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BARRATT_LOBATTO Prelims_Kogan 1st proofs test8"?0B 14/07/2016 09:28 Page i
CHAPTER TITLE I
SURVIVING AND
THRIVING IN CARE
AND BEYOND
Personal and
Professional Perspectives
edited by
Copyright © 2016 to Sara Barratt and Wendy Lobatto for the edited
collection and to the individual authors for their contributions.
CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ix
INTRODUCTION xxiii
PART I
OVERVIEW OF THE SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND
CLINICAL CONTEXT FOR ALTERNATIVE FAMILY CARE
CHAPTER ONE
Family placement: continuity and discontinuity over time 3
John Simmonds
CHAPTER TWO
Working with professional systems 21
Wendy Lobatto
v
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vi CONTENTS
CHAPTER THREE
Approaches to working with foster carers and children 47
Sara Barratt, foster carers, and children
CHAPTER FOUR
Under our skins: developmental perspectives on trauma, 71
abuse, neglect, and resilience
Graham Music
PART II
EXAMPLES OF CLINICAL WORK
WITH CHILDREN AND YOUNG PEOPLE
CHAPTER FIVE
The journey to becoming a family 97
Adoptive parents with Sara Barratt
CHAPTER SIX
Working with vulnerability and resilience for separated 113
children seeking asylum: towards stories of hope
Gillian Hughes and Neil Rees
CHAPTER SEVEN
The best thing is the lunch! My friends! 135
Being with other people in the same situation!
Oh, and the slow walking! The Fostering, Adoption and
Kinship Care Team Children’s Group
Julia Granville
CHAPTER EIGHT
The strength to smile behind my mask 159
Chloe Charles
CHAPTER NINE
Helping children through working with their 169
adoptive parents
Sara Barratt
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CONTENTS vii
PART III
THE VOICES OF ADULTS WHO HAVE BEEN ADOPTED
OR EXPERIENCED THE CARE SYSTEM EITHER AS
CHILDREN OR AS THOSE WHO ARE CURRENTLY
PARENTING CHILDREN
CHAPTER TEN
The lived experience of transracial adoption 193
Perlita Harris
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Positioning and respectful professional interventions for 217
working with the legacy of Irish institutional care
Valerie O’Brien
CHAPTER TWELVE
Never too late 239
Janet, Mark Brownfield, and Sara Barratt
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
Co-creating a coherent story with adults who have been 255
fostered or adopted
Val Molloy
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
“It turns your whole world upside down . . . but still 271
it brings immense pleasure”: perspectives on kinship care
Julia Granville
INDEX 293
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BARRATT_LOBATTO Prelims_Kogan 1st proofs test8"?0B 14/07/2016 09:28 Page ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank Gwyn and Charlotte for their support and
patience during the development and fruition of this book. Particular
thanks also to Sally Hodges, who has been steadfastly supportive and
encouraging at times when we wondered if we would ever finish it.
Thanks to all the colleagues and trainees we have learnt from and
worked with in the Fostering, Adoption and Kinship Care, First Step,
and Tavistock Haringey Services.
For Sara, my thanks to my family, John, Daisy, Luke, Sam, Alex,
Vicky, Edith, Jimmy, and Eddie who have shown patience, tolerance,
encouragement, given ideas, read drafts, and shown me the impor-
tance of belonging.
For Wendy, my thanks to my children, Anna and Joe, who have
enabled me to find the mother in me and to Maureen, Stanley, Ralph,
and Diana who support me to work and use my creativity and my will
to make a difference.
Our thanks also to Mat Sparrowhawk, who designed the cover,
Agata Morgan for her illustrations, John and Kate Hills, Betty
Sheridan, Mike Napier, Sue Pearson, Eleanor Anderson, and other
friends, for suggestions, support, and stimulating and interesting
conversations. Thanks also to Jackie Kay and Bloodaxe Books for their
permission to publish extracts of Jackie’s poems.
ix
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x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We are very grateful to all who have contributed to this book, for
their hard work and patience. This book would not be possible with-
out the personal stories of adoptive parents, kinship and foster carers,
and children and young people who have shown so much openness
and generosity in telling their stories. Personal and clinical informa-
tion has been anonymised and, where appropriate, permission to use
material has been sought and granted.
Identifying information has been changed so that any resemblance
to a child or family is coincidental.
Finally, our thanks to you, our readers. We hope you find some-
thing of interest in this collection that will help you understand and
inspire you to go on.
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xi
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Val Molloy qualified as a social worker in 1972 and, after ten years
working with adults in the Criminal Justice system, changed direction
to work with a charity placing so called “hard to place” children for
BARRATT_LOBATTO Prelims_Kogan 1st proofs test8"?0B 14/07/2016 09:28 Page xiv
adoption. After a career break when her children were young, Val
returned to working with children and families in adoption and to
acting as an independent chair for adoption and fostering panels. The
last fifteen years of her working life were spent working with adults
who had grown up in adoptive families, or in care, and who wished
to access information from their childhood records. Val is now retired
but retains links with the agency in which she spent a good deal of her
working life.
This volume, edited by Sara Barratt and Wendy Lobatto, breaks new
ground in a practice area which calls out for an approach to deliver-
ing services to children, their families and carers which is collabora-
tive, which is integrated, and which holds systemic thinking at the
core. The editors have achieved the remarkable feat of producing a
volume that not only advocates these principles, but weaves them into
the book’s very texture.
The book comprises a series of contributions that are multi-
levelled, multi-vocal, and draw upon different modes of representa-
tion. Whether authored by practitioners or consumers of services,
they keep the perspectives of children and parents/carers at the centre.
