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Language Development
FIFTH EDITION
ERIKA HOFF
Florida Atlantic University
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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 16 15 14 13 12
About the Author
Erika Hoff is professor of psychology at Florida Atlantic University where she teaches
courses on language development and childhood bilingualism. She has also taught at the
University of Wisconsin–Parkside and, as guest instructor, at the University of Jyväskylä,
Jyväskylä, Finland. She has held visiting scholar positions at Marquette University
(Milwaukee), McGill University, the National Institute of Child Health and Human Devel-
opment, and the ESRC Centre for Research on Bilingualism in Theory and Practice at
Bangor University, Wales. Dr. Hoff holds an M.S. in psychology from Rutgers, The State
University of New Jersey (1976) and a Ph.D. in psychology from the University of
Michigan (1981). She conducts research on the process of language development in typi-
cally developing monolingual and bilingual children. She has received funding for this
research from the National Institutes of Health, the National Science Foundation, and the
Spencer Foundation. Dr. Hoff’s research has been published in Child Development, Devel-
opmental Psychology, First Language, International Journal of Behavioral Development,
Journal of Applied Psycholinguistics, Journal of Child Language, and the Merrill-Palmer
Quarterly. She is associate editor of Child Development and a member of the editorial
board of the Journal of Child Language. She is the editor of Research Methods in Child
Language: A Practical Guide (2012) and coeditor of the Blackwell Handbook of Language
Development (2007) and Childhood Bilingualism: Research on Infancy through School Age
(2006).
iii
Brief Contents
CHAPTER 1 Introduction to the Study of Language Development 3
CHAPTER 2 Biological Bases of Language Development 31
CHAPTER 3 Foundations of Language Development in Domain-General Skills
and Communicative Experience 73
CHAPTER 4 Phonological Development: Learning the Sounds of Language 109
CHAPTER 5 Lexical Development: Learning Words 137
CHAPTER 6 The Development of Syntax and Morphology: Learning the Structure
of Language 169
CHAPTER 7 Communicative Development: Learning to Use Language 205
CHAPTER 8 Language, Culture, and Cognition in Development 239
CHAPTER 9 Childhood Bilingualism 261
CHAPTER 10 Language in the School Years 293
CHAPTER 11 Language Development in Special Populations 329
iv
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .xv
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to the Study of Language Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Language and the Scientific Study of Language Development 4
A Definition of Language 4
A Chronological Overview of Language Development 5
Reasons for the Scientific Study of Language Development 7
Language Development as a Basic Research Topic 7
Language Development as an Applied Research Topic 8
The History of the Study of Language Development 9
Big Questions and Studies of Special Cases 9
The Language in the Brain 9
“Wild Children” and the Nature of Humankind 9
Baby Biographies 10
Normative Studies 11
The Chomskyan Revolution 11
The Current Study of Language Development 12
Current Topics 12
Current Approaches 12
Major Issues in the Field of Language Development 15
What Are the Contributions of Nature and Nurture to Language Acquisition? 16
The Nativist View 16
The Interactionist View 16
Are the Mechanisms of Language Acquisition Language-Specific or Domain General? 18
How Abstract Is Language? 18
Is There Continuity or Discontinuity in Language Development? 18
What Is the Relation Between Communication and Language? 19
Formalist Views 19
Functionalist Views 19
Theories of Language Development 20
Methods of Research in Language Development 21
Cross-Cultural and Cross-Linguistic Research 21
Research Designs and Procedures 21
Assessment of Productive Language from Speech Samples 22
Speech Sample Collection 22
Speech Sample Transcription 23
Transcript Coding and Analysis 23
CHILDES—A Data Archive 24
Standardized Tests and Measures of Language Development 25
Computational Modeling 26
v
vi Contents
Sources for Research on Language Development 26

Journals 26
Indexes 28
CHAPTER 2
Biological Bases of Language Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Language as a Human Universal 31
Language Creation 32
Pidgins 32
Creoles 32
The Development of Nicaraguan Sign Language 33
The Common Basis of Language Creation and Acquisition 33
The Human Vocal Tract and Language 34
The Human Brain and Language 35
Some Basic Neuroanatomy 37
Methods of Neurolinguistic Investigation 37
Localization of Language Functions in the Brain 40
Language as a Left-Hemisphere Function 40
Right-Hemisphere Contributions to Language 41
Individual and Sex-Related Differences in Brain Organization 42
Other Neurological Divisions of Labor 42
Brain Development and Language Development 43
An Early Left-Hemisphere Specialization for Language 43
Evidence from Neuroimaging Studies 43
Evidence from Childhood Aphasia 44
Evidence from Cases of Brain Injury Prior to Language 44
The Basis of the Left-Hemisphere Specialization for Language 45
Neural Plasticity in Childhood 45
The Critical Period Hypothesis 46
First Language Acquisition After Infancy 47
“Wild” Children 47
The Case of Genie 47
Late Acquisition of American Sign Language 49
Second First Language Acquisition in Internationally Adopted Children 49
Second Language Acquisition 50
Age of Exposure Effects on Second Language Acquisition 50
Limitations on Second Language Acquisition in Childhood 52
Processes Underlying Age Effects on Second Language Acquisition 52
The Timing of Age-of-Exposure Effects on Language Acquisition 53
Age Effects on Mechanisms of Language Acquisition 53
Early Exposure Effects on a General Linguistic Ability 53
Changes in Domain-General Learning Mechanisms 54
Age-Related Changes in Opportunities to Learn Language 54
Social and Motivational Factors 55
The Genetic Basis of Language Development 56
The Heritability of Individual Differences 56
The Genetics of Language Impairment 57
Contents vii
Language and Other Species 58

The Natural Communication Systems of Other Species 58
What Constitutes a Language? 58
Communication Among Primates 58
The Birds and the Bees 59
The Acquisition of Human Language by Other Species 59
Efforts to Teach Chimpanzees to Speak 60
Signing Apes 60
Artificial Language Projects 63
Language in a Bonobo 64
Why Can’t Chimpanzees Acquire Language? 65
The Origin of the Human Capacity for Language 67
Language as an Evolved Capacity 67
Language as a Module and an Adaptation 68
Language as the Modification of Other Cognitive Capacities 68
Language as Emergent from Other Cognitive and Social Capacities 69
Language as a By-Product of Evolution 69
CHAPTER 3
Foundations of Language Development in Domain-General Skills and
Communicative Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
Social and Communicative Foundations of Language Development 74
The Communicative Function of Speech 74
Social Cognitive Skills of Infants 75
Joint Attention 75
Intention Reading 77
The Communicative Use of Gesture 78
Sensory and Perceptual Foundations of Language Development 80
Methods of Studying Infant Perception 80
Infant Hearing and Prenatal Learning 82
Early Attention to Speech and to Speakers 83
Infant Speech Perception 84
Infants’ Discrimination of Speech Sounds 84
Categorical Perception 85
Early Tuning of Speech Perception 87
Cognitive Foundations of Language Development 89
Conceptual Understandings of the Meanings Language Encodes 90
Domain-General Mechanisms of Learning and Development 90
The Piagetian Account of Language Acquisition 91
Statistical Learning as the Mechanism of Language Acquisition 91
Rule Learning and Language Acquisition 92
Memory and Attentional Processes 94
Phonological Memory 94
Central Executive Function in Working Memory 95
Memory, Sleep, and Language Learning 95
The Relation of Early Foundational Skills to Later Language 96
viii Contents
Environmental Support for Language Development 97

