New Cold War [Voltaire Network ]

Themes
From the beginning of the 20th century, the Anglo-Saxons considered the USSR and then Russia as their principal
enemy. Persuaded that Moscow was attempting to invade all of Europe after the defeat of the 3rd Reich, they
prolonged World War II with the intention of undermining the Soviets, bombed German cities to ensure that the
Red Army would not benefit and dropped two nuclear bombs on the Japanese population to dissuade Stalin from
using his military advantage. In 1949, they founded NATO and transformed the division of Europe into two zones
of occupation in a Cold War that ended only when the USSR disappeared.
Recently, confronted with the unexpected reconsolidation of the Russian state, the Anglo-Saxons have returned to
their initial strategy. The continuity of their anti-Russian policy is clearly visible in the figure of Zbignew
Brzezinski, the former National Security Advisor to Democratic president Jimmy Carter, who moved over to the
Republican side and then returned to the Democratic Party to ensure the election of his student, Barack Obama.
Architect in the 1970’s of both the unconditional support for the Shah of Iran and the fomenting of the now
decades-long Afghan war, he favors today a rapprochement with the Islamic regime in Iran and the expansion of
the war against Pakistan.
Moscow, which succeeded in defeating the Islamic Emirate of Itchkeria (Chechnya) and halting Georgian
aggression in South Ossetia, found itself trapped by the Ukraine during the "gas wars" of 2005-2010. The strategy
of the New Cold War is identical to its antecedent. The Atlanticist press with no imagination dully applies the same
cliches to Russia today that it once used against the USSR although the situation today is critically different.
London, that once sheltered dissidents, has become the refuge of fleeing mafia oligarchs. The Pentagon is
deploying a supposed anti-missile shield just as it once did Pershing II’s. NATO has expanded east and is opening
new bases in the north to encircle, again, its traditional enemy.

New Cold War [Voltaire Network ]..............................................................................................................................1

The European political Community : a sword striking water, by Thierry Meyssan.....................................................1
Joint Declaration on EU-NATO Cooperation...............................................................................................................3
Statement by G7 leaders on the first anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine..............................................................4
Wars: The Cancelled History........................................................................................................................................7
EU Empties the Arsenals ... to Fill the Arsenals...........................................................................................................8
Serious incident between Russia/United States in Black Sea.....................................................................................10

The European political Community : a sword striking

water, by Thierry Meyssan
Thierry Meyssan, Voltaire Network

Since the beginning of the Russian military operation in Ukraine, international relations are blocked. No position
changes. President Macron thought he could change the rules of the game by reshuffling the cards on the occasion
of a meeting of the European enemy brothers, the European Political Community. But President Putin took him by
surprise by changing the borders and the game itself.

Voltaire Network | Paris (France) | 11 October 2022

In Prague, all the guests were chosen because in theory they condemn Russia, but in practice it is something
else.
French President Emmanuel Macron does not know how to solve crises, but to reshuffle the cards in order to
consider new solutions. This is why, noting the absence of discussion around the Ukrainian conflict, he launched
an initiative last May: the "European Political Community" (EPC).

After François Mitterrand’s "European Confederation" and Nicolas Sarkozy’s "Union for the Mediterranean", the
Élysée Palace has tried to convince its partners of the usefulness of a new "thing". Incidentally, France often varies:
the Mitterrand Confederation advocated the alliance of West and East, of Brussels and Moscow, the Macronist
Community aims, on the contrary, to oppose them.

France, which presided over the European Council during the first half of 2022, logically sought the permanent
president of this structure, the former Belgian Prime Minister Charles Michel. He eagerly stepped into the breach.
He thought he could rally around the EU and carve out a role for himself at the expense of the Commission
President, his rival Ursula von der Leyen. Patiently the French diplomats put him in his place so that he was not
even on the stage at the final press conference. As for Mrs. von der Leyen, she was invited only for formality.

