —
opportunism will continue
to show itself at different moments, under different circumstances,
and in extremely varied forms, all the way from its most right-wing
expressions to its most ultraleft and radical. The difficulties of the
struggle, the demands of political activity, the harshness of the class
struggle — all some comrades de-

these factors have contributed to
serting our ranks pure and simple or rushing out ahead of the masses
or else simply targeting the wrong enemy.
Others dream of throwing in the towel but have qualms about how
they should do it. They also theorize in advance their desertion from
the revolutionary struggle. This is why so many theories and ideas,
all thoroughly imbued with opportunism, have been —
and still are
— circulating.
All of this has given rise to hostile elements we have had to combat
in order to go forward. Yet we continue to believe that it is only other
revolutions that have been and are suffering setbacks and defeats,
cooptation by the bourgeoisie, fatal deadlocks, and betrayals.
Our revolution, just like others, is constantly threatened by coun-
terrevolutionary dangers. We must be conscious of this, highly con-
scious in fact, and firmly commit ourselves to the permanent defense
of a correct line that will take us toward our final goal. Above all, we
must be conscious that these problems grow up dialectically, from
the sharpening of the class struggle. If there were no such problems,
it would signify in reality that the revolutionary struggle was being
deceitfully quelled in favor of class collaboration.

Comrades, we must take the time today to draw the lessons of our
past activity, so that we can enrich the theory and practice of our rev-
olution and deepen our commitment to the struggle in an organized,
more scientific, and resolute manner.
The tasks that lie ahead of us are many and complex. The enemies
of our people and revolution are working with redoubled energy and
ingenuity to bar our road forward. We will need more courage, more
conviction, and more determination to keep marching forward. This
determination and conviction will come, in part, from the lessons we
are able to draw from four years of struggle. This is why we must
make our revolution's fifth year a year of critical appraisal of our
work, a year of scientifically organized ideological and political
work. Yes, we need such an appraisal.
During the four years of our revolution we have carried out many
important revolutionary transformations and have laid the basis for
solving a number of problems facing our people. We have been very
active in many different sectors of our society. We have given the
impression that we want to change everything, and immediately.
There have been criticisms of us from time to time; we understand
this well. Furthermore, we note that other important tasks have been
neglected or downplayed. We must devote this fifth year of the rev-
olution particularly to carrying out these tasks, which are of a polit-
ical, ideological, and organizational character.

The deepening of our revolution and the future success of our
political activity will depend on how well we solve these problems of
organization and political orientation in our country. The revolution
cannot go forward and achieve its goals without a vanguard organi-
zation able to guide the people in all its battles and on all fronts.
Forging such an organization will require a big commitment on our
part from now on.
Based on the work we have already carried out in search of solu-
tions to the organizational question, revolutionaries in Burkina must
combine their efforts with the goal of overcoming the defects and in-
adequacies we all share. Unity among revolutionaries is undoubtedly
a stage we will have to go through in advancing the organization of
the vanguard. I am pleased to note that on this fourth anniversary of
our revolution the basis has been laid for building real unity, a mili-
tant unity of all the revolutionary forces in our country.
We should, however, guard against a barren, monolithic, paralyz-
ing, and sterile kind of unity. We would rather see the enriching,
varied, and manifold expression of many different thoughts and di-
verse activities. We need thoughts and activities that are rich with a
thousand nuances, all put forward courageously and sincerely in the
framework of accepting differences and respecting the need for criti-
cism and self-criticism, and all directed toward a single, bright goal,
which can be none other than the happiness of our people.
Comrades, the ideological, political, and organizational tasks we
must accomplish are of great importance for strengthening our revo-
lution and for sustaining the massive and conscious support of our
people for the revolutionary policies we will continue to follow. It
will take persistent and rigorous political and ideological work to
convince the masses and tear them away from all kinds of backward
conceptions that hamper their full commitment to the building of a
new society. While the revolution equals repression of the exploiters
and our enemies, it can only signify persuasion for the masses per- —
suasion to take on a conscious and determined commitment to the
struggle.
Carrying out the ideological and political work of our revolution is
the duty of all revolutionaries, above all of the political leadership.
This leadership must strengthen itself and become more effective and
demanding of itself in carrying out its mission. This fifth year of the
revolution calls on us to throw all our energies into this fight to or-
ganize, into this effort to consolidate ourselves politically and
ideologically, into putting the question of political leadership first.
REVOLUTION IS A PERPETUAL TEACHER 239
In terms of structured political organization, however, what we are

saying here excludes our precipitously throwing ourselves into
theoretical schemas and concoctions that are stimulating for the mind
but of no practical interest for the daily lives of the masses. Let's
learn from the experience of other revolutions in history. In particu-
lar, let's take into account the experience of those like us — and there
are many — who have had to equip themselves with diverse but un-
ified organizations, or a single, diverse organization, at the same
time as they organized and defended the state power so worthily con-
quered through bitter struggle. So let's avoid producing theoretical
flow charts from abstract schemas that have no purpose in real life
and are of no interest to the masses. This kind of politics is only good
for the meditation of a handful of dreamers, or for political fanatics
who need self-gratification.
Our revolution is the opposite of this. It is first and foremost a rev-
olution of quality. Its goal is the qualitative transformation of our
minds, which will translate itself in practice into building a new Bur-
kinabe society. It is the quality of life that is changing in Burkina,
and that is the result of a qualitative evolution of our minds.
The dream of getting rich through a dog-eat-dog struggle, based
on what happened in the capitalist jungle of the postwar years, has
disappeared forever from Burkina. Our homeland has become a vast
construction site where the criteria of morality, concern for social
justice,and respect for everyone's fundamental right to live and to
enjoy an increasingly better and better life are not just empty words
but take material form in the social activity of every one of us.
This is what gives our revolution its specific character, makes it an
example, and accounts for its spreading influence. This is what we
have defended ferociously until now. And for this we must remain
revolutionary, that is, men of flesh and blood, men of feelings and of
pure emotions.
It is a fact that occasionally we have made errors in the recent past.
This should never happen again on the sacred soil of Faso. All of us
must have room in our hearts for those who are not yet in perfect
agreement with the Speech and the goals of our
Political Orientation
five-year plan. It is our job to go to them and win them to the revo-
lutionary cause of the people.
The revolution does not look for shortcuts and yet requires that we
all march together, united in thought and in deed. This is why the
revolutionary must be a perpetual teacher, a perpetual question mark.
And if the masses do not yet understand, it is our fault. We must take
the time to explain and convince them so that we can act with them
and masses do not understand correctly, it is