Sources of Environmental Support 97
The Information Available in Speech 97
The Special Properties of Infant-Directed Speech 98
The Role of Feedback 100
The Role of Maternal Responsivity 101
The Relation of the Availability of Environmental Support to Language Acquisition 102
Input as a Source of Individual Differences in Language Development 102
Input as a Source of Differences in Language Development Related to Socioeconomic Status 103
CHAPTER 4
Phonological Development: Learning the Sounds of Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
Phonological Knowledge in Adults 109
The Sounds of Language 109
What Are Speech Sounds? 109
How Do Speech Sounds Represent Meaning? 110
The Phonological Structure of Words 111
Phonotactics 111
Phonological Rules 111
Describing Speech Sounds 113
Phonetics 113
Phonemics 113
Phonetic Features 113
Prelinguistic Speech Sound Development 116
Stages of Prespeech Vocal Development 116
Reflexive Crying and Vegetative Sounds 116
Cooing and Laughter 116
Vocal Play 116
Reduplicated Babbling 117
Nonreduplicated Babbling 117
Influence of the Target Language on Babbling 117
Speech Sounds at the End of the Babbling Stage 119
The Transition from Babbling to Words 119
Processes Underlying Infants’ Development of Speech Sounds 120
Biological Processes 120
Experience 120
Phonological Development Once Speech Begins 121
Word Recognition 121
Word Learning 122
Word Production 123
First Words 123
The Development of Phonological Processes 124
General Patterns of Phonological Development 125
Cross-Linguistic Differences in Phonological Development 127
Individual Differences in Phonological Development 127
The Relation Between Perception and Production 128
The Development of Phonological Awareness 128
The Relation Between Phonological and Lexical Development 128
Contents ix
Explanations of Phonological Development 130

Behaviorist Theory 130
Universalist Approaches 131
Biologically Based Theories 131
Usage-Based Phonology 132
The Connectionist Approach 132
CHAPTER 5
Lexical Development: Learning Words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Lexical Knowledge in Adults 137
The Mental Lexicon 137
What Is a Word? 137
The Course of Early Lexical Development 138
First Words 138
First Words May Be Context Bound 138
Is There a Prelexical Stage of Word Use? 139
First Words Can Also Be Referential 139
Why Are Some Words Context Bound and Others Referential? 139
Context-Bound Words Become Decontextualized 140
Vocabulary Development from First Words to 50 Words 140
Vocabularies at the 50-Word Mark 142
The Content of Children’s 50-Word Vocabularies 142
What Determines the Content of Early Vocabularies? 142
Overextensions and Underextensions of First Words 143
The Word Spurt 144
What Is the Word Spurt? 145
What Causes Changes in Word-Learning Efficiency? 146
Word Comprehension 146
Word Processing 147
Individual Differences in Lexical Development 148
Individual Differences in Language Style 148
First Words 148
Referential and Expressive Language Users 149
Individual Differences in the Rate of Lexical Development 150
Environmental Factors That Influence the Rate of Lexical Development 152
Child Factors That Influence the Rate of Lexical Development 152
The Process of Word Learning 153
Word Segmentation 153
Word-Referent Mapping 155
Lexical Constraints on Referent Mapping 155
Pragmatic Bases of Word Learning 156
General Attention and Learning Processes as the Basis of Word Learning 157
Input as a Source of Support for Learning Word Meaning 157
Cross-Situational Information as a Clue to Word Meaning 157
Syntax as a Clue to Word Meaning 158
Word Extension 160
Word Form Encoding 162
Learning Semantic Organization 163
x Contents
CHAPTER 6
The Development of Syntax and Morphology: Learning the Structure of
Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Some Features of Adults’ Knowledge of Language Structure 169
The Productivity of Language 169
Syntax 170
Morphology 172
Descriptive versus Prescriptive Rules 174
Grammatical Development: Evidence in Language Production 174
The Transition from One-Word Speech 175
Vertical Constructions 175
Unanalyzed Word Combinations and “Word þ Jargon” Combinations 175
Early Syntax 175
Two-Word Combinations 175
Three-Word and More Combinations 178
The Telegraphic Nature of Early Combinatorial Speech 179
Morphological Development 179
Morphological Development in Children Acquiring English 179
Morphological Development in Children Acquiring Languages Other than English 181
The Development of Different Sentence Forms 181
Expressing Negation 182
Asking Questions 182
Using Passive Forms 183
Producing Complex Sentences 184
Individual Differences in Grammatical Development 184
Measuring Grammatical Development from Spontaneous Speech 186
Grammatical Development: Evidence in Language Comprehension 188
Strategies Children Use 188
Children’s Comprehension of Sentence Structure 189
Understanding Word Order 189
Early Comprehension of Grammatical Morphemes 189
Comprehension of Underlying Structural Relations 190
Difficulties Understanding Coreference Relations in Complex Sentences by Older Children 191
Sometimes Production Precedes Comprehension 192
Processes of Sentence Comprehension 192
Other Approaches to Studying Grammatical Development 193
Describing Children’s Grammatical Understandings 193
Contrasting Theoretical Approaches 193
The Case for Limited Early Syntactic Understandings 193
The Case for Early Abstract Grammar 195
Evidence of Productivity in Spontaneous Speech 195
Overregulation and Overgeneralization Errors 195
Other Evidence of Early Productivity 196
The Case for Multiple Systems 196
Explaining the Acquisition of Grammar 198
Generativist (i.e., Nativist) Approaches 198
Semantic Bootstrapping 198
Parameter Setting 199
Contents xi
Constructivist Approaches 200

Models of Language Induction 200
The Lexical Basis of Grammatical Development 200
Is Grammar Innate? 201
Is There Continuity or Discontinuity in Grammatical Development? 201
CHAPTER 7
Communicative Development: Learning to Use Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Components of Adults’ Communicative Competence 206
Pragmatics 206
Intentionality 206
Form-Function Mappings and the Role of Context 207
Discourse 207
Sociolinguistics 208
Registers 208
Cultural Variation in Language Use 208
Pragmatic Development 209
The Development of Speech Acts 209
The Expanding Range of the Communicative Functions of Speech 211
The Development of Conversational Skill 213
Piaget’s Description of the Egocentric Child 214
Private Speech 214
Solitary Monologues 214
Vygotsky’s Theory of the Function of Private Speech 215
Early Conversational Skills in Interaction with Adults 216
Responding to Speech 216
Differential Responding to Different Utterance Types 217
Initiating Topics 217
Repairing Miscommunication 218
Sustaining Dialogue and Contingent Responding 219
The Role of the Adult 221
Young Children’s Peer Conversations 221
Narrative Development 223
The Conversational Origin of Narratives 223
Adults’ Scaffolding of Children’s Narratives 223
Developmental Changes in Children’s Narratives 225
Sociolinguistic Development 226
Learning to Produce Situationally Appropriate Language 226
The Egocentric Child 226
Children’s Use of Request Forms 227
Politeness 227
Children’s Child-Directed Speech 228
Children’s Understanding of Register 231
Early Gender-Typed Language Use 231
Influences on Communicative Development 233
The Origin of Communicative Intent and the Development of Communicative Functions 233
Influences on the Development of Discourse Skill 234
Influences on the Development of Situationally Appropriate Language Use 234
xii Contents
CHAPTER 8
Language, Culture, and Cognition in Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
Language and Culture 239
Linguistic and Cultural Influences on Language Development 239
Language Socialization 242
Language and Cognition: Possible Relations 243
Language as an Expression of Independent Cognition 244
Language and Cognition as Tandem Developments: The “Theory Theory” 244
Language as an Influence on “Thinking for Speaking” 246
Language as a Source of Cognition-Advancing Information 247
Language as Providing the Categories of Thought: The Whorfian Hypothesis 248
Language as the Medium of Thought 249
Modern Tests of the Whorfian Hypothesis 249
Number Words and Numerical Cognition 249
Analogical Reasoning 250
Autobiographical Memory 251
Nouns, Verbs, and the Development of the Meanings They Encode 251
The Effects of Gender Marking in Language on Nonlinguistic Concepts 252
The Encoding of Spatial Relations in Language and Thought 253
The Representation of Motion in Language and Cognition 254
Relations Between Language and the Development of Theory of Mind 255
CHAPTER 9
Childhood Bilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261
The Social Circumstances of Childhood Bilingualism 261
Bilingual Development as a Topic of Study 263
History 263
The Current Field 263
Bilingual First Language Acquisition 264
Language Differentiation in Bilingual Development 264
Phonological Differentiation 265
Lexical Differentiation 267
Morphosyntactic Differentiation 268
Effects of Bilingualism on Language Development 269
Effects on the Course of Language Development 269
Effects on the Rate of Language Development 269
Sources of Variability in Bilingual Development 271
Variable Properties of Bilingual Environments 271
Effects of the Balance of Dual Language Exposure on Bilingual Development 272
Effects of Properties of Dual Language Exposure on Bilingual Development 273
Second Language Acquisition in Childhood 274
The Course of Second Language Acquisition in Childhood 274
The Process of Second Language Acquisition in Childhood 276
Influences on Second Language Acquisition in Childhood 277
Characteristics of Children That Influence Second Language Learning 277
The Sociocultural Environment and Second Language Learning 278
Language Attrition 279
Bilingual Language Use: Code Switching 279
Cognitive Consequences of Bilingualism for Children 280
Contents xiii
The Bilingual Brain 282