The EPC was prepared with EU resources, but not on behalf of the EU. The preparatory meetings were not held on
the premises of the Union, but at the Belgian castle of Val Duchesse. This was inevitable if the United Kingdom
and Turkey were to be involved. London, post-Brexit, still does not want a supra-national structure, and Ankara has
been stalling at the EU door for so long that it does not want to be led astray on yet another sideline. The United
Kingdom has even quibbled about the title "European Political Community", which reminds it too much of the
defunct "European Economic Community", the forerunner of the "European Union". Turkey, for its part, demanded
assurances that its participation in the EPC would not be just another distraction to keep it waiting.

In the end, 44 states participated in the forum, that is, all Europeans except Russia and Belarus, which are clearly
the designated enemies. Unfortunately, it took six months to prepare this meeting, which came a little late. When it
was prepared, the idea was to ally the continent against the eternally evil Russians who had invaded the young
Ukrainian democracy. Of course, some states did not see it that way. Turkey was careful to place itself in the
middle, between its Ukrainian and Western allies on one side and its Russian ally on the other. Or Serbia, which,
like Turkey, refused to apply the anti-Russian sanctions without even hiding its Russophilia. Within the EU,
Austria and especially Hungary loudly demonstrated their friendship with Moscow, while paying lip service to the
same discourse as the others. But then, at the last moment, President Vladimir Putin played a trump card by
mobilizing 300,000 veterans and by having four Ukrainian oblates join the Russian Federation. In doing so, he has
upset the game, much more than Emmanuel Macron, who has only attacked the rules of the game.

Indeed, if Nato continues its arms transfers, it will no longer attack the unrecognized republics of the Donbass and
the uninvited Russian army in Ukraine, but it will attack the Russian Federation directly by attacking its own
territory. Thirty years ago, the British were convinced that Crimea, Novorossia and Donbass were Russian. Calling
their annexation "annexation" will not change the reality.

By attacking again, Nato will trample on the right of peoples to self-determination that justifies the independence
of these regions and their free accession to the "Motherland". For all the former colonized states, it will appear for
what it is: a coalition of revanchists desperately trying to save its age-old domination of the world.

On the other hand, if NATO decides to stop there, its leaders, who have never stopped shouting that they defend
peace and justice, will appear as "paper tigers" according to the formula of Mao Zedong. Everyone will conclude
that the era of their domination is over.

Prime Minister Petr Fiala was the first head of government to travel to Kiev, along with his two Polish and
Slovenian counterparts, on March 15. That is the only thing we will remember about him. His outbursts
against gays and global warming count for nothing given his unbridled Atlanticism.

The meeting was opened by the very russophobic Czech Prime Minister, Petr Fiala, who immediately set the anti-
Putin tone - propaganda always personalizes the policies of the session states. True to form, the inevitable
Ukrainian president, actor Volodymyr Zelensky, intervened by video and announced that Russian tanks would
soon "march on Prague [the meeting venue] and on Warsaw" (sic). The audience was stoic, content to applaud
politely, without warmth.

The EU will send a "civilian mission" to help delineate the borders between Azerbaijan and Armenia. This
has nothing to do with the purpose of the Prague summit, but there is an urgency to deal with problems that
are usually left to fester.

The meetings on the sidelines of the summit were almost all failures, with the exception of the Armenian-
Azerbaijani summit, which started coldly but went on into the evening.

The thematic sessions allowed to know what everyone thought about the substance. After the sabotage of the
NordStream gas pipelines, the idea of protecting the common infrastructure was raised, although it was not clear
whether this was only a concern or also a denunciation of US suzerainty. The terrorist action against the Crimean
bridge had not yet taken place. Behind the scenes, all agreed to salute the exploits of the US Special Forces, but
wondered how far Washington would go.

No joint statement was planned at the end of the meeting and none would have been possible. A schedule for the
next meetings of this forum was agreed upon, in six months in Moldova, next year in Spain, and then in the UK.
No one is sure why he would participate, or even if it will still exist.

Chase away what is natural, it will come back to you. The meeting was covered by Eurovision, a structure created
by NATO in the 1950s, which awarded Ukraine its last song contest. An informal meeting of the European Council
followed that of the European Political Community. The 27 drew conclusions from this talkative and useless
assembly.