The effect of foregrounding these voices is to enhance the emotional
impact for readers as we engage with the long term repercussions of
living within the “care system” and with the complexity of the
systems within which decisions are made and lives are lived. The
volume attends rigorously to many levels of context: from the chang-
ing political, social, and legal landscapes which frame the lives of
families and children and the positions taken by professionals, to the
intricacies of family interactions, and to the ways that early experi-
ences of deprivation, cruelty, abuse, and disruption are inscribed
xvii
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FOREWORD
Peter Fonagy
xix
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xx FOREWORD
FOREWORD xxi
who has escaped from a life-threatening situation, but has been thrust
into an environment that is far from their own choosing, to have. The
best way of representing this difficult situation is through narratives—
stories that those who have experienced one or other aspect of this
situation can tell.
This is what makes this book unique and, in the most aesthetic
sense of the word, beautiful. The stories are not pretty, but the deter-
mination of all the protagonists to put right what was so wrong, to
survive and thrive in the face of adversity, to confront the inconceiv-
ably cruel experiences and find imaginative and uplifting solutions,
gives one courage to carry on with this work. The options available
are best understood through individual examples, and the stories that
emerge from the pages are all moving and succeed where another
medium could only reveal selective aspects of the experience. Personal
experience is more persuasive than statistics, as many writers know. It
is these stories that will offer the reader a comprehensive picture of
the current state of the field of adoption and fostering better than any
number of government reports and research papers.
Everything that is presented here is real and, as the reader will find,
some issues raise significant problems to which, currently, we have no
solutions. None of the chapters is superfluous; each conveys one or
more messages that require our urgent attention. While some chapters
describe substantial achievements that have made the lives of children
and carers more productive and happier, others focus on elaborating
the depth of the problems from either a neurobiological or a social
standpoint. Some chapters that consider racial issues are particularly
painful, and the picture that the lifelong perspective offers is indeed
challenging. The legacy of institutional care has appalled—and contin-
ues to appal—many. Clearly, we are doing better than those running
children’s homes half a century ago, when sexual abuse was rife, but
evidently we are not doing well enough. Maybe we never will. This
book, however, is a landmark contribution creating a platform of hard-
won insight that, if conscientiously read, should make all those who
are part of the process of foster care and adoption better at what they
do—which is probably the most important thing that any of us can.
Peter Fonagy, PhD, FMedSci, FBA, OBE
Professor and Head, Research Department of Clinical,
Educational and Health Psychology, University College London;
Chief Executive, Anna Freud Centre, London.
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Introduction
This is a book about children who have to grow up apart from their
biological families, the impact of this on their lives and on those who
look after them, and how we can respond to the challenges this poses
in order that they can grow and develop in healthy directions.
We use a systemic framework to describe working with children
and adults who are or have been in care or adopted, and with their
adoptive parents and carers, highlighting their own narratives as well
as those of professionals working with them.
We have tried to make space for multiple voices to speak and
describe aspects of the care system and life beyond. There are contri-
butions from those who have been brought up away from their
biological families, their adoptive parents, and foster or kinship
carers. There are contributions from researchers and professionals
with expertise in working with children in substitute care, who will
describe their theoretical and clinical approaches, privileging the
voices of those with whom they work. We have been deeply influ-
enced by the people we have worked with over the years and hope
that this book gives a flavour of the remarkable ways which carers,
adoptive parents, and children have found in order to stay together
while in the presence of so much pain and loss, and the trust that they
xxiii
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xxiv INTRODUCTION
have to develop to be able to grow to love one another. This book will
bring their voices to the fore. We are also mindful of the position of
the biological parents who are not part of this work, their grief and
despair at the loss of their children and the yearning that they and
their children might be feeling for one another, no matter how much
they know that this might not be best for the children if they cannot
meet their children’s needs.
Sara’s voice
For the past fifteen years, following a lengthy career in social work, I
have been working both as team manager and family therapist at the
Fostering Adoption and Kinship Care team at the Tavistock &
Portman NHS Foundation Trust, a specialist CAMHS for children
who are not living in their biological families. I started working as a
trainee social worker in 1968 and, on qualifying in 1972, worked in a
generic team. At that time, the relationship between social workers,
children, and their families was considered important and I was able
to work with families in child protection, take children into care where
necessary, work with them in foster care, while also working with
their biological parents. I also assessed and selected adoptive families
and followed children through their journey towards adulthood. I
remember them very well and sometimes bump into young adults
who update me on their families because, for better or worse, for
many years I was an integral part of their lives. I was part of the Jane
Rowe and Lydia Lambert study which reported on decision-making
that led children to languish in foster care (Barratt, 2010; Rowe &
Lambert, 1973) and have seen many changes in the way social work-
ers are expected to work with families.
I have been privileged to work with children and their carers/
parents, and have learnt so much from them; in trusting me enough
to talk about their lives, they have greatly enriched my life. The inspi-
ration for this book came from many conversations with children who
have been separated from their birth families and brought up in
kinship, foster, or adoptive families.
In many years of work, both as a social worker and a family ther-
apist, I have realised that children who have been abused are very
unlikely either to have the language to describe their experiences or
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INTRODUCTION xxv
the confidence to let people know about life in their birth families.
Many years ago, as a social worker, I was working with a young
person who was subsequently in care and adopted. As there were
concerns about his safety, I took him out for a burger to talk to him
separately from his mother and stepfather. I was aware that he was
not safe at home and took him into care shortly after I started work-
ing with him and his family, but it was not until some three years later,
when he had been in care for two years and was living with his adop-
tive family, that he told me that he was badly beaten after I saw him
on his own. He was unable to talk about his life in his birth family
until he felt safe from further abuse. I learnt from him to be very care-
ful to pick up signals from children, to liaise closely with their schools,
and to try to understand what is happening by attuning myself to the
way parents talk about or to them, rather than seeing them alone or
asking them questions that it would be dangerous to answer.