in their interests. If the
still our fault. We have to correct errors,
be more precise, and adapt
ourselves to the masses and not try to adapt the masses to our own de-
sires and dreams. Revolutionaries are not afraid of their own mis-
takes. They have the political courage to admit them publicly, be-
cause doing so means committing oneself to correcting them and to
doing better. We should prefer one step forward with the masses to
ten steps forward without them.
We still have much work to do to broaden out the ranks of com-
mitted cadres, male and female. We still have thousands of com-
rades to mobilize for revolutionary work. This work is above all
work to consolidate and deepen the indisputable acquisitions of our
revolution.
After four years, increase tenfold the attention we pay to
we must
critically appraising what has been accomplished. We should reject
all triumphal and superficial balance sheets, which are so dangerous
over time. Perseverance, tolerance, criticism of others, criticism of
ourselves — this is the difficult fight to wage, the revolutionary
fight. As revolutionaries we have chosen which
the difficult road,
means we must go beyond ourselves, surpassing ourselves individu-
ally and collectively. There are easier and quicker ways, but these
only produce illusions and bitter tomorrows. We will be able to suc-
ceed thanks to our revolutionary structures in the workplaces, in the
towns, and villages, thanks to our Committees for the Defense of the
Revolution, the National Movement of Pioneers, the National Union
of Elders of Burkina, and the National Union of Peasants of Burkina.
These structures need to be perfected and completed. Those whose
construction is most in need of our daily effort will be the focus of
our attention throughout this fifth year of the revolution.
Comrades, dear friends from countries in Africa, Europe, Ameri-
ca, and Asia, in the name of our people and the National Council of
the Revolution, I would like to reiterate our thanks for the support
you bring to our struggle and to repeat our sincere desire to maintain
friendly relations with the peoples of all of your countries. Burkina
Faso, land of peace and dignity, will always be present where frater-
nity and militant, active solidarity are being defended.
Comrades from Houet Province, through your enthusiastic work
and your mobilization you have made this fourth anniversary of our
revolution an important stepping-stone in the long road of our peo-
ple's struggle for a bright future. I congratulate you and encourage
you to redouble your vigilance and fighting vigor so as to register
ever more spectacular successes.
Comrades of the democratic and popular revolution, our revolu-

tion is not sadness or bitterness but rather the enthusiasm and pride of
an entire people that is taking charge of its destiny and is thereby dis-
covering its own dignity. This is why I invite you to the festival, a
festival that is the logical conclusion of work so well-done and that
marks the beginning of new and demanding battles so full of prom-
ise.
Comrades, I commit yourself to the work of our rev-
invite you to
on your feet in order to pur-
olution's fifth year, to stand collectively
sue this march we have begun at an even more accelerated pace, but
at the same time knowing how to pause —
to pause in the pursuit of
a certain number of projects, a necessary pause if we are to devote
sufficient energies to our organizational, political, and ideological
tasks.
I invite you to step forward, to step into the new year that is begin-
ning — a year of struggles, but a year that will allow us to more
firmly anchor our revolution and put ourselves at the disposal of the
peoples of the world as a contribution to humanity's quest for happi-
ness, refused to them by their enemies, but that we, the peoples
gathered here, have a duty to build today, now, and for everyone.
For unity with Ghana! [Shouts of "Forward!"]
For a conscious, organized, and mobilized peasantry! [Shouts of
"Forward!"]
For strengthening the National Union of Peasants of Burkina!
[Shouts of "Forward!"]
For reducing the gap between town and countryside! [Shouts of
"Forward!"]
Produce! [Shouts of "Burkinabe!"]
Consume! [Shouts of "Burkinabe!"]
Live with the masses!
Triumph with the masses!
You Cannot Kill Ideas:
A Tribute to Che Guevara
October 8, 1987
On October 8, 1987, one week before his assassination, Sankara

gave speech as part of a ceremony honoring the life of Cuban
this
revolutionary leader Ernesto Che Guevara. A Cuban delegation in-
cluding Guevara's son, Camilo Guevara March, attended.
The ellipses in the text indicate gaps in the tape recording from
which this is translated.
This morning, in a modest way, we have come to open this exhi-

and work of Che. At the same time, we
bition that tries to trace the life
wish to tell the whole world today that for us Che Guevara is not
dead. For throughout the world there exist centers where people are
struggling for more freedom, more dignity, more justice, more hap-
piness. Everywhere in the world, people are fighting against oppres-
sion and domination, against colonialism, neocolonalism, and im-
perialism, and against class exploitation.
Dear friends, we join our voices with those elsewhere in the world
who remember the day that a man called Che Guevara ... his heart
filled with faith, took up the struggle together with other men and, in
so doing, succeeded in creating this spark that so disturbed the forces
of occupation in this world . and that rang in a new era in Burkina
. .
Faso and set into motion a new reality in our country. It is thus that
we should understand Che Guevara —
Che who wanted to light the
fires of struggle everywhere in the world.
Che Guevara was cut down by bullets, imperialist bullets, under
Bolivian skies. And we say that for us, Che Guevara is not dead.
One of the beautiful phrases often recalled by revolutionaries —
by the great Cuban revolutionaries —
is the phrase that Che's friend,
his companion in struggle, his comrade, his brother — Fidel Castro

— himself repeated. He heard it one day during the struggle from the
mouth of a man of the people, one of Batista's officers who, even
242
YOU CANNOT KILL IDEAS • 243
though part of that reactionary, repressive army, was able to make an

alliance with forces fighting for the well-being of the Cuban people.
Those who had just attempted the unsuccessful raid on the Moncada
barracks were to be put to death by the guns of Batista's army. Just
as they were about to fire, this officer said simply, "Don't shoot, you
cannot kill ideas."
It is true, you cannot kill ideas; ideas do not die. That is why Che
Guevara —
an embodiment of revolutionary ideas, of self-sacrifice
— is not dead, and you have come here today, and we draw inspira-
tion from you.

Che Guevara, Argentine according to his passport, adopted Cuban
by the blood and sweat he shed for the Cuban people, became, above
all, a citizen of the free world —
the free world mat together we are
in the process of building. This is why we say that Che Guevara is
also African and Burkinabe.
Che Guevara's beret with its star, la boina as he called it, became
known all over Africa so that from the north to the south, Africa re-
members Che Guevara.
Fearless youth —
youth thirsty for dignity, thirsty for courage,
thirsty for ideas and for the vitality that he symbolizes in Africa —
sought out Che Guevara to drink from the source, the life-giving
source that Che's revolutionary heritage represented to the world.
Some of those few who had the opportunity and the honor of being
close to Che, and who are still alive, are here among us today.
Che is Burkinabe. He is Burkinabe because he participates in our
struggle. He is Burkinabe because his ideas give us inspiration and
are inscribed in our Political Orientation Speech. He is Burkinabe be-
cause his star is stamped on our banner. He is Burkinabe because a
part of his thinking lives in each of us in the daily struggle we are
waging.
Che is a man, but a man who knew how to show us, to educate us
in the idea that we could dare to have confidence in ourselves, con-
fidence in our abilities. Che is among us.
So I would like to ask, what is Che? Che, to us, is above all con-
viction, revolutionary conviction, revolutionary faith ... the convic-
tion that victory belongs to us, and that struggle is our only recourse.
Che is human compassion
also compassion, —
an expression of
generosity, of self-sacrifice, that made Che not only an Argentine,
Cuban, and internationalist combatant, but also a man, with human
warmth.
Che is also, and above all, demanding with the demandingness of
one who had the good fortune to be born into a well-off family, an
Argentine family —
this certainly says nothing against Argentine
families —
yet he knew how to turn his back on the easy road; he
knew how to say no to those temptations; on the contrary, he showed
himself to be a man who makes common cause with the people and
with the suffering of others. Che's demanding character is something
that should inspire us further.
Conviction, human compassion, a demanding character all this —
makes him Che. And all those who are able to combine these qual-
ities in themselves —
this conviction, this compassion, and this de-
mandingness —
they too can claim to be like Che, men among men,
but revolutionaries among revolutionaries.
We have just looked at these pictures that retrace part of Che's life
as best they can. Despite their strength of expression, these images
. cannot speak, yet this is the most determinant part of man, the
. .
very part against which imperialism took aim. Imperialism's bullets