Joint Declaration on EU-NATO Cooperation

Voltaire Network
10 January 2023

The NATO-EU strategic partnership is founded on our shared values, our determination to tackle common
challenges and our unequivocal commitment to promote and safeguard peace, freedom and prosperity in the Euro-
Atlantic area.

Today, we are faced with the gravest threat to Euro-Atlantic security in decades. Russia’s brutal war on Ukraine
violates international law and the principles of the UN Charter. It undermines European and global security and
stability. Russia’s war has exacerbated a food and energy crisis affecting billions of people around the world.

We condemn in the strongest possible terms Russia’s aggression. Russia must immediately stop this war and
withdraw from Ukraine. We express our full solidarity with Ukraine and reiterate our unwavering and continued
support for its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. We
fully support Ukraine’s inherent right to self-defence and to choose its own destiny.

Authoritarian actors challenge our interests, values and democratic principles using multiple means – political,
economic, technological and military.

We live in an era of growing strategic competition. China’s growing assertiveness and policies present challenges
that we need to address.
Persistent conflict, fragility and instability in our European neighbourhood undermine our security and provide
fertile ground for strategic competitors, as well as terrorist groups, to gain influence, destabilise societies and pose
a threat to our security.

As underlined by both the NATO Strategic Concept and the EU Strategic Compass, this is a key juncture for Euro-
Atlantic security and stability, more than ever demonstrating the importance of the transatlantic bond, calling for
closer EU-NATO cooperation.

NATO remains the foundation of collective defence for its Allies and essential for Euro Atlantic security. We
recognise the value of a stronger and more capable European defence that contributes positively to global and
transatlantic security and is complementary to, and interoperable with NATO.

Our mutually reinforcing strategic partnership contributes to strengthening security in Europe and beyond. NATO
and the EU play complementary, coherent and mutually reinforcing roles in supporting international peace and
security. We will further mobilize the combined set of instruments at our disposal, be they political, economic or
military, to pursue our common objectives to the benefit of our one billion citizens.

Building on the 2016 Warsaw Joint Declaration and the 2018 Brussels Joint Declaration, which significantly
expanded the breadth and depth of our partnership established more than twenty years ago, we have achieved
unprecedented progress across all areas of cooperation.

We have reached tangible results in countering hybrid and cyber threats, operational cooperation including
maritime issues, military mobility, defence capabilities, defence industry and research, exercises, counter terrorism,
and capacity-building of partners.

As the security threats and challenges we are confronted with are evolving in scope and magnitude, we will take
our partnership to the next level on the basis of our long-standing cooperation. We will further strengthen our
cooperation in existing areas, and expand and deepen our cooperation to address in particular the growing
geostrategic competition, resilience issues, protection of critical infrastructures, emerging and disruptive
technologies, space, the security implications of climate change, as well as foreign information manipulation and
interference.

In signing this declaration we will take the NATO-EU partnership forward in close consultation and cooperation
with all NATO Allies and EU Member States, in the spirit of full mutual openness and in compliance with the
decision-making autonomy of our respective organisations and without prejudice to the specific character of the
security and defence policy of any of our members. In this context, we view transparency as crucial. We encourage
the fullest possible involvement of the NATO Allies that are not members of the EU in its initiatives. We
encourage the fullest possible involvement of the EU members that are not part of the Alliance in its initiatives.

We will assess progress on a regular basis.

voltairenet.org

Statement by G7 leaders on the first anniversary of

the invasion of Ukraine
Voltaire Network
24 February 2023

Source: Japan Prime Minister Cabinet

At the one-year mark of Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine, we, the Leaders of the Group of Seven (G7), met with
Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine for as long as it takes.
Russia’s heinous attacks over the last 365 days have laid bare the cruelty of the ongoing aggression. We condemn
Russia’s illegal, unjustifiable, and unprovoked war, disregard for the Charter of the United Nations (UN) and
indifference to the impacts that its war is having on people worldwide. We salute the heroism of the Ukrainian
people in their brave resistance. We commit to intensifying our diplomatic, financial and military support for
Ukraine, to increasing the costs to Russia and those supporting its war effort, and to continuing to counter the
negative impacts of the war on the rest of the world, particularly on the most vulnerable people.

