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EARLY MODERN LITERATURE IN HISTORY

Games and Gaming

in Early Modern Drama
Stakes and Hazards
Caroline Baird
Early Modern Literature in History

Series Editors
Cedric C. Brown
Department of English
University of Reading
Reading, UK

Andrew Hadfield
School of English
University of Sussex
Brighton, UK
Within the period 1520–1740, this large, long-running series, with
international representation discusses many kinds of writing, both within
and outside the established canon. The volumes may employ different
theoretical perspectives, but they share an historical awareness and an
interest in seeing their texts in lively negotiation with their own and
successive cultures.

Editorial Board Members

Sharon Achinstein, John Hopkins University, USA
John Kerrigan, University of Cambridge, UK
Richard C McCoy, Columbia University, USA
Jean Howard, Columbia University, USA
Adam Smyth, University of Oxford, UK
Cathy Shrank, University of Sheffield, UK
Michelle O'Callaghan, University of Reading, UK
Steven Zwicker, Washington University, USA
Katie Larson, University of Toronto, Canada

More information about this series at

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 Caroline Baird

Games and Gaming

in Early Modern
Drama
Stakes and Hazards
Caroline Baird
Oxfordshire, UK

ISSN 2634-5919         ISSN 2634-5927 (electronic)

Early Modern Literature in History
ISBN 978-3-030-50856-2    ISBN 978-3-030-50857-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50857-9

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2020

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
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microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
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Cover illustration: From a painting held by the Louvre: Georges de la Tour, Le Tricheur à
l’as de carreau [The Cheat with the Ace of Diamonds], 1635–1638 (detail of the hands
and cards of the young man) / The Picture Art Collection / Alamy Stock Photo.

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Acknowledgements

I am grateful to many people who have made possible my original idea of

writing about games in early modern drama.
I would like, first, to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council
and the University of Reading for their joint funding of my PhD research
on which this book is based. The University of Reading was a supportive
environment in which to work and I am keen to thank Dr. Mark Hutchings
for all his help and encouragement, as well as for his early conviction that
the material could lead to a book.
More recently, I am grateful to Eileen Srebernik, Editor of Literature,
Theatre and Performance at Palgrave Macmillan for seeing the project’s
potential contribution to their Early Modern Literature in History
series, and to series editor, Professor Cedric Brown, who has been criti-
cally important to its completion. I have been privileged to have had his
expert editorial suggestions and the book has undoubtedly benefited from
his knowledge and expertise. I would like to thank, too, the peer reviewers
for the time they took to read the manuscript in difficult times. The book
is improved by their criticisms and thoughtful feedback. I would also like
to thank editorial assistant Jack Heeney and everyone at Palgrave
Macmillan and Springer Nature from cover designers to copyeditors who
have all worked seamlessly and apparently effortlessly during a period of
international lockdown.
I must also acknowledge the debt owed to the museums, libraries and
many invaluable electronic resources I have consulted, particularly Early
English Books Online (EEBO), as well as to the game historians on whose
work I have relied. And for their help with illustrations I thank the

v
vi Acknowledgements

curators of the Derby Collection, Knowsley Hall, and archivists of the

Manuscripts and Special Collections at the University of Nottingham.
Finally, I could never have made it to the end of this journey without
the emotional support of my friends and family, particularly Keith and my
beautiful, kind and hard-working daughters Nicky and Fiona of whose
own achievements I am very proud.
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 Contents

1 Introduction  1

2 Games in Early Modern Culture 21

3 DICE: The Roll/Role of Chance and Luck 75

4 CARDS: Face Cards, Rules and Secrecy115

5 TABLES: Backgammon and Race Games between

the Sexes161

6 CHESS: War, Harmony, Sex and Politics203

7 Conclusion249

Appendix A: Inset Games261


Appendix B: Game References by Dramatist
(those with ‘inset’ games in bold)267

Index273

vii
 Abbreviations and Conventions

edn edition
f., ff. folio, folios
OED Oxford English Dictionary (online)
Q Quarto
n. note
sd stage direction
st. stanza
SEL Studies in English Literature 1500–1900
trans. translated

Capitalisation
Due to the unusual names of some of the games discussed, and to avoid confusion
arising from the period’s name for modern-day Backgammon, ‘Tables’, the names
of all games are capitalised.