were aimed much more at Che's spirit than at his image. His picture
isfound everywhere in the world; his photo is in everyone's mind;
and his silhouette is one of the most familiar. So we must strive to
know Che better.
So let us draw closer to Che. Let us draw closer to him, but not as
we would a god, not as we would the idea — this image placed over
and above men — but rather with the feeling that we are moving to-
ward a brother who speaks to us and to whom we can speak as well.
We must see to it that other revolutionaries draw inspiration from
Che's spirit, that they too become internationalists, that they too, to-
gether with other men, know how to build faith —
faith in the strug-
gle to change things —
to combat imperialism and capitalism.
And you, Comrade Camilo Guevara, we certainly cannot speak of
you as an orphaned son. Che belongs to all of us. He belongs to us as
a heritage belonging to all revolutionaries. Thus, you cannot feel
alone and abandoned, finding as you do in each of us, we hope,
brothers and sisters, friends and comrades. You are with us today as
a citizen of Burkina, because you have followed resolutely in Che's
footsteps, Che who is ours and father to us all.
So let usremember Che simply as this eternal romanticism, this

youth, so fresh and invigorating, at the same time as this lucidity,
this wisdom, and
this dedication that only profound and compassion-
ate men
can have. Che was the youth of seventeen years of age. But
Che was also the wisdom that comes with seventy-seven years. This
judicious combination is one that we should possess permanently.
Che was both the heart that speaks and the vigorous stride of ac- . . .
tion.
YOU CANNOT KILL IDEAS • 245
Comrades, I would thank our Cuban comrades for the effort

like to
they have made in I would like to thank all those
order to be with us.
who traveled thousands of kilometers and crossed oceans to come
here to Burkina Faso to remember Che. I would also like to thank
everyone whose personal contributions will see to it that this day will
not be a mere date on the calendar, but will become days, many days
in the year, many days over the years and centuries, when we pro-
claim the of Che to be eternal.
spirit
Comrades, I would finally like to express my joy that we have
been able to immortalize the ideas of Che here in Ouagadougou by
naming this street Che Guevara.
Every time we think of Che, we will try to be like him, to make
this man, the fighter, live again. And especially, every time we think
of acting like him, in the spirit of self-sacrifice, in the rejection of
bourgeois wealth that tries to alienate us, in refusing the easy path,
but also by turning to education and the rigorous discipline of revo-
lutionary morality —
every time we try to act in this way, we will
have better served Che's ideas and made them known more effec-
tively.
Glossary
African National Congress of South Africa ( ANC) —

leading organiza-
tion inSouth Africa's anti-apartheid struggle; officially banned since 1960.
Bishop, Maurice —
founder and leader of New Jewel Movement (NJM) of
Grenada in 1973; prime minister of People's Revolutionary Government fol-
lowing March 13, 1979, overthrow of U.S. -backed dictator Eric Gairy; placed
under house arrest and murdered by forces loyal to Deputy Prime Minister Ber-
nard Coard in October 1983 counterrevolutionary coup.
Cabral, Amilcar —
founded African Party for the Independence of
Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde Islands (PAIGC) in 1956; assassinated in
January 1973 in Guinea by Portuguese agents.
Carrefour africain (African crossroads) —
weekly French-language
magazine published in Ouagadougou.
Castro, Fidel —led Cuban revolutionary struggle from Sierra Maestra in
late 1950s that overthrew U.S .-backed dictator Batista in January 1959; presi-
dent of Cuba and first secretary, Communist Party of Cuba.
—
CDR see Committees for the Defense of the Revolution.
CEAO — see West African Economic Community.
CMRPN — see Military Committee for the Enhancement of National Prog-
ress.
CNR — see National Council of the Revolution.
Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (Comites de Defense de la
Revolution — —
CDRs) mass organization that began to develop immediately
following August 4, 1983; organized in neighborhoods, towns, villages,
workplaces, schools, and army units throughout the country and abroad to
mobilize support for various social programs of the revolutionary government
and to draw people into political activity; organized militia out of CDR ranks;
ceased functioning following October 15, 1987, overthrow of revolution; for-
mally dissolved March 18, 1988.
Compaore, Blaise — captain; led coup that overthrew revolution on Oc-
tober 15, 1987; first met Sankara at parachute school in Rabat, Morocco, in
early 1978; as commander of National Training Center for Commandos in P6,
organized and trained forces in support of Sankara following his arrest on May
17, 1983; led march on Ouagadougou, August 4, 1983; member of National
Council of the Revolution; minister of state and justice prior to 1987 coup.
Contadora Group — formed January 1983 by foreign ministers of Co-
246
GLOSSARY • 247
lombia, Mexico, Panama, and Venezuela to negotiate settlement to Central

American conflict.
Contadora Support Group —
formed July 1985 by governments of
Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and Uruguay to support efforts of Contadora
Group.
Council for the Salvation of the People (Conseil de Salut du Peuple —
CSP) —
politically heterogeneous government established following
November 7, 1982, military coup by Col. Gabriel Some Yoryan; Comdr.
Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo designated president; Comdr. Jean-Baptiste Lin-
gani became permanent secretary in late November; Sankara became prime
minister on January 10, 1983; dissolved following May 17, 1983, coup and
arrests of Sankara, Lingani, and others.
Diakite, Moussa —
Malian director of West African Economic Commu-
nity's Solidarity and Development Fund; arrested and tried by Burkinabe
People's Revolutionary Court in April 1986 for embezzlement of over 6 bil-
lion CFA francs from the West African Economic Community; sentenced to
fifteen years.
Diallo, Arba — minister of foreign affairs from revolution until August
19, 1984, when cabinet was dissolved; leader of Patriotic League for
first
Development (Ligue Patriotique pour le Developpement Lipad), organi-—

zation associated with African Party for Independence (PAI); arrested late
1984; released early 1985.
Diawara, Mohamed —
Ivory Coast politician and businessman; arrested
and tried by Burkinabe People's Revolutionary Court in April 1986 for em-
bezzlement of over 6 billion CFA francs from the West African Economic
Community; sentenced to fifteen years.
Entente Council (Conseil de 1' Entente) —
founded May 1959 by
Dahomey (Benin), Upper Volta, Ivory Coast, and Niger to coordinate and
promote joint policy on economic development, trade, investment; Togo
joined, 1966.
Five-year plan —
began in 1986; centered on raising standard of living of
peasants and expansion of agricultural production; forerunner was People's
Development Plan.
Fonseca, Carlos — founder of Sandinista National Liberation Front
(FSLN) of Nicaragua in 1961 and its central leader until his death in combat
at the hands of the Somoza dictatorship on November 8, 1976.
FPV — see Voltaic Progressive Front.
Frelimo — see Mozambique Liberation Front.
Frontline States — Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zam-
bia,Zimbabwe; countries of southern Africa closest geographically to apart-
heid regime of South Africa.
FSLN — see Sandinista National Liberation Front.
Group of Seventy-seven —
ad hoc caucus of more than 120 United Na-
tions'members; founded in 1964 to formulate demands and tactics prior to
important UN-sponsored conferences on economic development.
Guevara, Ernesto Che —
central leader of Cuban revolutionary govern-
ment, 1959-65; led internationalist volunteers in aiding Congolese (Zairian)