Russia started this war and Russia can end this war. We call on Russia to stop its ongoing aggression and to
immediately, completely and unconditionally withdraw its troops from the entire internationally recognized
territory of Ukraine. In the past year Russian forces have killed thousands of Ukrainians, caused millions to flee,
and forcibly deported many thousands of Ukrainians, including children, to Russia. Russia has destroyed hospitals,
schools, and energy and critical infrastructure, and left historic cities in ruins. In areas liberated from Russian
forces, there is evidence of mass graves, sexual violence, torture and other atrocities. We strongly condemn all of
Russia’s outrageous acts. Amidst Russia’s assault, Ukrainians are more united, proud and determined than ever.

Russia’s war against Ukraine is also an attack on the fundamental principles of sovereignty of nations, territorial
integrity of states and respect for human rights. We remain united and resolute in our support of the UN Charter.
We reiterate our unequivocal condemnation and firm rejection of the attempted illegal annexation by Russia of
Ukraine’s Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions. As in the case of Crimea and Sevastopol, we will
never recognize these illegal annexation attempts.

We reiterate that Russia’s irresponsible nuclear rhetoric is unacceptable, and any use of chemical, biological,
radiological or nuclear weapons by Russia would be met with severe consequences. We recall the consensus
achieved in Bali of all G20 members, including Russia, that the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is
inadmissible. We also recall the importance of the 77-year record of non-use of nuclear weapons. We deeply regret
Russia’s decision to suspend the implementation of the new START treaty. We express our gravest concern over
Russia’s continued occupation and control over the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant. The situation can only be
resolved by complete withdrawal of Russian troops and equipment from the premises. We support the International
Atomic Energy Agency’s (IAEA) efforts to strengthen nuclear safety and security in Ukraine, including through
the continuous presence of IAEA experts and the cessation of all combat operations in and around the plant and
surrounding infrastructure.

We welcome the resolution A/ES-11/L.7 titled “Principles of the Charter of the United Nations underlying a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine” resolution which was adopted with the broad support of the
international community at the Emergency Special Session of the UN General Assembly yesterday. We remain
committed to diplomacy and welcome and support President Zelenskyy’s earnest efforts to promote a
comprehensive, just and lasting peace in line with the UN Charter by outlining basic principles in his Peace
Formula. With a view to a viable post-war peace settlement, we remain ready to reach arrangements together with
Ukraine as well as interested countries and institutions on sustained security and other commitments to help
Ukraine defend itself, secure its free and democratic future, and deter future Russian aggression.

We remain committed to coordinating efforts to meet Ukraine’s pressing military and defence equipment needs,
with an immediate focus on air defence systems and capabilities, as well as necessary munitions and tanks.

Building on the results achieved during the international conference held in Paris on 13 December, we also
reaffirm our commitment to provide additional humanitarian assistance to the Ukrainian people, assistance to
support Ukraine’s energy sector, and other assistance in Ukraine and neighbouring countries, including to ensure
access to healthcare including mental health. We welcome the establishment of the Multi-agency Donor
Coordination Platform to help advance Ukraine’s reform agenda, promote private sector led sustainable growth,
and ensure close coordination among international donors to deliver assistance in a coherent, transparent and
accountable manner.