More recently, when I have worked with adoptive parents whose
children start to display various signs of abuse some time into their
lives in the family, I am reminded that most children do not talk to
anyone about abuse they might have suffered until they start to feel
safe. This view is corroborated by Grayson Perry in the biography
written by Wendy Jones (2007), in which he describes a visit from the
NSPCC after he had told his grandmother of his stepfather’s violence
towards him. He describes his confusion when the social worker
arrived and spoke initially to him on his own. He goes on to describe
the family meeting in which she asked him in front of his stepfather,
who was abusive to him, whether he loved him. He says that he could
only say “Yes” because she would be leaving him with the person
who: “held the sword of Damocles hanging over me so I wasn’t going
to reply, ‘No! He’s an f…ing bastard! He’s a f…ing Bastard! The
woman was going to leave but I was going to have to go on living with
the old man’ ” (pp. 70–72).
In editing this book. we hope to show that children’s experiences
can be appreciated and made sense of despite the complicated nature
of their reality, not just in their biological families, but in their lives
going forward. We endeavour to show how children can move on to
positive developmental pathways through good and trusting rela-
tionships with carers, and that this can be a lifelong journey.
For many years, I have been involved in training family therapists
and one of my supervises during the 1990s was Wendy, also a social
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xxvi INTRODUCTION
worker, who later moved into working with children in the care
system and whom I asked to work with me on this book.
Wendy’s voice
Like Sara, I was also trained as a social worker, and then later as a
family therapist. Unlike Sara, I did not spend years working with chil-
dren and families in a context where relationships were understood as
key to positive change. By the 1990s, when I qualified, children’s social
work was taking a more bureaucratic and procedural shape. When I
was able, I was happy to move into therapeutic social work in a child
mental health context, which is where I have worked ever since.
By chance really, I was offered a promotion in a specialist child
mental health team for looked-after children in 2003, at a time when
the government was investing significantly in child mental health
services and new models of good practice were being developed. I
began to meet children, young people, foster carers, birth parents, and
social workers and to appreciate the complexity, struggles, and small
triumphs that mark the lives of those in the care system and those who
care for them. I was astonished, time and time again, at the selfless-
ness, courage, and determination of the adults involved in caring for
children and young people in care. At the same time, I was also struck
by the energy of those children and young people who are growing
and moving forward, despite enduring the bitterest of life’s pills, the
loss of their parents.
We have attempted to incorporate a variety of perspectives in
depicting a landscape of life in and after care to enable those who
work and live in this land to appreciate more of its features. We hope
that the reader will find this a rich and textured collection of writings,
which will hearten and support us in this varied and complex terrain.
INTRODUCTION xxvii
xxviii INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION xxix
xxx INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION xxxi
case examples to describe the issues that those applying for know-
ledge of their birth families come with and the pain and distress when
the responses are not those they hoped for. She also talks about their
criticism of the agency when their care experiences have not been
positive and her work in helping them with the fallout of their expe-
riences.
In Chapter Fourteen, “ ‘It turns your whole world upside down . . .
but still it brings immense pleasure’: perspectives on kinship care”,
Julia Granville describes her work, both in running a group and in her
clinical practice with kinship carers. She explores some of the issues
that arise in work with this client group, drawing on experience of
facilitating a support group for kinship carers over a number of years,
and includes interviews with four members of that group. The themes
are those of hard work, the relationship with the parents of the chil-
dren, and the poverty and lack of support from social care. This chap-
ter offers a fascinating account of how carers cope in this complex
position between their own families and statutory agencies.
We are very grateful to all the contributors who have added their
perspectives to our wide portrait of life in care and beyond. We have
reflected on how our own relationship, which began with Wendy’s
professional dependency under Sara’s supervision, and then devel-
oped over time into a collegial connection, mirrors the hopes of all of
us that children can find the parenting they need, despite the
complexity and difficulty of their lives, and take their social place in
time as functioning adults. In creating this volume, we have enjoyed
our collaborative debates from which we hope that we have produced
something of interest to you, our readers.
References
Barratt, S. (2010). Test of time: children who wait (1973), by Jane Rowe and
Lydia Lambert. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 15(4): 627–631.
Jones, W. (2007). Grayson Perry: Portrait of The Artist As a Young Girl.
London: Vintage Books.
Rowe, J., & Lambert, L. (1973). Children Who Wait: A Study of Children
Needing Substitute Families. London: Association of British Adoption
Agencies.
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CHAPTER TITLE 1
PART I
OVERVIEW OF THE SOCIAL,
POLITICAL, AND CLINICAL CONTEXT
FOR ALTERNATIVE FAMILY CARE
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BARRATT_LOBATTO Book_RoseShulnan 1st proofs 14/07/2016 11:55 Page 3
CHAPTER ONE
John Simmonds
3
BARRATT_LOBATTO Book_RoseShulnan 1st proofs 14/07/2016 11:55 Page 4
us? Well not really—my wife can turn out an excellent meal but like
many working families, this tends to be on special occasions rather
than Monday nights. And cooking was not something that his school
prized or encouraged at all.
“It might not come as a complete surprise to hear that his birth
mother was a cook. He knows this but I am not clear what this means
to him. Is this his way of staying in contact with her emotionally—he
hasn’t had any contact with her given he was adopted 18 years ago so
this does seem a bit far-fetched. Is this something that he has inher-
ited from her? This also seems a bit but not completely far-fetched. In
one way the explanation doesn’t really matter—he needs to fulfil his
own ambitions, build on his aptitudes and energise his motivations.