Educating Bilingual Children 284
Contexts and Types of Bilingual Education 284
The French Immersion Program in Canada 285
Educating Bilingual Children in the United States: History and Current Practice 286
Outcomes of Education Programs for Bilingual Children in the United States 287
Do Language Skills Transfer? 289
CHAPTER 10
Language in the School Years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
Oral Language Development in the School Years 294
Phonological Development 294
Accent and Dialect Changes 294
The Development of Phonological Awareness 295
Lexical Development 296
Changes in Vocabulary Size, Quality, and Use 296
Learning Word Formation Processes 297
Word-Learning Processes 301
Morphosyntactic Development 301
Sentence-Level Developments 301
Discourse-Level Developments 302
Developing Conversational Skill and Style 302
Changes in Conversational Skill 302
Developing a Gender-Typed Conversational Style 303
Developing Narrative Skill 306
Properties of a Good Narrative 306
Types of Narratives and Developmental Changes in Children’s Narratives 306
Developing Speaking and Listening Skills 309
Comprehension Monitoring 309
Message Repair 309
The Course of Communicative Skill Development 310
Developing Nonliteral Uses of Language 311
Oral Language and Schooling 311
Schooling Effects on Language Development 312
Teacher Effects on Children’s Language Development 313
Effects of Cultural Mismatches between Home and School 313
The Foundations of Literacy 314
Oral Language and Literacy 314
Literacy and Human Nature 314
Phonological Skills and Reading 315
Vocabulary, Grammar, and Reading 315
Language Use and Reading 316
Early Experience and Literacy 317
Learning to Read 321
The Reading Process 321
Individual Differences in Reading Skill 322
Environmental Sources of Reading Difficulty 322
Biological Factors in Reading Disorders 323
xiv Contents
The Neurobiology of Reading and Reading Disorders 325

Reading Instruction—The Reading Wars 325
CHAPTER 11
Language Development in Special Populations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Why Study Special Populations? 329
Language Development in Deaf Children 330
The Acquisition of Sign Language 331
Sign Languages Are Real Languages 331
The Course of Sign Language Development 332
The Timing of Sign Language Development 333
Oral Language Development in Deaf Children 333
Communicative Development 334
Phonological Development 334
Lexical Development 334
Syntactic Development 334
The Creation of Home Sign Systems by Deaf Children 335
Oral Language Development in Deaf Children with Cochlear Implants 336
Implications of Research on Language Development in Deaf Children 337
Language Development in Children Who Are Blind 338
Language Development in Children with Intellectual Disabilities 339
Language Development in Children with Down Syndrome 340
Language Development in Children with Williams Syndrome 342
Language Development in Children with Fragile X Syndrome 345
Case Studies of Individuals with Intellectual Disability Who Have High-Level Language
Skills 345
Language Development in Children with Autism Spectrum Disorders 347
Language Development in Children with Specific Language Impairment 349
Who Is “Specifically Language Impaired”? 349
Characteristics of Language Development in Children with Specific Language
Impairment 349
Developmental Delay 349
Delay or Deviance? 350
Asynchrony 351
What Causes Specific Language Impairment? 352
Auditory Processing Explanations of SLI 352
Phonological Memory and SLI 352
Nonlinguistic Cognition in Children with SLI 352
Language Faculty Accounts of Specific Language Impairment 353
The Language Environment of Children with SLI 353
The Neurobiology and Genetics of Specific Language Impairment 354
What Is Specific Language Impairment? 356
Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 372
Name Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431
Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 449
Preface
To study language development is to consider the developing mind as it accomplishes
one of its most astounding feats. I have tried, in this text, to introduce students to this
field in a way that communicates both language development’s content and its intellec-
tual excitement. My aim is to introduce students to the questions that are asked by
researchers, the evidence that has been collected to address these questions, and the con-
clusions derived from this evidence that constitute our current state of knowledge.
Understanding the questions is crucial, because if students do not understand the ques-
tions, they are not likely to be interested in the research findings that constitute the cur-
rent answers. Also, in many areas of research, the questions are likely to outlive the
tentative answers that the field can provide at this time.
Many topics in the field of child language are hotly debated. I have tried to present a
balanced treatment of contentious topics, presenting all sides of the arguments even if
not remaining strictly neutral. My goal is to help students understand the different theo-
retical points of view in the field and the evidence and reasoning that lead some to argue
for and others to argue—with equal vigor—against each point of view. I also believe it is
important for students to understand the research process. In presenting the findings in
each area, I have tried to summarize the results from a comprehensive review of the lit-
erature and to show students where findings come from by presenting selected, illustra-
tive studies in greater methodological detail.
This book was written for advanced undergraduate students. It does not assume that
the reader has a background in any particular discipline; therefore, it can be used in
courses taught in departments of psychology, linguistics, education, and communicative
disorders. The text should also be suitable for graduate courses—to be used as a back-
ground and framework for readings from primary sources. Although this book does not
assume any prior linguistic knowledge, it does not allow its readers to remain in that
state. Some understanding of work in linguistics is necessary both to appreciate the mag-
nitude of what every child accomplishes in acquiring language and to understand the
research that asks how children manage this accomplishment. I have made every effort,
however, not to intimidate the reader who is not linguistically inclined and to present the
research in such a way that readers who miss the linguistic details can still appreciate the
gist of what questions are being asked and why, and what conclusions the researchers are
drawing.
The central focus of this text is language development as a field of basic research, but
applied issues are also considered. Chapter 1 provides an overview and history of the
field, the central questions in the field, and the major theoretical approaches. Chapter 2
discusses the biological bases of language development, covering a wide range of topics,
including the process of creolization, studies of brain injury and aphasia, the hypothesis
of a critical period for language acquisition, studies of neurological correlates of language
processing in intact children and adults, the genetics of language development, “wild
children,” the communication systems of other species, attempts to teach language to
chimpanzees, and the evolution of the capacity for language in humans. Chapter 3
describes the perceptual, social, and cognitive abilities of infants and young children
that research increasingly shows are the foundational skills for language development.
Chapter 3 also describes the language learning experiences that support language
xv
xvi Preface
development and the evidence that individual and group differences, including achieve-
ment gaps, arise from differences in children’s access to those supportive experiences.
Chapters 4 through 7 cover phonological development, lexical development, the develop-
ment of syntax and morphology, and the development of communicative competence—
including pragmatics and language socialization. Chapter 8 considers questions regarding
the relation of culture, cognition, and language, including the effect of cultural practices
on language development and the effect of language and language acquisition on cogni-
tion. Chapter 9 focuses on bilingual development, including discussion of bilingual edu-
cation. Chapter 10 discusses the language developments that occur during the school
years, including the acquisition of literacy. Chapter 11 examines language development
in special populations. These populations include children who are deaf, children who
are blind, children with intellectual disabilities, children with autism spectrum disorders,
and children with specific language impairment.
New in the Fifth Edition