We will continue to help maintain Ukraine’s economic and financial stability, including addressing urgent short-
term economic needs. In this context, we welcome the progress made by our Finance Ministers to increase our
budget and economic support to 39 billion US dollars for 2023 and look forward to additional commitments. We
ask Finance Ministers to continue engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Ukraine to deliver
an ambitious program by the end of March 2023 and to continue working together, with the IMF and others for
necessary budget support to Ukraine throughout and beyond 2023.
We support Ukraine’s reconstruction efforts, including the recovery of infrastructure destroyed by Russia’s
aggression. It is essential that this process continues to involve a wide range of actors, including Ukrainian
subnational entities and civil society, international financial institutions and organizations, and the private sector.
The Ukraine Recovery Conference to be held in London in June this year will offer a venue for Ukraine,
international partners, private sector and civil society to further promote momentum behind Ukraine’s recovery. At
the same time, we will continue to support the determination of Ukraine to build a society free from corruption. We
support the Ukrainian government’s efforts to advance necessary institution-building in line with Ukraine’s
European path, including in the judicial sector and promotion of the rule of law by empowering the independent
Ukrainian anti-corruption institutions. In this regard, we reiterate our full confidence in the role of the G7
Ambassadors Group in supporting the implementation of the reform agenda.

We reaffirm our commitment to strengthening the unprecedented and coordinated sanctions and other economic
measures the G7 and partner countries have taken to date to further counter Russia’s capacity to wage its illegal
aggression. We remain committed to presenting a united front through the imposition of new coordinated economic
actions against Russia in the days and weeks ahead. Specifically, we are taking the following new measures,
consistent with our respective legal authorities and processes and international law:

(i) We will maintain, fully implement and expand the economic measures we have already imposed, including by
preventing and responding to evasion and circumvention through the establishment of an Enforcement
Coordination Mechanism to bolster compliance and enforcement of our measures and deny Russia the benefits of
G7 economies. We call on third-countries or other international actors who seek to evade or undermine our
measures to cease providing material support to Russia’s war, or face severe costs. To deter this activity around the
world, we are taking actions against third-country actors materially supporting Russia’s war in Ukraine. We also
commit to further aligning measures, such as transit or services bans, including to prevent Russian circumvention.

(ii) We are committed to preventing Russia from finding new ways to acquire advanced materials, technology, and
military and industrial equipment from our jurisdictions that it can use to develop its industrial sectors and further
its violations of international law. To this end, we will adopt further measures to prevent Russia from accessing
inputs that support its military and manufacturing sectors, including, among others, industrial machinery, tools,
construction equipment, and other technology Russia is exploiting to rebuild its war machine.

(iii) We will continue to reduce Russia’s revenue to finance its illegal aggression by taking appropriate steps to
limit Russia’s energy revenue and future extractive capabilities, building on the measures we have taken so far,
including export bans and the price cap for seaborne Russian-origin crude oil and refined oil products. We commit
to taking action in a way that mitigates spillover effects for energy security, in particular for the most vulnerable
and affected countries.

(iv) Given the significant revenues that Russia extracts from the export of diamonds, we will work collectively on
further measures on Russian diamonds, including rough and polished ones, working closely to engage key partners.

(v) We are taking additional measures in relation to Russia’s financial sector to further undermine Russia’s
capacity to wage its illegal aggression. While coordinating to preserve financial channels for essential transactions,
we will target additional Russian financial institutions to prevent circumvention of our measures.

(vi) We continue to impose targeted sanctions, including on those responsible for war crimes or human rights
violations and abuses, exercising illegitimate authority in Ukraine, or who otherwise are profiting from the war.

We will continue our efforts to ensure Russia pays for Ukraine’s long-term reconstruction. Russia bears full
responsibility for the war and the damage it has caused, including to Ukraine’s critical infrastructure. We
collectively reaffirm the need for an international mechanism to register the damages Russia has inflicted. We are
determined, consistent with our respective legal systems, that Russia’s sovereign assets in our jurisdictions will
remain immobilized until there is a resolution to the conflict that addresses Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s
sovereignty and integrity. Any resolution to the conflict must ensure Russia pays for the damage it has caused. We
will work with partners beyond the G7 which hold those Russian sovereign assets to build the broadest coalition
possible to advance these objectives.