guerrillamovement, 1965; murdered October 9, 1967, while leading guer-
rilla movement against Bolivian military dictatorship.
Hart, Armando —
member of Cuban Council of State and minister of
culture since 1976; member of Political Bureau of the Communist Party of
Cuba.
Houphouet-Boigny, Felix —
president of Ivory Coast since indepen-
dence from France, 1960; longtime French political ally in Africa.
Ki-Zerbo, Joseph — Burkinabe historian and proimperialist politician
since late 1950s; founder of Voltaic Progressive Front (FPV); unsuccessful
candidate for president in 1978; backed November 25, 1980, coup; sup-
ported March 1984 attempted teachers' strike and May 1984 coup attempt;
lives in self-imposed exile.
Lamizana, Aboubakar Sangoule —
while army chief of staff, came to
power in January 3, 1966, military coup against Maurice Yameogo; elected
president in 1978; ousted in November 25, 1980, coup by Col. Saye Zerbo;
acquitted of embezzlement charge by People's Revolutionary Court in 1984;
became leader of National Union of Elders of Burkina in 1986.
Lingani, Jean-Baptiste Boukary —
commander; following coup on
November 7, 1982, became permanent secretary of Council for the Salva-
tion of the People; arrested with Sankara during coup on May 17, 1983;
member of National Council of the Revolution; army chief of staff; figure in
government formed following October 15, 1987, coup.
Lumumba, Patrice — founder and president of Congolese National
Movement; first prime minister of Congo (Zaire) after independence from
Belgium in June 1960; overthrown and imprisoned three months later in
U.S. -backed coup; murdered by captors on January 17, 1961.
Machel, Samora — commander of Mozambique Liberation Front (Fre-
limo) military forces, 1966-75; elected president of Frelimo in 1970 follow-
ing assassination of Frelimo founder Eduardo Mondlane; president of
Mozambique from independence from Portugal in June 1975 until his death
in a plane crash under mysterious circumstances on October 19, 1986, while
flying over South Africa.
Mandela, Nelson — central leader of African National Congress; joined
ANC in 1944; serving life sentence since June 1964 in South African prison.
Marti, Jose — Cuban revolutionary, poet, writer, speaker, and jour-
nalist; founded Cuban Revolutionary Party in 1892 to fight Spanish rule and
oppose U.S. plans to replace Spanish colonial domination; launched 1895
independence war; killed in battle 1895.
Military Committee for the Enhancement of National Progress (Com-
ite Militaire de Redressement pour le Progres National —
CMRPN) gov- —
ernment formed by Col. Saye Zerbo after November 25, 1980, military coup
against General Lamizana.
MNR — see Mozambique National Resistance.
MNP — see National Movement of Pioneers.
Mondlane, Eduardo — first president of Mozambique Liberation Front
GLOSSARY 249
(Frelimo); assassinated February 1969 in Dar-es-Salaam by agents of Por-

tugal.
Movement of Nonaligned Countries —
founded 1961 by representa-
tives of forty-fivegovernments and national liberation movements in colo-
nial and semicolonial world, including Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito,
Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel
Nasser, and Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah; over 100 governments
and national liberation movements represented at Eighth Summit Confer-
ence in Harare, Zimbabwe, in 1986.
Mozambique Liberation Front (Frente de Libertacao de Mozambique
— Frelimo) —
founded 1962 in Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania; initiated armed
struggle against Portuguese in September 1964; independence won June
1975.
Mozambique National Resistance (Movimento Nacional da Resistencia
de Mozambique —
MNR) —
also known as Renamo; mercenary army
created by Rhodesian secret police in 1976 to counter Mozambican aid to
Zimbabwean liberation struggle; began receiving aid from South Africa fol-
lowing Zimbabwean independence, 1980.
Mugabe, Robert —
president of Zimbabwe; elected chairman of Move-
ment of Nonaligned Countries in September 1986.
National Council of the Revolution (Conseil National de la Revolution
— CNR) —
governing body formed by Sankara and others with taking of
power on August 4, 1983; dissolved with October 1987 coup and murder of
Sankara.
National Movement of Pioneers (Mouvement National des Pionniers —
MNP) — May 22, 1985, for children too young to be involved
established
in CDRs.
National Union of African Teachers of Upper Volta (Syndicat National
des Enseignants Africains de Haute Volta SNEAHV)— —
elementary
school teachers' union; right-wing leadership heavily influenced by Voltaic
Progressive Front.
National Union of Elders of Burkina (Union Nationale des Anciens du
Burkina — —
UNAB) launched 1986 to involve elders in support of the rev-
olution.
National Union of Peasants of Burkina (Union Nationale des Paysans
du Burkina —
UNPB) —
launched April 11, 1987, to deal with specific
problems of the peasantry, especially implementation of August 1984 land
reform.
Ngom, Moussa — Senegalese politician; secretary general of the West
African Economic Community from 1976 and tried by Bur-
until arrested
kinabe People's Revolutionary Court in April 1986 for embezzlement of
over 6 billion CFA francs from the West African Economic Community;
sentenced to fifteen years with possible early release after ten years.
Nkomati accord —
nonaggression treaty between Mozambique and
South Africa signed March 16, 1984; South Africa pledged to end all aid to
Mozambique National Resistance and Mozambique pledged to end use of its
territory for transit by ANC fighters entering South Africa; South African
aid to MNR continued despite Mozambique's compliance with accord.
Nkrumah, Kwame —led Ghana to independence from Britain in 1957;
head of state until February 1966 coup; leading advocate of pan- Africanism;
died in exile, 1972.
Nonaligned Movement —
see Movement of Nonaligned Countries.
Organization of African Unity (OAU) —
founded May 1963 in Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia; now includes virtually all national liberation movements
and governments in Africa except South Africa.
Ortega, Daniel —
president of Nicaragua and a leader of Sandinista Na-
tional Liberation Front.
Ouedraogo, Jean-Baptiste — commander; became president November
26, 1982, after November 7, 1982, military coup led by Colonel Some Yo-
ryan and creation of Council for the Salvation of the People; participated in
coup May 17, 1983; overthrown August 4, 1983.
People's Development Program (Programme Populaire de Developpe-
ment —
PPD) — launched October 1984 by National Council of the Revo-
lution; lasted fifteen months; mobilized local population through CDRs for
modest-scale construction projects such as roads, dams, sports facilities, and
health clinics in countryside.
People's Revolutionary Courts (Tribunaux Populaires de la Revolution
— TPRs) — established by National Council of the Revolution on October
19, 1983; sessions convened by government; each court included seven
members appointed by the Council of Ministers, including one magistrate,
one soldier or police and five drawn from CDRs; first cases heard in
officer,
January 1984; dealt primarily with counterrevolutionary activity and major
cases of corruption.
Pioneers —
see National Movement of Pioneers.
Polisario Front —
see Saharan Arab Democratic Republic.
Popular Conciliation Courts (Tribunaux Populaires de Conciliation —
TPCs) —
local-level courts to deal with domestic and community disputes;
members were elected at popular assemblies.
—
Popular Investment Effort (Effort Populaire d'Investissement EPI)
— monetary deductions from of government employees and
salaries civil
funds were used

servants; development
for projects.
el-Qaddafi, Muammar — Libyan head of came power 1969.
state; to in
Rawlings, Jerry — chairman of

flight lieutenant; National Provisional
Defence Council of Ghana established by junior officers and civilians on
December 31, 1981.
Revolutionary Solidarity Fund (Caisse de Solidarity Revolutionnaire —
CSR) —
established on November 9, 1983, to provide famine relief to rural
population; based on voluntary contributions; by mid- 1985 nearly 500 mil-
lion CFA francs had been collected.
Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) —
constituted in former
Spanish colony of Western Sahara by Polisario Front (People's Front for
the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro) on February 27, 1976,
GLOSSARY -251
to counter invasions by Morocco and Mauritania; Mauritania forced to