Spelling
The spelling of historical texts follows the relevant source text. Modern spellings
are used where modern editions are used.

ix
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Three astragali or bone gaming pieces from c. 1550–1458 BC,
Thebes, Upper Egypt, excavated 1915–1916. Metropolitan
Museum of Art, New York, 16.10.505a–c 24
Fig. 2.2 Game of Hounds and Jackals, c. 1814–1805 B.C. (Ebony and
ivory). Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 26.7.1287a–k 25
Fig. 2.3 Francis Willughby’s drawing of a playing card cut in a triangle
to form a match. Mi LM 14 (f. 52). By kind permission of
Manuscripts and Special Collections, University of Nottingham 34
Fig. 2.4 Title page of The bloody Game at Cards, 1643. © British Library
Board, E.246.(11) 43
Fig. 2.5 French King of Diamonds ‘Julius cézar’, c.1480, Jean de Dale,
Reserve KH-30 (1,2)-FOL. By kind permission of Bibliothèque
National de France / Estampes et photographie 58
Fig. 2.6 Leonardo da Vinci, Vitruvian Man (1492). Web Gallery of Art 63
Fig. 2.7 William Garrard, The Arte of Warre (1591), 200. RB 59154,
The Huntington Library, San Marino, California 64
Fig. 4.1 Willughby’s drawing of a Noddie Board, Mi LM 14 (f. 67).
Manuscripts and Special Collections, University of Nottingham 132
Fig. 4.2 James Sayers, The Battle of the Clubs or the Game of Beat Knave
out of Doors, 1792. Yale University Library, 7927378 134
Fig. 4.3 Detail (final panel) of Frontispiece to Charles Cotton, The
Compleat Gamester (London, 1674), RB 120898, The
Huntington Library, San Marino, California 136
Fig. 4.4 Four Elizabethan Noblemen playing Primero by an artist in the
circle of The Master of The Countess of Warwick, 1560–62. Oil
on panel. (Image courtesy of The Right Hon. The Earl of
Derby, 2020) 147

xi
xii List of Figures

Fig. 5.1 Circle of Lucas van Leyden (1494–1533), The Backgammon-

players; oil on panel. Rijksbureau voor kunsthistorische
Documentatie, Den Haag, entry 0000062042. ©Auktionshaus
im Kinsky, GmbH, Vienna 163
Fig. 5.2 Frontispiece of The Lamentable and Trve Tragedy of Master
Arden of Feversham in Kent (London: Printed by Eliz. Allde,
1633). RB56201, The Huntington Library, San Marino,
California194
Fig. 6.1 Title page of Arthur Saul’s The famous game of Chesse-play
(1614). RB 69227 Huntington Library, San Marino, California 212
Fig. 6.2 Title page of Middleton’s A Game at Chaess, Q1 (1625),
063940 © British Library Board 230
Fig. 6.3 Title page of A Game at Chesse (1625) STC 17884. RB 28125
The Huntington Library, San Marino, California 231
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

But in the contest, e’re the pass be won,

Hazzards are many into which they run.
Thus whilst we play on this Terrestrial Stage,
Nothing but Hazzard doth attend each age.1

Today we are so accustomed to gaming metaphors that they have become

almost invisible or ‘silent’. Speech formulas such as ‘restacking the deck’
or ‘shuffling the pack’, ‘playing by the rules’ or ‘playing one’s cards close
to one’s chest’, ‘trump cards’, ‘wild cards’, ‘aces up one’s sleeve’, ‘geopo-
litical pawns’, ‘political dice’ and ‘reaching the endgame’ are part of our
everyday language. As George Lakoff and Mark Johnson put it, ‘we struc-
ture our experience consciously and unconsciously by means of metaphor’,
and these metaphors shape our understanding of life as a competition.2
Such familiarity perhaps explains the limited academic analysis of the role

1
Charles Cotton, The Compleat Gamester (1674) in Games and Gamesters of the Restoration,
ed. Cyril Hughes Hartmann (London: Routledge, 1930), xx–114 (xxi). Sections of The
Compleat Gamester are lifted almost verbatim from John Cotgrave’s Wits interpreter, The
English Parnassus (London, printed for N. Brooke, 1655).
2
George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, Metaphors We Live By (London: University of Chicago
Press, 1980), 157.