Who he takes after in this respect and where this comes from is inter-
esting and sometimes emotionally charged but if he ‘finds himself’
over the next few years, then that is what I want for him.”
thought about it, I can see why mealtimes are so stressful for
you”;
n the process of relating influences mental states: “I feel very upset
about what has just happened but maybe we can talk about it
when you have calmed down a bit to see if we can sort this out.”
to establish a plan for the child that ensures a family for life, estab-
lished in law. Working co-operatively in partnership should drive this
process for it to be effective but significant uncertainty might hang
over every aspect of it.
These issues have recently been explored by the Supreme Court in
a way that has had a profound impact on adoption. In Re B (A Child)
(2013) UKSC 33, the court was asked to consider the plans for a child
who had had been removed at birth and placed in foster care. The
parents had significant problems; the mother had suffered serious
abuse herself and was in a highly vulnerable position with a range of
psychological difficulties. She had spent time in prison. The father
also had a range of problems, including a series of criminal convic-
tions. He also had four other children in whom he had taken very little
interest. Because the child B had been removed at birth, she had not
suffered directly from her parents’ care or lack of it and, in fact, they
had been seen to be very caring of her during contact visits. The legal
threshold, therefore, was one of “likelihood of significant harm”,
a predictive evaluation based on the serious issues in the history of
the couple. The local authority’s plan was that the child should be
placed for adoption, but the experts who gave evidence differed in
their view of the plan for the child. One argument was that B should
be returned to her parents with a comprehensive package of safe-
guarding and support services, building on the positively observed
care of the parents during contact. The other was that the parents
did not accept their need for help and there was no evidence of their
capacity to co-operate with services that might be arranged—indeed,
quite the reverse. Lord Justice Rix in the prior Court of Appeal judg-
ment (B (A Child) [2012] EWCA Civ 1475) concluded:
I also wonder whether this case illustrates a powerful but also trou-
bling example of the state exercising its precautionary responsibilities
for a much loved child in the face of parenting whose unsatisfactory
nature lies not so much in the area of physical abuse but in the more
subjective area of moral and emotional risk.
1. The local authority and the courts taking the least interventionist
approach while continuing to support families and placing the
child at the centre of any decision.
2. Exploring all the feasible options: return home, placement with
extended family members or friends, foster care or adoption, and
demonstrating in evidence why they might or might not be in the
child’s best interests.
3. Identifying and providing those services which might be needed
to support the parents and family in rebuilding themselves to
adequately care for the child in the immediate and longer term.
These are sound principles, but the impact of the quoted case law
on the number of children with adoption as the plan in England has
been dramatic, with a fall of some 50% in the two years since the judg-
ment. It is difficult to predict whether this signifies a longer-term fall,
but the vulnerability of planning and decision-making in adoption is
clearly demonstrated in what has happened since these judgments.1
The legal framework sets out a powerful institutional response to
what is at the core a set of fundamental beliefs about human beings,
their survival, and the relationships and other processes that enable
this. It is also a powerful reminder of the complex role of the state. It
has a responsibility to be supportive of, and engaged with, individu-
als and families in providing safe and effective structures and services
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] Utica Observer, Sept. 16, 1879.
[2] Utica Observer, Sept. 16, 1879.
[3] New York World, Oct. 18, 1875.
[4] New York Herald October 26, 1877.
[5] Clarke’s Lives of the Deceased Bishops, vol. ii., pp. 111-112.
CHAPTER III.
THE GREAT COMMONER OF GEORGIA—SPEECH OF A. H. STEPHENS
—HENRY A. WISE OF ACCOMAC—HENRY WINTER DAVIS—HIS
CHARACTER—JOHN KELLY MEETS HIM IN DEBATE—KELLY’S
STANDING IN CONGRESS—HIS CHARACTER DESCRIBED BY
LEWIS CASS, BY A. H. STEPHENS, AND JAMES GORDON
BENNETT—THE ERA OF KNOW-NOTHINGISM—KELLY’S PART IN
ITS OVERTHROW.
The future historian of the United States, when he comes to treat
of that extraordinary movement in American politics called Know-
Nothingism, will not do justice to the subject unless he assigns the
post of honor in the work of its overthrow as a national organization
to Stephens of Georgia, Wise of Virginia, and Kelly of New York. A
glance at the great work accomplished by these three men is all that
can be attempted in this memoir.
“True Americanism,” said Alexander H. Stephens in his memorable
Anti-Know-Nothing contest in Georgia in 1855, “as I have learned it,
is like true Christianity—disciples in neither are confined to any
nation, clime or soil whatever. Americanism is not the product of the
soil; it springs not from the land or the ground; it is not of the earth,
or earthy; it emanates from the head and the heart; it looks upward,
and onward and outward; its life and soul are those grand ideas of
government which characterize our institutions, and distinguish us
from all other people; and there are no two features in our system
which so signally distinguish us from all other nations as free
toleration of religion and the doctrine of expatriation—the right of a
man to throw off his allegiance to any and every other State, prince
or potentate whatsoever, and by naturalization to be incorporated as
a citizen into our body politic. Both these principles are specially
provided for and firmly established in our Constitution. But these
American ideas which were proclaimed in 1789 by our ‘sires of ’76’
are by their ‘sons’ at this day derided and scoffed at. We are now
told that ‘naturalization’ is a ‘humbug,’ and that it is an impossibility.