The fifth edition of Language Development represents a substantial revision of the previ-
ous edition. All the chapters have been updated. The increasing use of sophisticated
methods in the field is reflected in an expanded treatment of neuroscience approaches
in Chapter 2 and expanded discussion of studies that make use of eye-tracking methods,
particularly in Chapters 5 and 6, on lexical and morphosyntactic development. The
increasing prominence of usage-based approaches to understanding language and lan-
guage acquisition is reflected in the Chapter 1 treatment of theories and in Chapter 6
on morphosyntactic development. To reflect and adequately present the growing evi-
dence that the process of language acquisition relies on domain-general foundational
skills and communicative experiences, there is a new chapter in this edition. Chapter 3
brings together material that had been in other chapters in previous editions and adds
new material on early speech perception, domain-general learning processes, and the
role of attention and memory in language development. There is also an expanded treat-
ment of the role of the environment in language development. Chapters 9 and 10 con-
tain new material on the topic of achievement gaps related to socioeconomic status and
minority language use. Chapter 9 on bilingual development is substantially expanded,
reflecting both the growing field and my own growing interest in the area. Chapter 11
on special populations includes new work on children with cochlear implants, children
with fragile X syndrome, and children with autism spectrum disorders.
Also new to this edition is a package of supplementary materials, primarily designed
to provide the instructor with additional educational and presentation tools when teach-
ing from this text. Each chapter has been fully outlined in PowerPoint slides, which can
be used as is or edited to reflect the instructor’s specific goals. For each chapter there is a
list of links to relevant websites and to movies available online, suggested student activi-
ties, and a testbank. The videos prepared specifically for this text, which are made avail-
able to instructors and students, have been augmented with new illustrations of concepts
and new demonstrations of research procedures and findings.
Acknowledgments
It is a pleasure to publicly acknowledge those who contributed to this book’s coming into
being. I continue to owe a debt to Marilyn Shatz who first suggested, years ago, that I
write a language development textbook. I am grateful to the many instructors and stu-
dents who have found this textbook useful, and I am grateful for the colleagues, friends,
and students who make the study of language development a great adventure. I owe
thanks to Chahana Munshi and Stephanie Welsh, who helped with the bibliographic
Preface xvii
work for this edition, to Giselle Jia who provided her raw data for Figure 9.3, and to
Oulia Kovelman who graciously provided comments on a draft of Chapter 2; remaining
errors and confusions are all mine, of course. I would also like to thank the many indi-
viduals at Cengage Learning who worked on producing this book: Tim Matray, Nicole
Richards, Don Schlotman, Brenda Carmichael, Michelle Clark, Jasmin Tokatlian, Lauren
Moody, and Pradhiba Kannaiyan (PreMediaGlobal). This text is much better than it
would have been otherwise because of the valuable comments provided by several
reviewers, and I thank them. Last, but most certainly not least, I would like to thank
Brett, Kirsten, and Erik for the fun and love they share with me.
Erika Hoff
© Melissa King/Shutterstock.com
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to the Study
of Language Development
Language and the Scientific Study of Language • Is There Continuity or Discontinuity in

Development Language Development?
• A Definition of Language • What Is the Relation Between Communication
• A Chronological Overview of Language and Language?
Development Theories of Language Development
• Reasons for the Scientific Study of Language Methods of Research in Language Development
Development • Cross-Cultural and Cross-Linguistic Research
The History of the Study of Language • Research Designs and Procedures
Development • Assessment of Productive Language from
• Big Questions and Studies of Special Cases Speech Samples
• Baby Biographies • CHILDES—A Data Archive
• Normative Studies • Standardized Tests and Measures of Language
• The Chomskyan Revolution Development
• The Current Study of Language Development • Computational Modeling
Major Issues in the Field of Language Sources for Research on Language Development
Development • Journals
• What Are the Contributions of Nature and • Indexes
Nurture to Language Acquisition? Summary
• Are the Mechanisms of Language Acquisition Key Terms
Language-Specific or Domain General? Review Questions
• How Abstract Is Language?
Somehow, in the span of just a few years, newborn infants who neither speak nor
understand any language become young children who comment, question, and express
their ideas in the language of their community. This change does not occur all at once.
First, newborns’ cries give way to coos and babbles. Then, infants who coo and babble
start to show signs of comprehension such as turning when they hear their name. Infants
then become toddlers who say “bye-bye” and “all gone” and start to label the people and
objects in their environment. As their vocabularies continue to grow, children start to
combine words. Children’s first word combinations, such as all gone juice and read me,
are short and are missing parts found in adults’ sentences. Gradually, children’s
immature sentences are replaced by longer and more adultlike sentences. As children
learn to talk, their comprehension abilities also develop, typically in advance of their
productive speech. As children master language, they also become masters at using
language to serve their needs. One-year-olds who can only point and fuss to request
something become 2-year-olds who say “please”; later, they become 4-year-olds capable
of the linguistic and communicative sophistication of the child who excused himself from
a boring experiment by saying, “My mother says I have to go home now” (D. Keller-
Cohen, January 1978, personal communication).
3
4 Chapter 1
This book is about these changes. It is about the what and when of language
development—what changes take place and when they occur in the course of language
development. It is also about the how and why. How do children learn to talk, and why
is the development of language a universal feature of human development? In the
following chapters, we will delve into these topics in detail. In this chapter, we begin with
an overview of the field we are about to study.
Language and the Scientific Study of

A Definition of Language
Language is the systematic and conventional use of sounds (or signs or written symbols)
for the purpose of communication or self-expression (Crystal, 1995). This definition is
short and simple, and, although true, it is misleading in its simplicity. Language is complex
and multifaceted. The child who learns a language achieves the ability to recognize and
produce a set of sounds and learns how these sounds can and cannot be combined into
possible words. The child who learns English, for example, comes to know approximately
44 different consonants and vowels (Crystal, 1995) and that pling is a possible word but
gnilp is not. By adulthood, the child who learns a language knows a vocabulary of tens of
thousands of words. This vocabulary knowledge includes knowledge of each word’s mean-
ing and its possibilities for combination with other words. Adult speakers of English know,
for example, that give and donate are synonyms, that John gave a book to the library and
John donated a book to the library are perfectly fine sentences, that John gave the library a
book is also fine, but that John donated the library a book is not. The child who learns a
language also comes to know the multiple ways in which pieces of the language can and
cannot be systematically combined to form words and sentences. John kissed Mary and
Mary kissed John are both fine sentences, albeit with different meanings; kissed is made
up of kiss þ ed, and Mary þ ed John kiss just does not work. The child who learns a lan-
guage also comes to know how to combine sentences into larger units of discourse—to tell
a story or have a conversation. As they learn a language, children learn to use that lan-
guage to communicate in socially appropriate ways. They acquire the means to share
their thoughts and feelings with others and the skill to do so differently with their peers
and their grandparents. In a literate society, children also learn to use language in its writ-
ten form. They master both a complex set of correspondences between written symbols
and meanings and a literate style of language use. Many children, perhaps most of the
world’s children, hear and acquire more than one language (e.g., Grosjean, 2010), and
there is no reason to think that monolingual development is more basic or natural for chil-
dren than bilingual or multilingual development. One could argue that a text on language
development should treat multilingualism as the norm and have one chapter on the special
case of monolingual development. The history of the field, however, is that most of the
research on language development has been conducted with children exposed to only one
language. Studies of bilingual and multilingual development are fewer, although this is a
rapidly growing research area. The organization of this text reflects the scientific literature
in taking monolingual development as its focus and presenting research on bilingual devel-
opment in a single chapter, Chapter 9.
Children develop knowledge in the different domains of language concurrently, and
there are many ways in which knowledge in one domain is used in acquiring knowledge
in another. It is useful, nonetheless, for researchers and for students of language develop-
ment to make distinctions among the subcomponents of language. The sounds and
sound system of a language constitute a language’s phonology. The words and associated
Introduction to the Study of Language Development 5
BOX 1.1 Components of Oral Language Development