© The Author(s) 2020 1

C. Baird, Games and Gaming in Early Modern Drama, Early
Modern Literature in History,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50857-9_1
2 C. BAIRD

of game metaphors in the drama of the early modern period, but this
needs to be addressed because it was a time when the idiom was novel,
exciting and, by any standards, profuse. Over eighty of the extant plays of
the Elizabethan and Jacobean playhouse mention specific games, with
twenty-four dramatizing the setting up or actual progress of a game of
dice, cards, Tables or Chess, with characters on stage actively involved in
the pursuit. Both in their mutual requirement for ‘players’, and in terms of
performance, deceit, plotting, risk and chance, games and theatre share
much common ground. Moreover, because audiences in the early modern
playhouses sat or stood in a complete circuit all around the stage, such an
inclusive, three-dimensional gathering of playgoers created particularly apt
conditions for vicarious play.
In the hands of the dramatists, games perform in more complex ways
than simply through metaphor. With a taxonomic methodology this book
closely examines the games played by character-gamesters in fifteen plays
by more than ten early modern dramatists as well as unpicking many more
subtle passing gaming references in further plays. It finds games can be
sophisticated syntheses of emblem and dramatic device which illuminate
the stakes and hazards of early modern life. Johan Huizinga’s Homo
Ludens, a seminal work on the play-element in culture, demonstrates that
‘the great archetypal activities of human society are all permeated with
play from the start’, albeit with a sometimes ‘hazy border between play
and seriousness’.3 Conversely games have features which ably illustrate
society’s commonplace—and not so commonplace—games, from the
romantic chase to the financial gamble and legal contest, and even war.
Games are not merely decorative additions to pad out a scene or add
local colour; they are deeply embedded in the dramatic structure and
become plot-defining, with the moment of gaming occurring at a crucial
juncture and reflected throughout. The choice of game is deliberate and
in a great many instances I have found a marked congruence between the
form of game and the action of a play so that the entire play is, in essence,
an extension of the chosen game. Researching the games played in early
modern England reveals the creative impetus they provide and advances
the study of the period’s dramaturgy.
The ludic and competitive milieu of the early modern period cannot be
doubted. From bowling and the attractions of cockfighting and

3
Johan Huizinga, Homo Ludens: A Study of the Play Element in Culture (Boston, MA:
Beacon Press, 1950), 4.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

bear-­baiting, to courtly after-dinner conversation games, such as the game

of forming in words a perfect courtier described in Castiglione’s Book of
the Courtier (1528), games were everywhere. Table games—dice, cards
and the board game, Tables, now known as Backgammon—were played
by all ranks and ages and in many cases games became regarded as social
accomplishments, or ‘citty artes’.4 Tavern gaming became a regular fea-
ture of London life and though England was one of the last of the
European nations to be seduced by card playing, card games became an
‘almost essential part of Christmas revelry’ and a favourite pastime of mas-
ter and servant alike.5 Even Chess, though notable, as H.J.R. Murray says,
for ‘the completeness of its conquest of the leisured classes’, and often
labelled a ‘royal’ game, was, from the Middle Ages, also played by lower
social classes.6 They could purchase cheaper sets made from bone, horse-
teeth or wood, rather than ivory or rock crystal.7
The pervasiveness of this ludic culture is reflected in the drama as early
modern dramatists frequently liken life, both its ‘hazzards’ and its plea-
sures, to various games, just as Charles Cotton does in the explanatory
stanzas to the frontispiece of his treatise, The Compleat Gamester (1674),
one of which is quoted above. Gaming pieces metamorphose into people
and vice-versa as characters slip seamlessly between life and game. Hazard
is a word rich in meaning in the early modern period. It means something
staked when an enraged Hotspur, recognising the danger of disobedience,
threatens to go after King Henry IV and refuse to send on his prisoners: ‘I
will after straight/And tell him so, for I will ease my heart/Albeit I make
a hazard of my head’ (1 Henry IV, 1.3.125–27).8 Etymologically the word
signals gaming. It is a borrowing from the old French, asard, itself bor-
rowed, via the Spanish gambling game azar, from the Arabic al-zahr, ‘the
dice’, and in early modern England ‘Hazard’ was the name of a
particularly bewitching game played with two dice.9 It also meant danger,