We are united in our determination to hold President Putin and those responsible to account, consistent with
international law. We support investigations by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, the Prosecutor-
General of Ukraine, and other national prosecutors who are able to establish jurisdiction under national law. In this
regard, we support exploring efforts to develop an international centre for the prosecution of the crime of
aggression against Ukraine (ICPA) which is linked to the existing Joint Investigation Team supported by Eurojust.

We deplore that many countries in the world have been severely affected by the repercussions of Russia’s war of
aggression. Russia’s weaponisation of food has caused global economic hardship and a rise in global food prices,
increasing the cost of living of people, compounding the economic vulnerabilities of developing countries, and
exacerbating already dire humanitarian crises and food insecurity around the world. We reiterate the G7’s united
will to continue to provide rapid assistance, including food-related aid, to countries in need and affected
populations and we will continue to design our restrictive measures to shield such populations from unintended
consequences by ensuring food and fertilisers are carved out. We will continue to support food security and the
availability and sustainable use of fertilisers to vulnerable countries in need of assistance and welcome the related
work undertaken by the UN World Food Programme (WFP) and other relevant agencies. We recognize the
importance of the EU-Ukraine Solidarity Lanes, President Zelenskyy’s Grain from Ukraine Initiative and the UN
and Türkiye-brokered Black Sea Grain Initiative (BSGI). In this context, we stress the importance of the automatic
extension of the BSGI by 18 March and its expansion.

We also express our profound sympathy for all those affected by the horrifying earthquakes in Türkiye and Syria.
We stand in solidarity with the people of Türkiye and Syria and pledge our continued support to tackling the
consequences of this catastrophe. It is vital that humanitarian aid reaches all those who require it as efficiently as
possible. We welcome the expansion of cross-border aid for an initial period of three months, and underscore that
the humanitarian needs of those in northwest Syria should continue to be met. We also welcome the EU initiative
to host a donor conference in support of the people in Türkiye and Syria in March.

Above all, our solidarity will never waver in standing with Ukraine, in supporting countries and people in need,
and in upholding the international order based on the rule of law.

voltairenet.org

Wars: The Cancelled History

Manlio Dinucci
2–3 minute

Atlanticist communications about the war in Ukraine overlook the history of NATO, the illegal wars of
Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria, and - even more - the expansion of the Alliance to the East.

Voltaire Network | 6 March 2023

On her visit to New Delhi, Italian Premier Meloni declared “the Russian aggression against Ukraine” is a
“provocation at the heart of the UN Charter” and undermined “the rules-based international order”, concluding that
“we cannot submit to the law of the strongest”. In this way, the history of the events that led to the current critical
situation is erased. We reconstruct it in this episode of Grandangolo, in its essential features:

1. NATO was born from the Bomb.

2. Yugoslavia: the founding war of the new NATO.
3. NATO’s expansion eastward toward Russia.
4. US and NATO attack and invade Afghanistan and Iraq.
5. NATO demolishes the Libyan state.
6. US/NATO leadership in the coup in Ukraine.
7. The aircraft carrier Italia on the war front.
8. USA AND NATO tear up the Treaties and deploy new nuclear weapons in Europe.

The moment when the Cold War ended with the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the Soviet Union in 1991 was
fundamental.

The United States took the opportunity to unleash the first post-Cold War conflict in the Gulf, in which the main
NATO countries took part, including Italy. At the same time, NATO moves to expand eastward toward Russia.

The first step is the demolition of the Yugoslav Federation, which the United States and the European NATO
powers began in 1990.

The war, called “Operation Allied Force”, started on March 24, 1999.

While demolishing the Yugoslav Federation with war, NATO began to expand eastward. This despite Washington
having assured USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev that “NATO will not extend an inch eastward.”

In twenty years, NATO expanded from 16 to 30 countries. With the forthcoming entry of Sweden and Finland, it
will expand to 32 countries increasingly close to Russia. Three other countries – Bosnia and Herzegovina (formerly
part of Yugoslavia), Georgia, and Ukraine (formerly part of the USSR) – are candidates to join NATO.

voltairenet.org

EU Empties the Arsenals ... to Fill the Arsenals

Manlio Dinucci
3–4 minute

The European Union is enmeshed in the United States’ support plan for Ukraine. It develops its armament
production solely for this purpose. It is emphatically embroiled in the war against the Russian Federation - a plan,
however, which was never brought up for debate.