COMPONENT DEFINITION EXAMPLE
Pragmatics The transmittal of information to Being able to make requests, to

others in socially appropriate ways comment, to be coherent in con-
versation and narrative
Phonology The sound system of the language Being able to distinguish between
/vat/ and /bat/, recognizing that
/narg/ could be an English word
but that /ngar/ could not
Lexicon Vocabulary and processes of Knowing the meaning of words

derivational morphology and how to form new words (e.g.,
if narg is a verb, then a narger is
someone who nargs)
Morphology and The systems that govern inflec- Knowing the difference in meaning
syntax tional morphology and word between Man bites dog and Dog
© Cengage Learning
combination bites man, knowing that Man bite
dog and Bite man dog are both
ungrammatical
knowledge are the lexicon. The system for combining units of meaning (words and parts
of words such as -ed) is morphology; the system for combining words into sentences is
syntax. The knowledge that underlies the use of language to serve communicative func-
tions is knowledge of pragmatics, and the knowledge that allows the socially appropriate
use of language is knowledge of sociolinguistics. Knowledge of reading and writing is
referred to as literacy. We will define these components of linguistic knowledge further
in later chapters; definitions of the components of oral language are presented in
Box 1.1. Readers with some background in language development or linguistics may be
surprised not to find semantic development listed here. Semantics is the study of mean-
ing, and certainly learning a language is learning a system for expressing meaning. Much
of what is usually subsumed under the heading of semantic development is word mean-
ing, which is discussed in this text in Chapter 6 on lexical development. The meanings
expressed in word combinations are discussed in Chapter 6 on the development of lan-
guage structure.
A Chronological Overview of Language Development

In the chapters that follow, we will describe the course of language development in some
detail and ask how children accomplish this remarkable feat. Here, as both overview and
preview, we describe language development in broad outline, based on findings from the
study of monolingual children. Figure 1.1 presents the major milestones of language
development on separate timelines for each language component. If you scan all four
timelines from left to right, you can see that from birth to one year, children change in
the communicativeness of their behavior and in the repertoire of sounds they produce.
They move from understanding no words at birth to recognizing their names by
6 months and understanding a few other words by 8–10 months. On average, children
begin to produce speech at about 1 year. We know, however, that these seemingly pre-
linguistic babies are learning a great deal about the sounds, the words, and even the
grammatical properties of their language during the first year of life and that what babies
learn in their first year is built upon in subsequent language development.
6
Chapter 1
F I G - 1 - 1 Major Milestones of Language Development
range of distinguishable
communicative purposes narrative skills develop
grows
intentional communication conversational initiative

emerges and responsiveness grow
Communication
reorganization
and consolidation phonological awareness grows
canonical babbling
of phonological
vocal play representations phonetic inventory completion
Phonology
50-word productive 500-word productive

recognition of own name vocabulary vocabulary knowledge of
derivational morphology
increases vocabulary
first word word spurt
Lexicon
complex (i.e., multiclause) utterances
increasing length of word combinations
adding grammatical morphemes
first word combinations negatives and question forms
Grammar
© Cengage Learning
1 year 2 years 3 years 4 years
During children’s second year, the most obvious development is in the domain of vocab-
ulary. Children typically begin this year by producing their first word, and by the end of
the year, they have a productive vocabulary of about 300 words and are producing word
combinations (Fenson, Dale, Reznick, & Bates, 1994). Their words do not sound quite
adultlike. Both articulation abilities and underlying phonological representations undergo
changes during this second year. Children are also becoming more communicative. Both
the frequency and the conversational relevance of their communicative acts increase.
During the third year of life, the most obvious development is children’s increasing
mastery of the grammar of their language. Typically, children start this year producing
two- and three-word affirmative, declarative sentences that lack grammatical endings
(e.g., plural markers and past-tense markers) on nouns and verbs. By the end of the
third year, children produce full sentences, including questions and negated forms with
most grammatical devices in place. Vocabulary continues to grow, articulation of sounds
improves, and children begin to develop an awareness of the phonological properties of
their language—as evidenced, for example, in their appreciation of rhymes. Children’s
conversational skills increase, and they begin to introduce short accounts of past events
into their conversations.
The period from 3 to 4 years is largely one of refining and further developing the
skills that are already in place. The most obvious new development occurs in the area
of grammar, where children start to produce complex, multiclause sentences. Because
there is nothing completely missing from the linguistic competence of most 4-year-old
children, it is commonly said that language acquisition is completed during the first
four years of life. Although there is some truth to that statement, language skills continue
to grow in every domain after the age of 4 years. Articulation, vocabulary, sentence
structure, and communicative skills all develop. There are also major transitions involved
as children move from a home to a school environment and learn new ways of using
language; literacy development is further associated with changes in language knowledge.
We will return to each of these developments in future chapters.
Reasons for the Scientific Study of Language Development

Language Development as a Basic Research Topic A child who has acquired
language has acquired an incredibly complex and powerful system. If we understood how
children accomplish this task, we would know something substantial about how the
human mind works. The modern field of language development emerged in the 1950s
when it became clear that language acquisition would serve as a test for rival theories of
how change in human behavior occurs (H. Gardner, 1985; Pinker, 1984). In the 1950s,
two psychological theories were pitted against each other: behaviorism and cognitivism.
Behaviorism holds that change in behavior occurs in response to the consequences of
prior behavior. Most readers are familiar with clear examples supporting this view. For
instance, rats that initially do not press levers come to press levers after receiving food
pellets for producing behaviors that increasingly approximate lever pressing. Radical
behaviorism holds that all behavior can be accounted for in this way. A central tenet of
behaviorism is that it is not necessary to discern what goes on in the mind of the rat in
order to explain the change in the rat’s behavior; behavior can be fully accounted for in
terms of things external to the mind.
Cognitivism asserts the opposite—that we cannot understand behavior without
understanding what is going on inside the mind of the organism producing the behavior.
From approximately 1930 to the early 1950s, behaviorism dominated American psychol-
ogy. But in the 1950s, a “cognitive revolution” began (H. Gardner, 1985). During the
next two decades, behaviorism came to be seen as inadequate, and the focus of the
8 Chapter 1
search for explanations of human behavior shifted to internal mental processes. Studies
of language played a crucial role in the cognitive revolution. The ability to speak and
understand language is incredibly complex, and children acquire that ability without
receiving positive reinforcement for successive approximations to grammatical sentences.
Simple theories that may well explain why rats push levers, why dogs salivate at the sight
of the people who feed them, and why humans get tense when they sit in the dentist’s
chair cannot explain how children learn to talk. When cognitivism displaced behavior-
ism, theoretical dispute concerning how to understand human behavior did not end. In
fact, a new interdisciplinary field called cognitive science emerged from the cognitive
revolution.
Cognitive scientists now agree that it is necessary to understand how the mind works
in order to explain human behavior, but they do not agree on how the mind works. The
study of language acquisition plays a central role in the debate over how to characterize
human cognition, for the same reason that language acquisition played a central role in
the cognitive revolution. That is, it is so difficult to explain how language acquisition is
possible that accounting for language acquisition is a test not likely to be passed by inac-
curate cognitive theories. Language acquisition is the New York City of the field of cog-
nitive science: If you can make it there, you can make it anywhere.
Language Development as an Applied Research Topic The goal for many