4
George Chapman, All Fooles, 1.1.219 in All Fooles and The Gentleman Usher, ed. Thomas
M. Parrott (London: D.C. Heath, 1907).
5
See W. Gurney Benham, Playing Cards and their History and Secrets (Colchester: Ward,
Lock, 1931), 10, 26.
6
H.J.R. Murray, A History of Chess (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1913), 428.
7
Serina Patterson, ‘Introduction: Setting up the Board’ in Serina Patterson, ed., Games
and Gaming in Medieval Literature (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015), 2.
8
Shakespeare, Henry IV, Part 1, ed. David Scott Kastan (London: Arden Shakespeare, 2002).
9
The OED gives ‘A gambling game with two dice’ as the first definition of ‘hazard’, n.
and adj.
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4 C. BAIRD

risk of loss or harm, and chance or accident, with ‘chance’ the name of the
caster’s throw in the game of Hazard.10 In addition the holes of the
billiard-­table, to which the lines above nominally refer, were called ‘haz-
ards’, as were the openings or galleries of a tennis court into which
Shakespeare’s Henry V so memorably says he will strike the French King’s
crown when presented with the insulting gift of a tun of tennis balls.11 As
a verb, it could mean to stake or wager something, to expose something
or oneself to danger, to venture, or to get something by chance. Through
wordplay, amalgams of the various meanings can of course be implied by
a single use, and, as M.M. Mahood said many years ago, ‘wordplay was a
game the Elizabethans played seriously’.12 In the drama, imagery of the
allure and danger of gaming and its stakes is never far away and we will see
how, in order to show themselves gamesters, our protagonists need, in the
words of one of Robert Daborne’s pirates, ‘bellies full of hazard’.13
Ironically, it is from the attempts at their prohibition that we first learn
of games and the playhouse was frequently linked with gaming, particu-
larly dicing, in declamatory tracts of the period, with both equally con-
demned. In consequence, at the most basic level, reference to a game is a
clear signal of error, wrong-doing or over-reaching of some kind. Nigel
Pennick considers that the many prohibition attempts were ‘a tacit recog-
nition that such games were more than mere diversions, having supernatu-
ral connotations’.14 The frisson derived from the origins in divination,
astrology and sacred geometry is thought likely to have contributed to the
popularity of table games.15 Few people today ponder the reason for the
fifty-two card deck, the number of spots or ‘pips’, as they were termed, of
a die (opposite sides always making seven), or the thirty men and twenty-­
four points of a backgammon board, twelve per ‘table’. But none of this is
haphazard, symbolising respectively the weeks in a year, the days in a week,
the days in a month, the hours in a day and months in a year.

See Cotton, Compleat Gamester, 82–3.

10

Shakespeare, King Henry V, ed. T.W. Craik [1995] (London: Bloomsbury, 2009): ‘We
11

will in France, by God’s grace, play a set/Shall strike his father’s crown into the hazard’
(1.2.263–4).
12
M.M. Mahood, Shakespeare’s Wordplay (London: Routledge, 1957), 9.
13
Robert Daborne, A Christian Turned Turk, in Three Turk Plays from Early Modern
England, ed. Daniel J. Vitkus (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 1.17–18.
14
Nigel Pennick, Games of the Gods: The Origin of Board Games in Magic and Divination
(London: Rider, 1988), 230.
15
Ibid., 144.
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