withdraw August 1979; admitted to OAU at 1984 Summit Conference;
in
recognized by seventy governments by early 1988.
Sahel — semiarid region of Africa between the Sahara desert to the north
and savannah to the south; includes Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina
Faso, Niger, northern Nigeria, Chad, Sudan, and Ethiopia; suffered periodic
droughts of massive proportions since late 1960s.
Sandinista National Liberation Front (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion
Nacional —
FSLN) —
founded 1961 by Carlos Fonseca; in 1963, initiated
armed struggle against Somoza dictatorship that culminated in victorious
July 19, 1979, revolution.
Sassou Nguesso, Denis —
colonel; president of Congo (Brazzaville).
Savimbi, Jonas —
leader of UNITA, Angolan counterrevolutionary or-
ganization; backed by U.S. and South African governments.
—
Sidwaya daily French-language newspaper in Ouagadougou; began
publication in 1984.
SNEAHV — Union of African Teachers of Upper Volta.
see National
Some Yoryan, Gabriel — colonel; organizer of November 7, 1982,
coup
that brought the Council for the Salvation of the People to power; key par-
ticipant in May 17, 1983, coup against Sankara; killed after National Coun-
cil of the Revolution came to power while trying to escape from house arrest
on August 9, 1983.
Somoza, Anastasio —
last of family of dictators that ruled Nicaragua,
1934-79; overthrown by 1979 Sandinista revolution.
South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) —
national liber-
ation movement formed on April 19, 1960, to fight for independence for
Namibia from South African colonial rule; launched armed struggle in 1966.
TPR — see People's Revolutionary Courts.
Traore, Moussa — general; president of Mali; came to power in 1968
coup.
UFB — see Women's Union of Burkina.
UNAB — see National Union of Elders of Burkina.
UNPB — see National Peasants Union of Burkina.
Voltaic Progressive Front (Front Progessiste Voltaique — FPV) — pro-
by Joseph Ki-Zerbo; originally founded as
capitalist, proimperialist party led
National Liberation Movement in 1958; banned by the National Council of
the Revolution with taking of power.
West African Economic Community (Communaute Economique de
l'Afrique de l'Ouest — CEAO) — formed in January 1974 by Ivory Coast,
Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, and Upper Volta; replaced West African
Customs Union (UDEAO); promotes trade, regional economic develop-
ment, and specific development projects through customs agreements and
loans.
Women's Union of Burkina (Union des Femmes du Burkina —
UFB) —
mass organization launched in 1986.
Yameogo, Maurice —
first president of Upper Volta; ousted in Jan-
uary 3, 1966, army coup.

Zerbo, Saye — colonel; briefly minister of foreign affairs in government
of General Lamizana; overthrew Lamizana in military coup November 25,
1980; organized Military Committee for the Enhancement of National Prog-
ress; overthrown by Colonel Some Yoryan in November 7, 1982, coup; tried
and imprisoned for embezzlement by People's Revolutionary Court in May
1984.
Zongo, Henri — captain; evaded arrest following May 17, 1983, coup
and briefly organized resistance in Ouagadougou; member of National
Council of the Revolution; minister of economic development; figure in
government formed following October 15, 1987, coup.
Index
Abeille et Varchitecte, L (Mitter- Barry, Pierre, 115

rand), 158 Batista, Fulgencio, 242
Administration, 12, 14, 36, 42-43, Battle for the Railroad, 5, 168, 180,
51, 117-18; participation by toil- 216
See also Civil ser-
ers in, 51, 56. Benin, 146
vants; State apparatus Bible, 158
Afghanistan, 92, 96 Bishop, Maurice, 2, 81, 246
Africa, 95-97, 106, 114-15, 147-48, Blacks, 66-67, 79, 81, 90, 97, 159,
195-96; anti-imperialist struggle 208; in South Africa, 187, 188.
in, 54, 198-99; colonial legacy See also Racism
of, 78-79, 230-31, 232; as under- Blockade, economic, 129
populated continent, 155; unity Bobo Dioulasso, 2, 35, 115, 232
of, 65, 66-67, 232. See also indi- Bold Union maneuvers, 3, 82
vidual countries Botha, Pieter, 187, 188
African National Congress (ANC), Bourgeoisie, 34, 41, 102, 127; ill-
iv, 97, 227, 246 gotten wealth of, 34, 38, 55, 61;
African Personality, 87, 99 and imperialism, 21, 37, 38, 117,
Agrarian reform, 4, 50, 104-5 229; national, 38, 229; sectors of,
Agriculture, ii, 19, 35-36, 50-51, 12, 37-38, 41
105, 126-27, 132 Brazzaville conference, 67, 73
Algeria, 4, 17, 33 Britain, 71
Alliances, 31, 185, 186; of exploited Brunei Darussalam, 94
classes, 234; reactionary, 32, 43, Budget, 117-18, 119, 120, 138, 178
44 Bureaucracy, 12, 46, 51, 173, 213,
Alma Ata principles, 89, 99 229
Ambiguous Adventure (Kane), 159 Burkina Faso. See Burkina revolu-
Amour en vogue, L' (deVilliers), 160 tion; Upper Volta
Angola, 3, 68, 69 Burkina revolution: anti-imperialist
Antigua, 97 nature of, iii, 31, 40-41, 88; and
Anti-imperialism, 64, 75, 81, 86- August 4, 1983, uprising, ii, 3,
87, 107; and liberation struggle, 21-23, 24, 31-33; class forces in,
185-86. See also Imperialism iii, 32, 37-40, 42, 229-30, 233;
Armed forces, 21-22, 34, 139, 150- enemies of, 12-13. 37-39, 236;
51; as people's army, 14, 27-28, overthrow of, i, 7; as part of
47, 48, 89, 139, 140; and produc- world movement, 53, 92, 241;
tion, 47-48, 139, 140-41 popular and democratic character
Assassination, 146-47 of, iii, 40-42, 58-59, 60, 124,
Autogestion en Algerie, L', 160 152, 215, 233, 234, 235; signifi-
cance of, 31, 47, 235. See also
Barbados, 97 Upper Volta
253
Cabral, Amflcar, 13, 246 44-45, 166, 170, 179; tasks

3, 22,
Cadres, 48, 59, 225, 240 of, 43-44, 48, 90, 153, 240
iii,
Capital (Marx), 106, 157 Communism, 18