researchers who study language development is perhaps less grandiose than discovering
how the mind works, but it is more immediate. Success in modern industrialized society
depends on having good verbal skills, and acquiring the verbal skills that society requires
is problematic for some children. For example, some minority children and some chil-
dren from lower socioeconomic strata enter school with language skills that differ from
those that mainstream, middle-class teachers expect. Many children enter school with
limited skills in the language of instruction because they or their parents are immigrants,
and the language they have learned at home is not the language used in school. A sub-
stantial area of research conducted by developmental psychologists, speech and commu-
nication scientists, and educators is aimed at understanding the nature of the language
skills that characterize children from diverse backgrounds and identifying the best
approaches to educating them.
For some children, acquiring adequate language skills is problematic because of other
conditions, including intellectual disability, hearing impairment, or brain injury. Some
children have difficulty acquiring language in the apparent absence of any other sort of
impairment. A substantial body of research focuses on trying to understand the nature of
the problems that underlie such children’s difficulty and on finding techniques for help-
ing these children acquire language skills.
The areas of basic and applied research in the study of language development are not
wholly separate. There are important points of contact. For example, basic research on
the process of normal language development is used to develop interventions to help
children who have difficulty acquiring language (S. F. Warren & Reichle, 1992), and
research on the processes involved in reading has provided the basis for successful read-
ing interventions (Bus & van Ijzendoorn, 1999; Ehri et al., 2001; Lyytinen, Erskine, Aro,
& Richardson, 2007). Sometimes work on language disorders also informs basic research.
For example, evidence that children with autism acquire language structure even though
they have severe communicative deficiencies suggests that learning language involves
more than learning how to fulfill a need to communicate (Tager-Flusberg, 1994, 2007),
and studies that find late talkers differ from typically developing children in other cogni-
tive tasks suggest that multiple skills serve normal language development (Rescorla,
2009). There are also important points of contact among the various disciplines that
study language development. For example, anthropologists’ descriptions of cultures in

which no one talks to babies is relevant to the work of developmental psychologists
who study how mother–infant interactions contribute to language development (Hoff,
2006b; Lieven, 1994).
The History of the Study of Language

Development
Although the modern study of language acquisition began in the 1960s, the linguistic
capacity of children has been a source of fascination since ancient times. One can find
examples in history of many of the motives that prompt current investigations of
children’s language.
Big Questions and Studies of Special Cases

The Language in the Brain The first recorded language acquisition experiment was
conducted by the ancient Egyptian King Psammetichus and described by the Greek his-
torian Herodotus in the 4th century BC. The issue at hand concerned who among the
peoples of the world represented the original human race. To resolve the issue, King
Psammetichus ordered that two infants be raised in isolation by shepherds, who were
never to speak in the children’s presence. The idea behind this experiment was that the
babies would start to speak on their own, and whatever language they spoke would be
the language of the “original” people. According to Herodotus’s account, one of the chil-
dren said something like “becos” at the age of 2. Becos, as it turned out, was the Phrygian
word for bread. In the face of this evidence, King Psammetichus abandoned his claim
that the Egyptians were the oldest race of humans and concluded that they were second
oldest, after the Phrygians.
Although the assumptions underlying that experiment seem slightly comical now, and
the method of the experiment is certainly unethical, the idea of asking about the lan-
guage the brain creates when it is not given an existing language to learn has not been
discarded. Susan Goldin-Meadow has studied the gestural communication systems
invented by deaf children born to hearing parents (Feldman, Goldin-Meadow, &
Gleitman, 1978; Goldin-Meadow, 2003; Goldin-Meadow, Mylander, & Franklin, 2007).
Because the children’s parents do not know any sign language (and have been instructed
not to learn or use any sign language in these cases, in accordance with the oralist
method of instruction for the deaf), these deaf children are just as isolated from a lan-
guage model as were the infants in King Psammetichus’s experiment. Children in these
circumstances invent “signs” and combine them in two- and three-sign sequences, sug-
gesting that putting symbols together to communicate is something that naturally
emerges in the course of human development. In Chapter 11, we will come back to the
specifics of these findings and what they suggest.
“Wild Children” and the Nature of Humankind Occasionally, there are children
who are not only linguistic isolates but also social isolates, and these unfortunate chil-
dren afford science the opportunity to ask an even broader question: What is the intrin-
sic nature of humankind? This question was hotly debated in the 18th century. On the
one hand, there had been a long tradition of argument by philosophers such as René
Descartes (1662) that human nature (including having an immortal soul) was an innate
endowment. On the other hand, philosopher John Locke (1690) argued that at birth the
human mind was like a sheet of blank paper and that humans become what they become
as a result of society’s influence. What was needed to settle this question was a human
raised outside of society. Such a human appeared in the winter of 1800.
10 Chapter 1
That winter was an unusually cold one, and in January, a young boy who had been living
wild in the woods near Aveyron, France, approached a tanner’s workshop on the edge of the
forest (Lane, 1976). The child appeared to be about 12 years old. He was naked; he occasion-
ally ran on all fours; he ate roots, acorns, and raw vegetables—but only after sniffing them
first; and although he was capable of making sounds, he had no language. This “wild child”
became the object of intense scientific interest because he provided an opportunity to exam-
ine the nature of the human species in its natural state. The young boy’s muteness was prob-
lematic for theories of innate knowledge for two reasons: (1) Language was held to be one of
the defining characteristics of humanity, and (2) his muteness made him a difficult subject to
interview to determine whether he had an innate idea of God (Lane, 1976). However, the
boy’s muteness provided good support for the opposing idea that “man depends on society
for all that he is and can be” (Lane, 1976, p. 5).
Victor, the wild boy of Aveyron, as he came to be called, was placed with young
Dr. Jean-Marc Itard for training at the National Institute for Deaf-Mutes in Paris. The
scientific community watched to see whether society could provide this child with the
human characteristic of language. Although Dr. Itard was able to teach the boy some
socially appropriate behaviors, the boy never learned more than a few words. Although
we cannot be certain why the efforts to teach him failed, many of this wild child’s beha-
viors suggested that he was autistic (Wolff, 2004). Thus, his outcome does not tell us
about normal human development in the absence of society’s influence. Itard’s work
did yield practical dividends. He later used the training methods he had devised for the
wild boy of Aveyron in teaching the deaf, and some of the techniques for teaching letters
that Itard invented are used in Montessori classrooms today (Lane, 1976).
Over the course of history, there have been other “wild children” who were discovered
mute at an age when children in normal environments have learned to talk (see
R. Brown, 1958a; Curtiss, 1989; L. R. Gleitman & H. Gleitman, 1991). The most famous
modern case is that of a girl named “Genie,” who became known to the public in 1970.
She was 13 years old and had been kept locked in a room by her mentally ill father since
the age of approximately 18 months. Her language remediation was somewhat more suc-
cessful than the boy of Aveyron’s, but Genie never acquired normal language (Curtiss,
1977; Rymer, 1993). To some, such cases suggest that there may be a critical period for
some aspects of language acquisition, such that language acquisition begun after child-
hood is never quite as successful as language acquisition begun earlier. This is also a
topic to which we will return in Chapters 2 and 9.
Baby Biographies
Another approach to investigating “the nature of humankind” is simply to observe what
emerges in the course of normal development. In this vein, several investigators in the
late 1800s and early 1900s kept diaries of their own children’s development. The most
famous of these “baby biographers” was Charles Darwin (better known for his theory of
evolution), whose description of his son’s communicative development (Darwin, 1877)
looks remarkably like that described in Figure 1.1. Darwin’s son said da at 5 months,
and, before he was 1 year old, the young Darwin understood intonations, gestures, several
words, and short sentences. At 1 year, the child communicated with gestures and invented
his first word, mum, to mean food. Other well-known diaries include Clara and Wilhelm
Stern’s Die Kindersprache (Stern & Stern, 1907) and Werner Leopold’s (1939–1949) four-
volume account of his daughter Hildegard’s acquisition of English and German.
Diary studies are not entirely a thing of the past. Child language researchers often
have children of their own, and some researchers have kept detailed records of their chil-
dren’s language development. Some of the data we will refer to in later chapters come
from such diaries (e.g., Bowerman, 1985, 1990; Dromi, 1987; Halliday, 1975; Mervis,
Mervis, Johnson, & Bertrand, 1992; B. F. Robinson & Mervis, 1998; Sachs, 1983;
Tomasello, 1992b). In addition, researchers have sometimes trained mothers to keep
diaries so that detailed records of the early language development of several children
could be studied (e.g., L. Bloom, 1993; A. Gopnik & Meltzoff, 1987; M. Harris, Barrett,
Jones, & Brookes, 1988; Naigles, Hoff, & Vear, 2009; Nelson, 1973).
Normative Studies
In the period between the end of World War I and the 1950s, the goal of most research
on language acquisition was to establish norms (Ingram, 1989). Toward that end, several
large-scale studies were undertaken to provide data on when children articulate different
sounds, the size of children’s vocabularies at different ages, and the length of their sen-
tences at different ages. Consonant with the behaviorist orientation of the times, the goal
was not to ask theoretical questions about either the nature of humankind or the nature
of language development but simply to describe what could be observed. These older
studies are still valuable as descriptions of normative development (e.g., McCarthy,
1930; Templin, 1957), and as new instruments for assessing children’s language are
developed, new normative studies continue to be conducted (e.g., Fenson et al., 1994).
The Chomskyan Revolution