The combined features of games, for example the cosmic symbolism

mentioned above, the physical phenomena (such as the ‘faces’ and ‘hearts’
of playing cards), their methodology, rules and above all their oppositional
principles, make games potent allegorical devices. Moreover, when Chess
and Tables reached southern Europe it was by the names of their pieces—
their ‘men’—that they were known.16 Chess, or scacci, meant ‘chessmen’.17
Tables, or tabulae, meant ‘tablemen’. Terms such as the ‘home’ table
(Latin domus) and ‘coat cards’ reinforced the human parallel. Connecting
this personification of the pieces with the symbolism it becomes clear how
games were considered microcosms of our world, and why the analogy
came to be exploited by poets and preachers alike. We can thus understand
the Rabelaisian concept of a living Chess ballet, as described in Les Faicts
et dicts héroiques du bon Pantagruel [Heroic deeds and sayings of the great
Pantagruel].18 This notion of ‘living games’ was ingrained in the early
modern psyche.
There has been little in-depth appreciation of the role of games in plays.
In 1947 Paul Brewster produced an alphabetical list of no fewer than
sixty-three games and sports mentioned in sixteenth- and seventeenth-­
century English literature; pastimes which ranged from ‘the courtly
Quintain to the more rustic More Sacks to the Mill, card games and mar-
ble games, hiding games and games of chase’.19 The majority of references
were found in plays, Brewster noting that most made allusion to at least
one game or diversion, and more often to several.20 His survey, supple-
mented by my own research, underpins the appendices to this book. The
1950s saw two journal contributions on the feature of staged game scenes.
Joseph McCullen’s brief survey of seventeen of these plays written between
1550 and 1635 observes that ‘games of cards, chess, dice and backgam-
mon […] are employed for both serious and comic effects’ and ‘became a

16
Murray, A History of Board-Games other than Chess (New York: Hacker Art Books,
1978), 25.
17
All names for Chess evolve from the Persian word for king: ‘shah’. See Murray, Chess, 26.
18
François Rabelais, ‘Le cinquiesme et dernier livre des faicts et dicts héroiques du bon
Pantagruel’, chapitres 23–24, François Rabelais: Oeuvres Complètes, ed. Mireille Huchon
([Paris]: Editions Gallimard, 1994).
19
Paul G. Brewster, ‘Games and Sports in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century English
Literature’, Western Folklore, 6/2 (1947), 143–156 (143).
20
Ibid., 143.
6 C. BAIRD

noteworthy dramatic convention’.21 Delmar Solem, who provides a brief

explanation of the playing method of Tables and its peculiar terms, ‘hit-
ting a blot’ and ‘bearing’, and that of the dice games Hazard and
Mumchance, and card games Primero and Gleek, questions whether any
dramatic or staging conventions can be identified and concludes simply
that ‘Chess is used conventionally with love scenes’, and ‘Dicing accompa-
nies gambling, and the participants conventionally represent the gentle-
men of the town, the social norm’.22
More scholars now appear to be drawn to the phenomenon. Jean-­
Claude Mailhol has argued that dice are a particularly recurrent feature in
domestic tragedy where the game motif decks itself with ‘une dimension
esthétique’ absent in the early moralities.23 Like Mailhol, Kevin Chovanec
discusses A Yorkshire Tragedy (1608) in his work on the evocation of the
occult in references to dice.24 Chovanec writes in a very recent collection
of essays on game playing in art and literature which aims to show how
games, ‘played, written about, illustrated, and collected functioned as
metaphors for a host of broader cultural issues’.25 The essays also examine
the wagers in Shakespeare’s plays, and some outdoor games such as
Prisoner’s Base and tennis, but the chief focus is the iconography of art
forms from paintings to architecture, reflecting the art history background
of its editor, Robin O’Bryan. In a doctoral thesis Lisa Martinez Lajous
explores the cultural practice of profiting from chance, as reflected in both
drama and historical events.26 Gina Bloom is the most active scholar