So did not our fathers think. This ‘humbug’ and ‘impossibility’ they
planted in the Constitution; and a vindication of the same principle
was one of the causes of our second war of independence. Let no
man, then, barely because he was born in America, presume to be
imbued with real and true ‘Americanism,’ who either ignores the
direct and positive obligations of the Constitution, or ignores this,
one of its most striking characteristics. An Irishman, a Frenchman, a
German, or Russian, can be as thoroughly American as if he had
been born within the walls of the old Independence Hall itself. Which
was the ‘true American,’ Arnold or Hamilton? The one was a native,
the other an adopted son.”[6]
Mr. Stephens had declined to be a candidate for Congress in 1855,
and the Know-Nothings taunted him with cowardice, because, they
said, if he should run he knew he was doomed to defeat. His letter
on Know-Nothingism to Judge Thomas, from which the preceding
extract is quoted, was denounced furiously by the Know-Nothings,
who loudly predicted that the letter would prove to be his political
winding-sheet. These taunts were published throughout the country,
and induced Mr. Stephens to change his mind, and re-enter the field
as a candidate for the Thirty-fourth Congress. In a speech at
Augusta, Georgia, in which he announced this purpose, he said: “I
have heard that it has been said that I declined being a candidate,
because a majority of the district were Know-Nothings, and I was
afraid of being beaten. Now, to all men who entertain any such
opinion of me, I wish to say that I was influenced by no such
motive. I am afraid of nothing on earth, or above the earth, or under
the earth, except to do wrong—the path of duty I shall ever
endeavor to travel, ‘fearing no evil,’ and dreading no consequences.
Let time-servers, and those whose whole object is to see and find
out which way the popular current for the day and hour runs, that
they may float upon it, fear or dread defeat if they please. I would
rather be defeated in a good cause than to triumph in a bad one. I
would not give a fig for a man who would shrink from the discharge
of duty for fear of defeat. All is not gold that glitters, and there is no
telling the pure from the base until it is submitted to the fiery ordeal
of the crucible and the furnace. The best test of a man’s integrity
and the soundness of his principles is the furnace of popular opinion,
and the hotter the furnace the better the test. I have traveled from a
distant part of the State, where I first heard these floating taunts of
fear—as coming from this district—for the sole and express purpose
of announcing to you, one and all, and in this most public way to
announce to the other counties, without distinction of party, that I
am again a candidate for Congress in this district. The
announcement I now make. My name is hereby presented to the
district; not by any convention under a majority or a two-third rule—
but by myself.
“I know, fellow-citizens, that many of you differ with me upon
those exciting questions which are now dividing—and most
unhappily, too, as I conceive—dividing our people. It is easy to join
the shouts of the multitude, but it is hard to say to a multitude that
they are wrong. I would be willing to go into one of your Know-
Nothing lodges or councils, where every man would be against me,
if I could be admitted without first having to put myself under
obligations never to tell what occurred therein, and there speak the
same sentiments that I shall utter here this night. Bear with me,
then, while I proceed.[7] It is to exhibit and hold up even to
yourselves the great evils and dangers to be apprehended from this
‘new,’ and, I think, most vicious political ‘monster,’ that I would
address you; and against the influences of which I would warn and
guard you, as well as the rest of our people. While the specious
outside title of the party is that ‘Americans shall rule America,’ when
we come to look at its secret objects as they leak out, we find that
one of its main purposes is, not that ‘Americans shall rule America,’
but that those of a particular religious faith, though as good
Americans as any others, shall be ruled by the rest.
“But it is said the ‘proscription’ is not against a religious but a
political enemy, and the Roman Church is a political party, dangerous
and powerful. Was a bolder assertion, without one fact to rest upon,
ever attempted to be palmed off upon a confiding people? The
Roman Church a political party! Where are its candidates? How
many do they number in our State Legislatures or in Congress? What
dangers are they threatening, or what have they ever plotted? Let
them be named. Was it when Lord Baltimore, a Catholic, established
the colony of Maryland, and for the first time on this continent
established the principle of free toleration in religious worship? Was
it when Charles Carroll, a Catholic, signed the Declaration of
Independence? But it is said that great danger is to be apprehended
from the Catholics because of a ‘secret order’ amongst them, known
as Jesuits. ‘No one,’ says a Know-Nothing writer, ‘knows, or possibly
can know, the extent of their influence in this country. One of them
may eat at your table, instruct your children, and profess to be a
good Protestant, and you never suspect him. Their great aim is to
make their mark in America. Perjury to them is no sin, if the object
of it be to spread Catholicism or acquire political influence in the
country.’ Whether this be true of the Jesuits or not I cannot say. But
I submit it to the consideration of candid minds how far it is true of
the new order of Know-Nothings, which is now so strenuously
endeavoring to make its mark in America, and to gain political
influence in the country, not only by putting down all foreigners, and
all native-born citizens who may be of Catholic faith, but also all
other native-born citizens who will not take upon their necks the
yoke of their power. Do not hundreds and thousands of them go
about daily and hourly, denying that they belong to the order, or that
they know anything about it? May they not, and do they not ‘eat at
your table,’ attend your sick, and some of them preach from your
pulpits, and yet deny that they know anything about that ‘order’
which they are making such efforts to spread in the land? I do not
say all of them do this; but is it not common with the ‘order,’ thus by
some sort of equivocation and slippery construction, to mislead and
deceive those with whom they converse? There is nothing worse
that can be said of any man or any people indicating a destruction of
morals or personal degradation, than that ‘the truth is not in him.’ It
is the life and soul of all the virtues, human or divine. Tell me not
that any party will effect reformation of any sort, bad as we now are
in this land, which brings into disrepute this principle upon which
rests all our hopes on earth, and all our hopes for immortality. And
my opinion is that the Protestant ministers of the Gospel in this
country, instead of joining in this New England, puritanical,
proscriptive crusade against Catholics, could not render a better
service to their churches, as well as the State, in the present
condition of morals amongst us, than to appoint a day for everyone
of them to preach to their respective congregations from this text,
‘What is truth?’ Let it also be a day set aside for fasting, humiliation
and prayer—for repentance in sackcloth and ashes—on account of
the alarming prevalence of the enormous sin of lying! Was there
ever such a state of general distrust between man and man before?