Capitalism, 38, 39, 97, 205-6, 213, Comoro Islands, 96, 100
239. See also Imperialism Compaore, Blaise, ii, 1, 2-3, 21,
Carrefour africain, 25, 246 26, 60, 246; and overthrow of
Cartierism, 119, 144 revolution, i, 7
Castro, Fidel, 2, 6, 74, 75-77, 94, Consciousness, political, 32, 45,
108, 228, 242, 246 133, 134, 217. See also Educa-
Castro, Raul, 6 tion, political
CDRs. See Committees for the De- Construction projects, 19, 90, 101
fense of the Revolution Contadora, 96, 199, 246-47
Chad, 67, 95, 107 Corruption, 12, 14, 34, 218; fight
Chanoine, Charles, 173, 180 vs., 15, 18, 19, 34, 58-59. See
Chauvinism, 64, 146 also Opportunism
Child care, 204, 205, 217, 219, 222 Council for the Salvation of the Peo-
China, 5 ple (CSP), 2-3, 11, 15-16, 21-22,
Christianity, 158 24-25, 120, 247; contradictions
Civil servants, iii, 118; bureaucratic within, 14, 21-22, 25-26
habits of, 14, 51, 173; salaries of, Counterrevolution, 4, 7, 12-13, 40,
5,36, 118, 119-20, 177 42, 47, 137-38, 236, 237
Class collaboration, 237 CSP. See Council for the Salvation
Class society, 204-6 of the People
Class structure, of Burkina, iii, 32, Cuba: aid to Burkina by, 3, 5, 228-
34-35, 37-40, 41 29; and Angola, 69; and Burkina,
Class struggle, 185, 207, 223; in iv, 4, 74-77, 228-29; significance
Burkina, 37, 229, 236-37 of, iv, 77, 108, 242-43
CMRPN. See Military Committee Culture: imperialist domination of,
for the Enhancement of National 13, 91, 117, 234; national, 38,
Progress 51-52, 79, 82, 202
CNR. See National Council of the
Revolution Debt, foreign: Burkina's, 117, 190;
Colonialism, 34, 155; French, 1, Third World's, iv, 122-23, 155,
33, 38, 102. See also Neocolo- 189
nialism Decentralization, 42-43
Committees for the Defense of the de Gaulle, Charles, 158
Revolution (CDRs), 6, 42-46, Democracy, 11, 14, 19, 56, 57-58,
162-80, 246; accomplishments of, 60, 230
103, 177, 225; arbitrary actions Democratic centralism, 45
by, 170, 171-72; as base of revolu- Democratic rights, 15-16, 28-29
tion, 43, 44, 53, 166-68; deficien- Desert, advance of, 5, 98, 130-32,
cies of, 46, 170-71, 172, 173-74, 152, 153, 155
179; and fight vs. opportunism, Destabilization, 137, 183
168-70, 171, 172; 1986 confer- Development, 86-87, 88, 189, 191,
ence of, 6, 164-66, 172; 1987 233-34
conference of, 6; organization of, de Villiers, Gerard, 160
INDEX 255
Devil's Alternative, The, (Forsyth), Foreign aid, 36, 112, 116, 120-21,
160 124-25, 144, 175, 228-29; coun-
Diakite, Moussa, 171, 180, 247 terposed forms of, 65-66, 88-89,
Dialectical materialism, 203 126, 177
Diallo, Arba, 107, 247 Forests, 152-56. See also Reforesta-
Diawara, Mohamed, 171, 180, 247 tion
Diplomatic relations, 16-17, 53. See Forsyth, Frederick, 160
also individual countries France, 70, 119, 128, 152, 157; and
Disarmament, 94-95, 191 Burkina, 2, 6, 69-71, 121. See
Disease, 37, 52, 91, 153 also Colonialism, French
Disinformation, 13, 15-16, 18, 107, Freedom of speech, 15-16, 19, 28-
150-51, 183 29
Division of labor, 204-5 Frelimo, 194, 249
Dori, 19 French language, 159
dos Santos, Eduardo, 3 French revolution (1789), 72, 92
Drought, 89, 189 Frontline States, 68-69, 182, 188-
Dutard, Jean, 157 89, 196, 247
East Timor, 92 Gandhi, Indira, 186

Education, 136-37; backward state Gaoua, 113
of, 34, 35, 36, 89, 118; political, Gauche la plus bete du monde, La
43, 46, 51, 89; revolution's mea- (Dutard), 157
sures toward, 51, 90, 138-39, Ghana, 17, 137, 147; and Burkina,
153; of women, 213, 214, 221 iv, 3, 4, 5, 18, 64-65, 82-83
Elders, 103, 114-15, 163-64, 174 Giri, Jacques, 88
Elections, 59-60 GOBI FFF Strategy, 89, 100
Emigration, 35, 212-13 Green beans, 128-29
Energy, 130 Grenada, 2, 81, 92, 96, 116, 182,
Engels, Frederick, 204 189
Entente Council, 5, 28, 29, 146, Gross Domestic Product, 36, 89
147, 148, 247 Group of Seventy-seven, 181, 247
Environment, 98, 130-32, 152-56 Guevara, Camilo, 244
Executions, 4, 143, 144 Guevara, Ernesto Che, v, 6-7, 230,
Exports, 36, 127, 128-29. See also 242-45, 247-48
Trade Harlem, 78, 81, 109
Eyadema, Gnassingbe, 148 Hart, Armando, 74-76, 248
Health care, 5, 19, 91, 153, 179;
Family, 212, 213, 222 backward state of, 36-37, 89; rev-
Fascism, 187 olution's measures in, 52, 140
Feminism, 207, 214 Houet Province, 240
Feudalism, 206, 207 Houphouet-Boigny, Felix, 4, 148,
Feudal-type relations, 38-39, 114, 248
229, 233; eradication of, 3, 4-5, Housework, 209, 222
50, 89, 104-5 Housing, 4, 5, 52-53, 90, 101, 110
Five-year plan, 6, 233, 247 Human rights, 92-93
Fonseca, Carlos, v, 6, 199, 247 Hunger: in Burkina, 36, 126, 233;
world, 91,98, 191 Koran, 158

Korea, North, 16
Illiteracy, 35, 36, 51, 89, 137, 191, Kountche, Seyni, 148
213, 217, 233; drive to eradicate, Koupela, 66
6, 138, 221
Imperialism: aggression by, 13, Labor code, 221
195-96, 199; as Burkina's enemy, Lamizana, Sangoule, 1, 2, 3, 16,
11, 13-14, 19-20, 102, 145, 185, 29, 248
236; impact of on Burkina, 30, Land ownership, 39, 104, 229. See
33, 35-36, 38,40,51, 156,233, also Nationalization, of land;
234; nature of, 13, 32, 102-3, Speculation, in land
108-9; strategy of, 53, 117, 196. Languages, ii, 4, 6, 89, 201
See also Neocolonialism Latin America, 92
Imports, 36. See also Trade Law, 59
Indians, 90 Leadership: of Burkina revolution,
Individualism, 45 235, 238-39; and masses, 112,
Infant mortality, ii, 89, 118 134-35. See also Party, revolu-
Intellectuals:in Burkina, 33, 39, tionary; Sankara, Thomas, as
234; in Third World, 86-87, 102 leader
International Court of Justice, 66 Left-wing organizations, 106-8. See
Internationalism, iv, 162, 244 also Unity, left-wing
International Monetary Fund, 122 Legality, 60
Internationals, revolutionary, 135, Lenin, V.I., 157-58, 160
136 Liberia, 176
Investments: foreign, 36; state, 36, Libya, 2, 16-17, 67-68, 182, 189
120, 178, 250 Life expectancy, 89
Iran-Iraq war, 64-65, 92 Lingani, Jean-Baptiste, 2-3, 15, 21,
Ireland, 92 26, 248
Irrigation, 4, 94, 216 Literature, 157-60
Israel, 95, 98 Livestock, 129, 131, 132, 154
Ivory Coast, 4, 5, 62-64, 146 Loans, 119
Lumumba, Patrice, 13, 230-31, 248
Jeune afrique, 67, 105, 107 Lusaka, Paul, 99
Jews, 92, 95
Jobs, 15, 94 Machel, Samora, 2, 193-97, 248
Justice, 56-57, 58 Madagascar, i, 1, 96, 100
Mali, i, 1, 17,66,72-73, 147, 150;
Kadiogo Province, 201 1985 war with, 5-6, 149-51
Kalsoum, Oum, 160 Malnutrition, 37, 126. See also
Kambouele, Captain, 26 Hunger
Kanak Socialist National Liberation Mandela, Nelson, 83, 97, 248
Front (FLNKS), iv Marriage, ii-iii, 205, 210, 217, 219,
Kane, Cheikh Hamidou, 159 221,224
Kerekou, Mathieu, 148 Marti, Jose, 76-77, 86, 248
Ki-Zerbo, Joseph, 4, 58, 160-61, Marx, Karl, 106, 156, 157
248 Marxism, 157, 230
INDEX • 257
Mauritania, 4 163, 240, 249