21
Joseph T. McCullen, Jr., ‘The Use of Parlor and Tavern Games in Elizabethan and Early
Stuart Drama’, Modern Language Quarterly, 14 (1953), 7–14 (7).
22
Delmar E. Solem, ‘Some Elizabethan Game Scenes’, Educational Theatre Journal, 6/1
(1954), 15–21 (21).
23
Jean-Claude Mailhol, ‘L’Esthétique du jeu cruel dans la tragédie domestique élisabé-
thaine et jacobéenne’, Actes des congrès de la Société Française Shakespeare, 23 (2005),
91–107 (107).
24
Kevin Chovanec, ‘“Now if the devil have bones,/These dice are made of his”: Dice
Games on the English Stage in the Seventeenth Century’ in Robin O’Bryan, ed., Games and
Game Playing in European Art and Literature, 16th–17th Centuries (Amsterdam: Amsterdam
University Press, 2019), 139–156.
25
O’Bryan, ed., Introduction, Games and Game Playing, 17–71 (24).
26
Lisa Martinez Lajous, ‘Playing for Profit: The Legitimacy of Gaming and the Early
Modern Theater’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 2007). See also
Daniel Paul Timbrell, ‘“When I am in game, I am furious”: Gaming and Sexual Conquest in
Early Modern Drama’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Southern
Queensland, 2010).
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

­ orking in this field today. Her discussion of the game scenes in Arden of
w
Faversham and A Woman Killed with Kindness was published in 2012 and
2013 and on Chess in The Tempest in 2016.27 Late in the course of my own
enquiry, in summer 2018, these became part of Bloom’s own book,
Gaming the Stage: Playable Media and the Rise of English Commercial
Theater, in which she argues that ‘gamification enabled the early modern
commercial stage to compete with more overtly interactive forms of enter-
tainment, such as blood sports and festive games’.28 As her title indicates,
she considers theatre ‘playable media’, a term she explains, borrowed from
games studies scholar Noah Wardrip-Fruin, who employs it, as she does,
‘to highlight the crucial role of audience-users in defining what counts as
a game’.29 Her investigations come ‘full circle’ in her Epilogue on com-
puter gaming, which she considers is ‘deeply indebted to theatrical con-
cepts’.30 Bloom approaches the topic from the viewpoint of participatory
spectatorship and looks at scenes of cards, Backgammon and Chess but
does not consider dicing. She analyses half a dozen scenes of gameplay and
suggests that these ‘cameo appearances’ foreground how plays ‘engage
spectators by cuing their desire to play’.31 Her argument is that the formal
structure of a game develops particular competencies in a game’s players
and spectators, but when such games were staged in theatres, audiences,
being at some distance, could not participate in ways to which they were
accustomed. She feels that by preventing spectators from seeing the actual
board, or cards, such scenes ‘encourage audiences to know by feeling’,
experiencing the game ‘in ways that differ considerably from the game’s
onstage players’.32 As I do, she finds games occurring at climactic moments,
and notes how, in the case of Two Angry Women of Abington, the whole
play becomes a game. She reasons that ‘theater—like friendship,

27
Gina Bloom, ‘Games’, Early Modern Theatricality, ed. Henry S. Turner (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2013), 189–211; ‘“My feet see better than my eyes”: Spatial Mastery and
the Game of Masculinity in Arden of Faversham’s Amphitheatre’, Theatre Survey, 53/1
(2012), 5–28; ‘Time to Cheat: Chess and The Tempest’s Performative History of Dynastic
Marriage’, The Oxford Handbook of Shakespeare and Embodiment: Gender, Sexuality and
Race, ed. Valerie Traub (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 419–434.
28
Bloom, Gaming the Stage: Playable Media and the Rise of English Commercial Theater
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2018), 146.
29
Ibid., 6.
30
Ibid., 21.
31
Ibid., 6.
32
Ibid., 7, 8.
8 C. BAIRD