Could it ever have been said of a Georgia gentleman, until within a
few months past, that he says so and so, but I don’t know whether
to believe him or not? Is it not bringing Protestantism, and
Christianity itself, into disgrace when such remarks are daily made,
and not without just cause, about Church communicants of all our
Protestant denominations—and by one church member even about
his fellow-member? Where is this state of things to lead to, or end,
but in general deception, hypocrisy, knavery, and universal
treachery?
“Was ever such tyranny heard of in any old party in this country as
that which this new ‘order’ sets up? Every one of them knows, and
whether they deny it or not, there is a secret monitor within that
tells them that they have pledged themselves never to vote for any
Roman Catholic to any office of profit or trust. They have thus
pledged themselves to set up a religious test in qualifications for
office against the express words of the Constitution of the United
States. Their very organization is not only anti-American, anti-
republican, but at war with the fundamental law of the Union, and,
therefore, revolutionary in its character, thus silently and secretly to
effect for all practical purposes a change in our form of government.
And what is this but revolution? Not an open and manly rebellion,
but a secret and covert attempt to undermine the very corner-stone
of the temple of our liberties.
“Whenever any government denies to any class of its citizens an
equal participation in the privileges, immunities, and honors enjoyed
by all others, it parts with all just claim to their allegiance. Allegiance
is due only so long as protection is extended; and protection
necessarily implies an equality of right to stand or fall, according to
merit, amongst all the members of society, or the citizens of the
commonwealth. The best of men, after all, have enough of the old
leaven of human nature left about them to fight when they feel
aggrieved, outraged and trampled upon; and strange to say, where
men get to fighting about religion they fight harder, and longer and
more exterminatingly than upon any other subject. The history of
the world teaches this. Already we see the spirit abroad which is to
enkindle the fires and set the fagots a blazing—not by the Catholics,
they are comparatively few and weak; their only safety is in the
shield of the constitutional guarantee; minorities seldom assail
majorities; and persecutions always begin with the larger numbers
against the smaller. But this spirit is evinced by one of the numerous
replies to my letter. The writer says: ‘We call upon the children of the
Puritans of the North, and the Huguenots of the South, by the
remembrance of the fires of Smithfield, and the bloody St.
Bartholomew, to lay down for once all sectional difficulties,’ etc., and
to join in this great American movement of proscribing Catholics.
What is this but the tocsin of intestine strife? Why call up the
remembrance of the fires of Smithfield but to whet the Protestant
appetite for vengeance? Why stir up the quiet ashes of bloody St.
Bartholomew, but for the hope, perhaps, of finding therein a
slumbering spark from which new fires may be started? Why
exhume the atrocities, cruelties, and barbarities of ages gone by
from the repose in which they have been buried for hundreds of
years, unless it be to reproduce the seed, and spread amongst us
the same moral infection and loathsome contagion?—just as it is
said the plague is sometimes occasioned in London by disentombing
and exposing to the atmosphere the latent virus of the fell disease
still lingering in the dusty bones of those who died of it centuries
ago. Fellow citizens, Fellow Protestants, Fellow Americans—all who
reverence the constitution of your country—I entreat you, and I
envoke you to give no listening ear to such fanatical appeals.
“When the principles of the Constitution are disregarded, when
those ‘checks and restraints,’ put in it as Mr. Madison has told us, for
‘a defence to the people against their own temporary errors and
delusions,’ are broken down and swept away, when the whole
country shall have been brought under the influence of the third
degree of this Know-Nothing order, if that time shall ever come,
then, indeed may the days of this Republic, too, be considered as
numbered.
“I wish to say something to you about this third degree, the union
degree, as it is called. For under this specious title, name or guise,
the arch-tempter again approaches us, quite as subtly as under the
other of ‘Americans shall rule America.’ The obligation taken in this
degree is ‘to uphold, maintain and defend’ the Union, without one
word being said about the Constitution. Now, as much as we all, I
trust, are devoted to the Union, who would have it without the
Constitution? This is the life and soul of it—this is its animating spirit.
It is this that gives it vitality, health, vigor, strength, growth,
development and power. Without it the Union could never have been
formed, and without it it cannot be maintained or held together.
Where the animating principle of any living organism is extinguished,
this is death, and dissolution is inevitable. You might just as well
expect that the component parts of your bodies could be held
together by some senseless incantations after the vital spark has
departed, as that this Union can be held together by any Know-
Nothing oaths when the Constitution is gone. Congress is to be done
away with, except in so far as its members may be necessary, as the
dumb instruments for registering the edicts of an invisible but all-
powerful oligarchy. Our present Government is to be paralyzed by
this boa-constrictor, which is now entwining its coils around it. It is
to be supplanted and displaced by another self-constituted and
secretly organized body to rise up in its stead, a political ‘monster,’
more terrible to contemplate than the seven-headed beast spoken of
in the Apocalypse.