Mayotte, 96, 100 National Union of African Teach-
Media, 29, 150. See also Disinfor- ers, 4, 137, 249
mation National Union of Elders of Burkina
Military Committee for the En- (UNAB), 163, 174, 240, 249
hancement of National Progress National Union of Peasants of Bur-
(CMRPN), 2, 8, 18, 26, 29, 248 kina, 6, 233, 240, 249
Military service, 4, 139 Nazism, 188, 194
Military spending, 94 Negritude, 87, 99
Ministry of Cooperation, 124 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 187, 189
Ministry of Foreign Relations, 124 Neocolonialism, 13, 21, 33-37, 46-
Ministry of the Environment and 47, 75, 185; legacy of, 35-36, 45,
Tourism, 155 102, 215, 233. See also Colonial-
Ministry of Water, 155 ism; Imperialism
Ministry of Women, 214 New Caledonia, iv
Mitterrand, Francois, 2, 6, 152, New International Economic Order,
156, 158 93, 187, 191
Mobilization, popular, 41, 133-34, Ngom, Moussa, 171, 179, 180, 249
163. See also Committees for the Nicaragua, iv-v, 6, 17, 92, 96, 100,
Defense of the Revolution 116, 181-84, 191-92, 198-200
Mobutu Sese Seko, 66 Niger, 146
Moncada garrison, 243 Nigeria, 176
Monde, Le, 105, 107 Nkomati accord, 196, 249-50
Mondlane, Eduardo, 194, 248-49 Nkrumah, Kwame, 13, 99, 187,
Monroe Doctrine, 72, 73, 92 189, 250
Morality, 57, 60 Nomenklatura, 136, 144
Morocco, 67, 95 Nonaligned Movement, 2, 6, 185-
Mozambique, 2, 68, 194-96 92, 249; Burkina's commitment
Mozambique National Resistance to, 17, 75, 116, 181, 190; divi-
(MNR), 195, 249 sions within, 190, 191, 195; prin-
Mugabe, Robert, 189, 195, 249 ciples of, 185-86, 191; tasks of,
Multinationals, 91 93, 94, 185-86, 187-89
Nongovernmental organizations
Namibia, 54, 69, 96, 187-88, 198 (NGOs), 124-26
Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 187, 189 Novalis, 99
National Council of the Revolution
(CNR), 3-6, 7, 22, 24-25, 135, Olympic Games, 71
152, 220; formation of, 3, 22, 85, Opportunism, 38, 41, 46, 135, 168-
249; popular support for, 30, 32- 70, 177, 229, 236-37
33, 37; role of, 43, 44-45. See Organization of African Unity
also Burkina revolution (OAU),5,65,67, 122, 123, 195,
Nationalism, 146 250
Nationalities, in Burkina, 53 Organization of Petroleum Export-
Nationalization, 15; of land, 4, 104, ing Countries (OPEC), 191
110, 127 Orodara, 19
National Movement of Pioneers, Ortega, Daniel, 6, 96, 100, 181, 250
Ouagadougou, ii, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, Popular Investment Effort, 178,250

11, 14, 15, 19, 21, 24, 26, 35, Prisoners, 142, 150
61,113,165,170,171,180,245 Private enterprise, 127-28
Ouedraogo, Jean-Baptiste, i, 2-3, Private property, 39, 204-5
11, 15,21-22,26,27,31,250 Privileges, 34, 37, 45-46, 118-19,
173
Palestine Liberation Organization Propaganda, 44
(PLO), 97, 187 Prostitution, 208, 209-1 1 , 214, 217
Palestinians, 54, 91-92, 95, 187, Puerto Rico, 116
198 Putschism, 27
Pan- Africanism, 232
Paris Commune, 92 Qaddafi, Muammar el-, 2, 16-17,
Parties, political, 22, 23, 28, 40 68,250
Party, revolutionary, 135-36, 229,
238-39 Racism, 68, 186, 187, 207. See also
Patriarchy, 204, 212 South Africa
Peace, 94-95, 146, 191 Rawlings, Jerry, 3, 4, 18, 82, 148,
Peaceful coexistence, 176 250
Peasantry, 4-5, 89, 154; and Bur- Reforestation, iii, 5, 101, 130, 131-
kina revolution, iii, 40, 88, 232- 32,153-54,155-56,216
34; conditions of, ii-iii, 35, 233; Reformism, 187
exploitation of, ii, 35, 127, 233; Religion, 131, 158, 205, 210, 229-
and feudal-type relations, 3, 38, 30
104-5, 233; nature of, 39-40 Rents, 5, 52, 110
Penne, Guy, 2 Revolution, 37, 71-72, 146, 147. See
People's Development Program, 4- also Burkina revolution
5, 153, 250 Revolutionary Solidarity Fund, 122,
People's Harvest of Forest Nur- 169, 250
series, 154 River blindness, iii, 6
People's National Army. See Armed Russian revolution (1917), 72, 92
forces
People's Revolutionary Courts, 3, Saharan Arab Democratic Republic
55-61, 165, 176,250 (SADR), 4, 5, 54, 65, 67, 95, 250-
Perez de Cuellar, Javier, 93, 98 51
Petty bourgeoisie, 39, 107, 214, Sahel,63,88,98, 122, 153, 156,251
217, 234; in Africa, 87, 105, 106; Sahel demain, Le (Giri), 88
vacillations of, 39, 102, 106, 134 Salaries, 5, 106, 118, 119-20, 177-
Planning, economic, 50, 52, 89, 78
233-34 Sandinista National Liberation Front
P6, ii, 1, 3, 31,60 (FSLN),v, 6, 183,199,251
Polisario See also
Front, iv, 95. Sandino, Augusto Cesar, 183
Saharan Arab Democratic Repub- Sankara, Thomas, i-v, 1, 142, 157-
lic 61; assassination of, i, v, 7, 143;
Political power, 26, 42 childhood of, 1, 113-14, 115; as
Pollution, 155 leader, iii-v, 2, 4-7, 21, 25-27,
Popular Conciliation Courts, 154, 250 134-35, 141-42, 143-44; 1983 im-
6
INDEX • 259
prisonments of, 2-3, 21, 26, 81; Trade unions: petty-bourgeois lead-
political education of, i, 157-58, erships of, 105, 119, 137-38,
196, 230 struggles by, 1, 2, 34-35, 105-6
Sassou Nguesso, Denis, 67, 251 Transportation, 19
Savimbi, Jonas, 195, 251 Traore\ Moussa, 148, 251
Schematism, 31, 239
Sectarianism, 64 Ultraleftism, 41, 229, 236-37
Sexism, 207, 217, 222, 223 Underdeveloped countries, 41, 86-
Shortages, 127 87, 91 185-86; need for unity of,
,
Sidwaya, 120, 121, 164,251 75, 86, 123, 189, 190. See also
Slavery, 76, 97, 204, 205, 206 Nonaligned Movement
Sloganeering, 174-75, 177 UNESCO, 191
Some Yoryan, Gabriel, 22, 26, 31, UNICEF, 89, 91,99
251 United Nations, 86, 89, 93-94, 98,
Somoza, Anastasio, 183, 251 116; Burkina in, 3, 5, 98, 116-17
Sourou Valley, 4, 216 United Nations Conference on
South Africa: apartheid system in, Trade and Development, 187
6, 13, 96, 187-88, 194-95, 208; United States, 92, 95, 109-10, 116
and world struggle vs. apartheid, Unity: left-wing, 107-8, 135-36,
iv, 7, 68-69, 71,75, 81,97, 182, 229, 238-39; national, 53, 177
199, 227 Upper Volta, ii-iii, 33-37; history
South West Africa People's Organi- of, i, 1-2, 31, 55, 59-60; indepen-
sation (SWAPO), 54, 97, 251 dence of, 1, 33; May 1983 coup
Soviet Union, 6, 117, 120-21 in, i-ii, 2-3, 21-22, 24, 31-32, 39,
Speculation, 19, 38, 51, 61, 126; in 60; November 1982 coup in, 2,
land, 34, 52, 127 21, 22, 25-27; renamed Burkina