courtship, and marriage—can be envisioned as a game of imperfect infor-

mation played between its producers (dramatists, actors, etc.) and
audiences’.33
A clear view of the game board, or of the exact piece a player touches,
or the ability to see what cards a gamester holds, or draws, is not impor-
tant, however. The audiences of early modern playhouses were uniquely
engaged in the action on stage by their viewing position, encircling the
character-gamesters on stage, almost as if they are gamesters themselves,
with all details about the progress of the game supplied by the dialogue.
Michael Scham cites from the Prologue to Novelas ejemplares (1613) in
which Cervantes invites readers to partake in his stories as players in a
game with the analogy: ‘my purpose has been to place in the square of our
republic a billiards table where each can go to entertain himself’ [‘mi
intento ha sido poner en la plaza de nuestra república une mesa de trucos,
donde cada uno pueda llegar a entretenerse’].34 Early modern English
dramatists likewise expected active imagination from their audiences. In
the Prologue to King Henry V (1599) the Chorus asks us to imagine ‘a
kingdom for a stage, princes to act’ (Prol. 3), and to:

Piece out our imperfections with your thoughts.

Into a thousand parts divide one man
And make imaginary puissance.
Think, when we talk of horses, that you see them
Printing their proud hoofs i’th’ receiving earth.
For ’tis your thoughts that now must deck our kings. (Prol. 23–8)

Louis Montrose suggests that it is this Prologue with its insistence on the
audience’s imagination that makes ‘perhaps the most explicit Shakespearean
appeal to the contractual relationship between playwright, players, and
audience in the production of theatrical illusion’.35 As Scham’s title, Lector
Ludens, suggests, we need to be not just imaginative but ludic readers and
play along. Such a mode of reading is enlightening across genres, as will be
seen from the tragedies I include.

Ibid., 18.
33

Miguel de Cervantes cited in Michael Scham, Lector Ludens: The Representation of Games
34

and Play in Cervantes (London: University of Toronto Press, 2014), 3.

35
Louis Montrose, The Purpose of Playing: Shakespeare and the Cultural Politics of the
Elizabethan Theatre (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 82.
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

To appreciate fully how games work, it is necessary to spend time con-

necting the language in the plot and the terminology of gaming. Close
readings repay attention as seemingly innocuous references yield intrigu-
ing insights. In terms of the published editions of plays, with the exception
of the Chess games in The Tempest (1611), Women Beware Women (1621)
and particularly A Game at Chess (1624), on which there is extensive criti-
cism, there is a distinct lacuna in respect of any meaningful discussion on
games and their relevance. Considerably more attention is paid, for
instance, to animal, hunting or religious imagery. Editorial glosses seldom
fail to comment that a game’s name, or its terminology, is exploited for
sexual innuendo, and sometimes brief information is offered about a par-
ticular game, citing the OED or David Parlett, but it is more usual for the
glosses to mention merely that the game was very fashionable.36 Even the
most recent editor of A Woman Killed with Kindness (1603), Margaret
Kidnie, whilst clearly adding to scholarship in other areas, pays little atten-
tion to the lengthy scene of card play.37 Her glosses in relation to the scene
in which the Frankfords and their guests sit down after the evening meal
and prepare to play at cards, although more extensive than some, can be
questioned and do not add substantially to previous editorial information
or Keith Sturgess’s comment, which she cites, that:

The card game is a masterpiece of sustained metaphor as the fact and proof
of Anne’s infidelity are conveyed to Frankford through the unerring choice
by each character of the meaningful pun. The pairing of Wendoll and Anne
against Frankford is an image of the larger truth.38

The purpose of games in what Sturgess calls a ‘theatrically brilliant scene’

has been under-appreciated by all previous commentators, as I hope to
show.39 Similarly, the significance of the identification of Primero, a char-
acter in Thomas Middleton’s Your Five Gallants (1607), with one of the
most popular card games of the era has been insufficiently recognised.
Ralph Alan Cohen’s gloss relates that the gallant is ‘named after a popular
card game’ and notes that ‘the gallants and their whores move in pairs to

36
David Parlett, The Oxford Guide to Card Games (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990).
37
Margaret Jane Kidnie, ed., A Woman Killed with Kindness by Thomas Heywood (London:
Bloomsbury, 2017).
38
Ibid., 203, citing Three Elizabethan Domestic Tragedies, ed. Keith Sturgess (London:
Penguin, 2012), 45.
39
Sturgess, ed., Three Elizabethan Domestic Tragedies, 45.
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