“I have seen it stated in the newspapers by some unknown writer,
that my letter to Col. Thomas will be my political winding-sheet. If
you and the other voters of the Eighth Congressional District so will
it, so let it be; there is but one other I should prefer—and that is the
Constitution of my country; let me be first wrapped in this, and then
covered over with that letter, and the principles I have announced
this night; and thus shrouded I shall be content to be laid away,
when the time comes, in my last resting-place without asking any
other epitaph but the simple inscription carved upon the headstone
that marks the spot—‘Here sleep the remains of one who dared to
tell the people they were wrong when he believed so, and who
never intentionally deceived a friend, or betrayed even an
enemy.’”[8]
Thus spoke Alexander H. Stephens, Georgia’s greatest statesman,
of the pernicious tendencies of the Know-Nothing party. On that
speech he ran for Congress and was elected by three thousand
majority. Know-Nothingism was thus slain in Georgia. Since the
death of Mr. Stephens some scribbler with a talent for forgery has
taken the quotation marks from the paragraph about the Jesuits in
the foregoing speech, affixed Mr. Stephens’s name to it, and sent it
on its rounds through the press as the declared opinion of the dead
statesman concerning the followers of Loyola. Mr. Stephens quoted
the paragraph from a Know-Nothing writer, not to approve the attack
on the Jesuits, but for the opposite purpose of showing it applied to
the Know-Nothings themselves. No man in this country could use the
weapon of retort with more effect than Alexander H. Stephens, and
his remarks on the paragraph in question afford a favorable instance
of his power in that line. That this stupid calumny on the great man
who battled so nobly for the equal rights of Catholics and
Protestants, Jews and Gentiles, foreign born and native Americans,
should have been palmed off on the public, is less surprising than
that it should have found its way into certain Catholic newspapers, in
the columns of at least one of which the present writer read it
shortly after the death of Mr. Stephens.
The ever memorable conflict in Virginia of 1855, between the
Know-Nothings and Democrats, was led on the part of the latter by
the gallant Henry A. Wise. That conflict was one of great national
magnitude. If the Know-Nothings, theretofore victorious, had then
succeeded, it is likely a civil war precipitated by religious fanaticism
would have followed, not to be conducted between the States, as
later unfortunately occurred, but between citizens of the same cities,
and towns and neighborhoods throughout the Union, with a fury to
make humanity shudder—in every sense of the word a civil war. The
Virginia election of that year was, therefore, watched with intense
interest by the whole American people, and a feeling of feverish
excitement was everywhere visible. Henry A. Wise, the
uncompromising enemy of the Know-Nothings, was named as the
Democratic candidate for Governor of Virginia. Never was such a
canvass before. He went everywhere, pouring out fiery eloquence in
the Western Mountains, in the Blue Ridge that milks the clouds,
upon the Potomac, lovely River of Swans, on the Rappahannock, the
Piankatank, Mob Jack Bay, James River, Elizabeth River, down to the
North Carolina line; and wherever he went this second Patrick Henry
stirred the people’s hearts as they had not been stirred before. One
of the best stump speeches ever heard in this country was made by
Mr. Wise at Alexandria. He had declared hostility to the Know-
Nothings in a letter to a citizen of Virginia, written September 18,
1854.
In that letter he said: “I am a native Virginian; my ancestors on
both sides for two hundred years were citizens of this country and
this State—half English, half Scotch. I am a Protestant by birth, by
baptism, by intellectual belief, and by education and by adoption. I
am an American, in every fibre and in every feeling an American; yet
in every character, in every relation, in every sense, with all my head
and all my heart, and all my might, I protest against this secret
organization of native Americans and of Protestants to proscribe
Roman Catholic and naturalized citizens. As early as 1787 we
established a great land ordinance, the most perfect system of
eminent domain, of proprietary titles, and of territorial settlements,
which the world had ever beheld to bless the homeless children of
men. It had the very house-warming of hospitality in it. It wielded
the logwood axe, and cleared a continent of forests. It made an
exodus in the old world, and dotted the new with log-cabins, around
the hearths of which the tears of the aged and the oppressed were
wiped away, and cherub children were born to liberty, and sang its
songs, and have grown up in its strength and might and majesty. It
brought together foreigners of every country and clime—immigrants
from Europe of every language and religion, and its most wonderful
effect has been to assimilate all races. Irish and German, English
and French, Scotch and Spaniard, have met on the Western prairies,
in the Western woods, and have peopled villages and towns and
cities—queen cities, rivalling the marts of Eastern commerce; and
the Teutonic and Celtic and Anglo-Saxon races have in a day mingled
into one undistinguishable mass—and that one is American. The
children of all are crossed in blood in the first generation, so that
ethnology can’t tell of what parentage they are—they all become
brother and sister Jonathans. As in the colonies, as in the revolution,
as in the last war, so have foreigners and immigrants of every
religion and tongue contributed to build up the temple of American
law and liberty until its spire reaches to heaven, whilst its shadow
rests on earth. If there has been a turnpike road to be beaten out of
the rocky metal, or a canal to be dug, foreigners and immigrants
have been armed with the mattock and the spade and if a battle on
sea and land had to be fought, foreigners and immigrants have been
armed with the musket and the blade.
“We can name the very hour of our birth as a people. We need
recur to no fable of a wolf to whelp us into existence. As a nation we
are but seventy-eight years of age. Many persons are now living who
were alive before this nation was born. And the ancestors of this
people about two centuries only ago were foreigners, every one of
them coming to the shores of this country to take it away from the
aborigines, and to take possession of it by authority either directly or
derivatively of Papal Power. His Holiness the Pope was the great
grantor of all the new countries of North America. Foreigners in the
name of the Pope and Mother Church took possession of North
America, to have and to hold the same to their heirs against the
heathen forever. And now already their descendants are for
excluding foreigners, and the Pope’s followers from an equal
enjoyment of this same possession. So strange is human history.