Voltaire Network | Rome (Italy) | 15 March 2023

Informal meeting of European Union Defense Ministers, on 7 and 8 March in Stockholm. From left to right:
Pål Jonson, Swedish Defense Minister, Jens Stoltenberg (non-EU member, but the only important one since
he is Secretary General of NATO), and Josep Borell, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs
and Security Policy.

Defense ministers of the 27 EU countries, meeting in Stockholm, approved the plan – presented by Josep Borrell,
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy – for “joint procurement of large caliber
munitions.”

The meeting was attended by the Ukrainian Defense Minister (despite the fact that Ukraine is not part of the EU),
who “explained what Ukraine’s military needs are.” Borrell stated “We are in times of war and we have to have a
war mentality.” He then outlined the Plan, which includes three steps:

1) Draw from the stockpiles of EU member states artillery shells, particularly 155 mm, and supply them
immediately to Ukraine. The money comes from the European Peace Fund (EPF), which has already earmarked 3.6
billion euros (paid for by EU citizens) for this purpose.

2) Realize an Agreement among the 27 EU member states for the joint purchase of 155 mm projectiles from the
side, signing the first seven-year contracts as early as next month. This is a “massive order” both to restore and
increase national stockpiles and to secure supplies to Ukraine.

3) Ensuring the long-term increase of ammunition production in Europe by supporting Defense industries to secure
supplies to Ukraine in the long run. (The EU plans to supply it with about one million artillery shells).

Borrell also reported that

“by the end of March, our Military Assistance Mission will have trained more than 11,000 Ukrainian soldiers. By
the end of the year, we expect to have trained 30,000 soldiers.”

For support to Ukraine, the EU has allocated 18 billion euros (again paid for by European citizens).

Josep Borrell summed up the purpose of the Plan in these words,

“To win the peace, Ukraine must win the war. And that is why we must continue to support Ukraine to win the
peace.”
The European Union thus openly descends into war with Russia as part of the increasingly dangerous U.S.-NATO
strategy.

The assassination of Konstantin Malofeev, CEO of the Tsargrad Group, was foiled in Moscow.

This is the same type of bomb attack with a bomb placed under the car as the one by which journalist Daria Dugina
was killed in August 2022. It is part of a series of terrorist attacks against Russian journalists and media managers
carried out by Ukrainian intelligence services under U.S.-NATO direction.

voltairenet.org

Serious incident between Russia/United States in

Black Sea
Voltaire Network
~2 minute

| 15 March 2023

On 14 March 2023, two SU-27 fighter jets of the Russian Air Force intercepted an American MQ-9 Reaper drone
in international airspace over the Black Sea,

The Russian interceptors dumped fuel on the drone, which was flying under the command of the United States
Military Forces in Europe (EuCom). The unmanned device lost control and crashed into the international waters of
the Black Sea. According to the U.S. side, the drone went down because one of the Russian jets struck the propeller
- a claim that Russia denied.

From its headquarters in Germany, EuCom ordered its operators in Romania to destroy the drone.
The U.S. and Russian armies are both actively searching for the debris of the spy drone. Moscow’s intention is not
to recover the plans of the aircraft, since it has more efficient ones, but to gain access to the data logging.

In Washington, the State Department summoned Russian Ambassador Anatoli Antonov to protest what it
considered to be the “unprofessional behavior” of the Russian pilots, while U.S. Ambassador to Moscow Lynne M.
Tracy conveyed her country’s "strong objections" to the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

According to the Russian side, the U.S. drone was headed to the Russian border to collect information on targets
inside Russia to be transmitted to the Ukrainian military. In the last weeks, a group of particularly well-informed
Ukrainians carried out serious acts of sabotage in Russia.

According to the U.S. side, the drone was merely undertaking a “routine mission”.