Sports, 91, 133-34, 176 Faso, 4, 72, 78, 82. See also Bur-
State and Revolution (Lenin), 157-58 kina revolution
State apparatus, 34, 38, 229; need to
replace, 41,42, 56, 89, 221 Vaccination campaigns, 5, 52, 153,
Stoves, 132, 153, 217 216,217
Strikes, 1,2, 105, 137 Vietnam, 33
Students, i, 1, 229 Voltaic Progressive Front, 4, 138,
251
Tambao, 180 Voltaic Union Confederation, 2
Taxes, ii, iii, 4, 35, 36, 106 Voulet, Paul, 173, 180
Teachers, iii, 1, 4, 137-38
Technology, 127-28, 203-4 Water, potable, 127, 153, 155, 156,

Tenkodogo, 217
Third Republic, 26-27, 29 West African Economic Communi-
Third World, 86. See also Underde- ty, 4, 165, 168, 180, 251
veloped countries Western Sahara. See Saharan Arab
Three Battles, 130-31, 154 Democratic Republic
Tito, Josip Broz, 187, 189 Women, ii-iii, 48-50, 103-4, 164,
Togo, 146 201-27; integration of in revolu-
Trade, 36, 53, 89 tion, 49, 216-17, 223-24; origins
of oppression of, 49, 203-6, 220; 40, 229; exploitation of, 34-35,
revolution's measures toward, 4, 38, 206, 234; international, 109-
5, 49, 90, 164, 216-17, 220-22; 10, 129; struggles by, i, 1, 31
road to emancipation of, 205, World Health Organization, 91, 99
208, 216, 223; struggle by, 49-
50, 203, 215-16, 219, 220, 227; Yameogo, Maurice, 1, 60, 251-52
inwork force, 49-50, 205-6, 207, Youth, 19, 32, 35
213,218
Women's Union of Burkina (UFB), Zerbo, Saye, 2, 16, 29, 252
164, 216, 222, 223, 225, 251 Zimbabwe, 189, 195
Working class: in Burkina revolu- Zionism, 13, 92, 182
tion, 39, 105; composition of, iii, Zongo, Henri, 2-3, 26, 252
lsS$)3
President Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso fought for
the interests of the Burkinabe people. His participa-
. . .
tion in the fight against South African apartheid and op-

position to all forms of colonialism ensured his sta-
. . .
ture as a world figure. The publication of Thomas Sankara

Speaks makes it possible for people the world over to
read his ideas.
Mervyn M. Dymally
Congressman
The whole life of Thomas Sankara was a triumph. . .
The courage and originality which made him and Bur-

kina Faso the inspiration they were to so many Africans
shine out of this collection of his most important
speeches.
Victoria Brittain
London Guardian
Thomas Sankara' s murder cannot erase the valuable

contributions in both theory and practice he has made to
the world's revolutionary process.
Don Rojas
Press secretary to slain
Grenadian Prime Minister
Maurice Bishop
Through this book, Thomas Sankara's thoughts,

aspirations, and ideals will remain continuing to
alive,
inspire and challenge generations of Africans and
others. ... *
Margaret Novicki
editor, Africa Report
PATHFINDER ISBN 0-A73 4A-5Eb-a l

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i >

DT 555.83 .S26 S3 1988

18826252 NEWCxc 88-61821

\ Translated by Samantha Anderson

Copyright © 1988 by Pathfinder Press

i First edition, 1988

Cover photo: J. Langevin/Sygma

On October 15, 1987, Thomas Sankara, the thirty-seven-year-old

perialist statements and to urge the people of Upper Volta to organize

ter and placed under arrest by these elements.

riages, the bride price, and female circumcision.

Cuban Communist Party Political Bureau, in his speech at the cere-

of the Sandinista National Liberation Front and the tenth anniversary

The under which speeches and interviews appear were cho-

sen by the editor. A small number of footnotes have been added to

would not have been possible without the invaluable assistance of

Liberation Front of Nicaragua; David Gakunzi, editor of the Paris

November 25 Coup by army chief of staff Col. Saye Zerbo ousts

ryan and Jean-Baptiste OuSdraogo. Sankara, Lin-

February 10-12 Rawlings makes official visit to Ouagadougou.

June 23 Sankara begins lengthy trip through Africa; visits

lasts until December 1985.

Burkinabe under age fifteen against meningitis,

January 3 Sankara releases Malian prisoners of war.

February-April Alpha Commando campaign, conducted in

Thomas Sankara spoke to a rally of several thousand people in

Thank you for having gathered here at this January 3 Square. I

I congratulate you for show those who disparage us, in-

erty and democracy.

But who are these enemies of the people?

in town and country alike. These enemies from abroad — neo-

tyrannize us in the area of diplomatic matters, we say no! We are free

through dictatorships and police operations against their people. We

They call us communists to frighten the people. They accuse us of

should affirm together:

1. Approximately 250 CFA francs equaled one U.S. dollar in 1983.

On May 17, 1983, Sankara, Jean-Baptiste Lingani, and others

People of Upper Volta!

by patriotism, decided to sweep away this unpopular regime — a

Today, August 4, 1983, the patriotic and progressive soldiers,

People of Upper Volta! The National Council of the Revolution

Long live the Voltaic people!

On August 21, 1983, Sankara gave his first news conference as

Question: Mr. President, August 4 is seen by certain people as an

Thomas Sankara: I, too, have heard this explanation. You have to

Question: Mr. President, is the National Council of the Revolu-

tion of the People (CSP)?

Question: Mr. President, in a meeting you had with journalists

Question: Mr. President, when the CSP came to power on

Let me you that November 7 has a complex history, full of

details. November 7 gave birth to an extremely heterogeneous re-

gime with many components and inevitable contradictions. My com-

ahead on November 7. Curiously, we were only in Ouagadougou by

National Progress (CMRPN). 1

were disappointed to see other Third Republic elements freed. You

I know that the media repeated this information, thus condemning

Question: Mr. President, coming back to one of your earlier an-

assertion that military personnel should no longer be involved in

men should no longer be involved in politics, so they placed them

POWER MUST BE CONQUERED 29