In the 1960s, the study of children’s language development changed radically. The cata-
lyst for this change was the 1957 publication of a slim volume entitled Syntactic Struc-
tures, written by Noam Chomsky, then a young linguist at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology. That piece, along with Chomsky’s subsequent prolific work, revolutionized
the field of linguistics and, within a few years, the study of language development. Before
Chomsky’s work, linguists concentrated on describing the regularities of languages.
Linguists could study their own language or, better yet, a little-known language, but the
job was the same: to find the patterns in what speakers do. Chomsky caused a revolution
by saying that what speakers do is not as interesting as the mental grammar that under-
lies what speakers do. Since Chomsky’s writings, the work of linguists consists of trying
to describe what is in the minds of speakers that explains how speakers do what they do.
That new goal of linguistics raised a question about children. If adults have a mental
grammar that explains what they do when they talk, then children must have a mental
grammar that explains what children do. Children’s speech is different from adults’ speech;
therefore, children’s mental grammars must be different. What are children’s grammars like,
and how do children eventually achieve adult grammars? In 1962, Professor Roger Brown
and his students at Harvard University began to study the grammatical development of
two children given the pseudonyms Adam and Eve (R. Brown, 1973). Somewhat later, a
third child, Sarah, was added to the study. Every week for Sarah, and every two weeks for
Adam and Eve, graduate students visited these children in their homes and tape-recorded
their spontaneous speech. Transcripts of the children’s speech were then analyzed with the
goal of describing the grammatical knowledge that underlay the speech they produced. That
project, begun by Brown, along with just a few other projects (L. Bloom, 1970; Braine, 1963;
W. Miller & Ervin, 1964), marks the beginning of the Chomskyan era of studying children’s
language. The graduate students who met with Roger Brown to discuss the analyses of
Adam’s, Eve’s, and Sarah’s language—along with a few notable others who were not at
Harvard that year—became the first generation of child language researchers. We will discuss
some of these pioneering projects when we discuss grammatical development in Chapter 6.
Chomsky focused on grammar (the structure of language), and the first new wave of
research on language development in the 1960s was on children’s grammatical development.
12 Chapter 1
Later, in part following theoretical trends in linguistics, child language researchers shifted
their focus more toward semantics and the acquisition of word meanings. In the late 1970s,
the domain of language development was further expanded. Again following developments
in linguistics, language use was added to the field of inquiry, and child language researchers
began to study pragmatic and sociolinguistic development. In the 1980s and 1990s, linguis-
tics and language development returned to focus on syntax, but the other questions about
the lexicon and pragmatics have not been abandoned (or solved). The study of phonology
and phonological development has also continued throughout this period, and the study of
phonological development is becoming increasingly central to the study of language acquisi-
tion as evidence mounts that phonological development provides the underpinnings for
other aspects of language and literacy development. This topic will come up again, particu-
larly in Chapters 4 and 5. (Accounts of the early history of child language research can be
found in Golinkoff & Gordon, 1983; Ingram, 1989.)
The Current Study of Language Development

Current Topics The current study of language development includes a much wider
range of topics and a much wider range of populations than it did at its inception. New
methods have also become part of the enterprise of trying to understand the nature of the
human language capacity. Researchers now search for the basis of language in images of
brain activity during language processing and in maps of the human genome (see Kovelman,
2012; and Chapter 2). Hypotheses about processes of language development are tested in
computer simulations (see the section on methods in this chapter). Cross-cultural and
cross-linguistic research has grown and become central to the field. The relation of language
to thought and of language development to cognitive development has become a major
topic. The study of bilingual development and the study of literacy have burgeoned. Cur-
rently, the study of language development is a multifaceted field that includes a variety of
very different research questions and approaches (Bavin, 2009; Hoff, 2012).
Current Approaches Research on language development has always been guided by

views of what language is, and there are currently several such views. One can think of lan-
guage development as the process of learning to communicate in the way that the adults in
one’s social or cultural group do so. Language, in this view, is a social behavior, and language
acquisition is really language socialization. The goals of language socialization research are
to describe children’s language use and their underlying understandings of language as a
vehicle for social interaction at different ages and to identify the factors that influence that
developmental course. This work includes, for example, studies of gender differences and
cultural differences in styles of language use, studies of how children recount stories, negoti-
ate conflicts, and tell jokes (e.g., Slobin, Gerhardt, Kyratzis, & Guo, 1996) and studies of how
children in bilingual environments learn which language to use when (Tare & Gelman,
2011). We will pursue these lines of work more fully in Chapters 7, 8, and 9.
In addition to being a social behavior, language is also a complex system that maps
sounds (for oral language) to meanings. If one thinks of language development as the acqui-
sition of this system, the research question is, how does the child do it? That is, what is the
mental capacity that underlies the human ability to learn to talk? This question can be con-
ceptualized in the following manner: The human capacity for language is a device residing
in the human brain that takes as its input certain information from the environment and
produces as its output the ability to speak and understand a language. (This model is pre-
sented in Figure 1.2.) Everything that is part of adults’ knowledge of language (i.e., the out-
put of the device) must be in the input, be in the internal device, or somehow result from
the way the device operates on the input it receives. Noam Chomsky (1965) termed this
capacity the Language Acquisition Device (LAD). Not everyone uses this terminology,
F I G - 1 -2 A Model for
Studying the Nature of
the Language Learning
Capacity
Information
from the Language
environment acquisition
Courtesy of the Author