Christopher Columbus! Ferdinand and Isabella! What would they
have thought of this had they foreseen it when they touched a
continent and called it theirs in the name of the Holy Trinity, by
authority of the keeper of the keys of Heaven, and of the great
grantor of the empire and domain of earth? What would have
become of our national titles to northeastern and northwestern
boundaries, but for the plea of this authority, valid of old among all
Christian powers?”
Writing thus in September, 1854, Mr. Wise, although he had been
a Whig years before, was nominated for Governor by the Democrats
in December of the same year. In his famous Alexandria speech,
before discussing Know-Nothingism, he told the people some
practical truths explanatory of the decadence of the prosperity of
Virginia, of the causes producing it, and the remedies to be applied.
“You have,” he said, “the bowels of your Western mountains rich in
iron, in copper, in coal, in salt, in gypsum, and the very earth is so
rich in oil that it sets the rivers in flame. You have the line of the
Alleghany, that beautiful Blue Ridge which stands placed there by
the Almighty, not to obstruct the way of the people to market, but
placed there in the very bounty of Providence to milk the clouds, to
make the sweet springs which are the sources of your rivers. And at
the head of every stream is the waterfall murmuring the very music
of your power to put spindles in motion. And yet commerce has long
ago spread her sails and sailed away from you; you have not as yet
dug more than coal enough to warm yourselves at your own
hearths; you have set no tilt-hammer of Vulcan to strike blows
worthy of gods in the iron foundries. You have not yet spun more
than coarse cotton enough, in the way of manufacture, to clothe
your own slaves. You have had no commerce, no mining, no
manufactures. You have relied alone on the single power of
agriculture; and such agriculture! Your sedge patches outshine the
sun. Your inattention to your only source of wealth has scarred the
very bosom of mother earth. Instead of having to feed cattle on a
thousand hills, you have had to chase the stump-tailed steer through
the sedge patches to procure a tough beef-steak. You are in the
habit of discussing Federal politics; and permit me to say to you,
very honestly and very openly, that next to brandy, next to card
playing, next to horse-racing, the thing that has done more harm to
Virginia than any other in the course of her past history, has been
her insatiable appetite for Federal politics. She has given all her
great men to the Union. Her Washington, her Jefferson, her
Madison, her Marshall, her galaxy of great men she has given to the
Union. Richmond, instead of attending to Richmond’s business, has
been too much in the habit of attending to the affairs of Washington
city, when there are plenty there, God knows, to attend to them
themselves. * * “Puritanism,” said Mr. Wise, has disappeared, and
we have in place of it Unitarianism, Universalism, Fourierism,
Millerism, Mormonism—all the odds and ends of isms—until at last
you have a grand fusion of all those odds and ends of isms in the
omnium gatherum of isms called Know-Nothingism. Having swept
the North, the question was: How can this ism be wedged in in the
South? And the devil was at the elbow of these preachers of
‘Christian politics’ to tell them precisely how.” [At this point Mr. Wise
was interrupted by cat-calls, derisive cheers and other
manifestations of the Know-Nothing element of the meeting.] “There
were three elements in the South,” continued the speaker, “and in
Virginia particularly, to which they might apply themselves. There is
the religious element, the 103,000 Presbyterians, the 300,000
Baptists, the 300,000 Methodists of Virginia. Well, how were they to
reach them? Why, just by raising a hell of a fuss about the Pope!
“Cæsar’s kingdom is political, is a carnal kingdom. And I tell you
that if I stood alone in the State of Virginia, and if priestcraft—if the
priests of my own Mother Church dared to lay their hands on the
political power of our people, or to use their churches to wield
political influence, I would stand, in feeble imitation it may be, but I
would stand, even if I stood alone, as Patrick Henry stood in the
Revolution, between the parsons and the people. These men, many
of whom are neither Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Baptists,
Methodists, Congregationalists, Lutherans, nor what not—who are
men of no religion, who have no church, who do not say their
prayers, who do not read their Bible, who live God-defying lives
every day of their existence, are now seen with faces as long as
their dark-lanterns, with the whites of their eyes turned up in holy
fear lest the Bible should be shut up by the Pope! You tell the people
that Catholics never gave aid to civil liberty; that they never yet
struck a blow for the freedom of mankind. Who gave you alliance
against the crown of England? Who but that Catholic king, Louis XVI.
He sent you from the Court of Versailles Lafayette, the boy of
Washington’s camp, a foreigner who never was naturalized, but who
bled at the redoubt of Yorktown, when Arnold, a native, like Absalom
proved traitor.
“And, Sir, before George Washington was born, before Lafayette
wielded the sword, or Charles Carroll the pen for his country, six
hundred and forty years ago, on the 16th of June, 1214, there was
another scene enacted on the face of the globe, when the general
charter of all charters of freedom was gained, when one man, a man
called Stephen Langton, swore the Barons of England for the people
against the power of the King—swore the Barons on the high altar of
the Catholic Church at St. Edmundsbury, that they would have
Magna Charta or die for it. The charter which secures to every one
of you to-day trial by jury, freedom of the press, freedom of the pen,
the confronting of witnesses with the accused, and the opening of
secret dungeons—that charter was obtained by Stephen Langton
against the King of England, and if you Know-Nothings don’t know
who Stephen Langton was, you know nothing sure enough. He was
a Catholic Archbishop of Canterbury. I come here not to praise the
Catholics, but I come here to acknowledge historical truths, and to
ask of Protestants—what has heretofore been the pride and boast of
Protestants—tolerance of opinion in religious faith.