Language-learning
mechanism
because it is associated with a particular, Chomskyan, approach to the field, but everyone
who is interested in how children acquire the language system is, in essence, asking the
question: What is the nature of the human language acquisition capacity?
Researchers do not start out completely neutral with respect to an answer to this ques-
tion. (Scientists must always start out with some ideas of how things work; the work of
scientists is testing those ideas.) Current research on language development can be usefully
organized in terms of four different approaches that researchers take—each motivated by a
different premise regarding the nature of the LAD and the language development it pro-
duces. The approaches are the biological, the linguistic, the social, and the domain-general
cognitive approaches. We introduce them briefly here so that readers are familiar with
them when they come up in more detailed discussions of particular domains of language
development. The biological approach starts with the premise that the human capacity for
language is best understood as a biological phenomenon, and language development is best
understood as a biological process. This premise then leads to research that investigates the
degree to which language and language development share the hallmark features of other
biological processes. Research in this vein looks for universal features of language develop-
ment, for a hereditary basis to language ability, for evidence of a biologically based timeta-
ble for development, and more. In addition, biologically motivated research leads to the
study of the structures and processes in the brain that underlie language development
(see Friederici, 2009; Kovelman, 2012).
The generative linguistic approach to the study of language acquisition focuses on describ-
ing the nature of the child’s innate linguistic knowledge. This approach works from the prem-
ise that the LAD must contain some knowledge of the structure of language in order for
language acquisition to be possible. That innate knowledge cannot be specific to any particu-
lar language; thus, it is Universal Grammar (UG). This approach seeks to describe UG and
how it interacts with language experience to produce linguistic knowledge as a result (see
Deen, 2009; Goodluck, 2007; Lust, Foley, & Dye, 2009; de Villiers & Roeper, 2011).
Other approaches reject this nativist premise. The social approach starts from the pre-
mises that language is essentially a social phenomenon and language development a
social process, and seeks to describe the social processes that produce language acquisi-
tion. Research in this vein focuses on the social aspects of interaction as the experience
relevant to language acquisition and on the social cognitive abilities of the child as the
relevant learning capacities (see Baldwin & Meyer, 2007; Tomasello, 2009). The
domain-general cognitive approach starts from the premise that language acquisition is
14 Chapter 1
a learning problem no different from any other and that children solve it in the same
way that they solve other learning problems. Research in this vein seeks an account of
how language might be learned by the child’s application of domain-general cognitive
processes to the information available in input (see J. R. Saffran & Thiessen, 2007;
Thiessen, 2009). Other work, such as that which has identified relations between early
attention and early speech perception on later vocabulary development, illustrates what
is often termed a developmental systems approach (e.g., Colombo et al., 2009; Kuhl,
2009; Spencer et al., 2009). The premise of this research approach is that early develop-
ments and/or genetically based characteristics in one domain provide the foundation for
subsequent developments in other domains. Thus, language development reflects cascad-
ing effects in which both the child’s language knowledge and the child’s language learn-
ing capacity change with development, and the outcome reflects the complex interaction
between capacity and experience over time (e.g., Colombo et al., 2009).
Finally, the dynamical systems approach rejects the premise that language is a static sys-
tem of knowledge and that language development consists of acquiring that knowledge.
According to dynamical systems theory (DST), language emerges as a result of the contin-
uous interaction of the components of the system and the environment. This self-organizing
process accounts for both change in the child’s language abilities over developmental time
and the moment-to-moment processes that occur as the child assembles words and longer
utterances (see Evans, 2007; Vihman, DePaolis, & Keren-Portnoy, 2009). Dynamical systems
theory has its roots in the fields of complex, nonlinear, dynamic systems in physics and
mathematics. It is best known within developmental psychology in the work of Esther
Thelen who brought a dynamical systems approach to the study of early motor development
(Thelen & Smith, 1998). At this point, it is not a comprehensive approach to understanding
language development, but DST does direct attention to certain phenomena that are rela-
tively ignored in other approaches. These phenomena include variability in children’s perfor-
mance and the influence of transitory states, as opposed to stable states of knowledge, on
children’s language performance. For example, it is standard in the field to take the words
FIG-1-3
Source: © The New Yorker Collection, 2003 Michael Shaw from cartoonbank.com.
All Rights Reserved.
BOX 1.2 Current Approaches to the Study of Language

Development
APPROACH R E S EA R C H G O A L
Language A description of children’s language use in social contexts and an
socialization account of the social processes by which children come to use
language in the manner of their culture
Biological A description of the genetic bases of the human language capacity

and its disorders; a description of the structures and processes in
the brain that serve language development
Generative linguistic A description of children’s innate linguistic knowledge and how it

interacts with experience to produce knowledge of a particular
language
Social A description of the social–cognitive abilities and social–

communicative experiences relevant to language development
Domain-general A description of the domain-general learning capacities that serve

cognitive language development and of the sources of information in input
that those learning procedures use
Developmental A description of how genetically based characteristics and envir-

systems onmental influences interact over time and across developmental
domains to shape language outcomes
© Cengage Learning
Dynamical A description of the self-organizing processes that give rise to
systems theory developmental changes and moment-to-moment variability in
children’s language performance
children produce as fairly direct evidence of their stored word knowledge. However,
Gershkoff-Stowe and colleagues (Gershkoff-Stowe, Thal, Smith, & Namy, 1997) found that
children are particularly likely to make errors in naming familiar objects at points when
their vocabularies are expanding rapidly, and the particular words they mistakenly use are
likely to be words they recently said. Thus both the timing and the nature of the errors sug-
gest that speaking is not a reflection of static knowledge but the reflection of an underlying
dynamic system and retrieval processes at work during the act of speaking. These current
approaches to the study of language development are summarized in Box 1.2.
There is another bit of terminology to introduce with respect to characterizing approaches
to the study of language development. A distinction has been made between the learnability
approach and the developmental approach (see, e.g., L. Bloom, 1991). The learnability
approach focuses on explaining the fact that language is acquired (i.e., that language is
learnable). The developmental approach focuses on explaining the course of language
development. These approaches are not mutually exclusive, and few researchers focus on
one goal and ignore the other. Rather, different lines of research may differ in emphasis.
Major Issues in the Field of Language

Development
Another way to organize current research and theory in the field of language develop-
ment is in terms of the major issues that any account of language development must
address. The major issues concern, among other things, the degree to which language is
innate or learned from experience, the nature of the system that is learned, whether
16 Chapter 1
change over the course of development is continuous or discontinuous, and how the
communicative functions of language are involved in the process of learning the
language system. We elaborate these issues in the next sections.
What Are the Contributions of Nature and Nurture

to Language Acquisition?
Is the development of language in children the result of human’s innate endowment (like
the development of upright posture and bipedal locomotion), or is it the result of the cir-
cumstances in which children are nurtured (like the development of table manners or the
ability to do calculus, both of which depend on particular experiences)? This is the
nature–nurture debate, and it predates not only the modern study of language development
but also the emergence of psychology as a discipline. This was the ongoing debate when the
wild boy of Aveyron left the woods in 1800. The extreme experience-based position, known
as empiricism, asserts that the mind at birth is like a blank slate; all knowledge and reason
come from experience (J. Locke, 1690). The alternative view, known as nativism, asserts
that knowledge cannot come from experience alone. The mind must have some preexisting
structure in order to organize and interpret experience (H. Gleitman, 1995; Pinker, 1994; see
the works of Plato and Kant for the original arguments). The question of whether language
acquisition depends on innate knowledge is a currently debated question.
The Nativist View Applied to the question of how children acquire language, nativ-
ism is the view that language acquisition depends on innate knowledge of properties of
language. There are nativist proposals with respect to phonological and lexical develop-
ment, but the central arena of debate is on the acquisition of syntax. We have already
raised this topic in discussing the linguistic approach to language development, and we
will consider it again in subsequent chapters when we discuss phonological, lexical, and
morphosyntactic development. Here we try to provide the flavor of the position, apart
from any linguistic details. To proponents of nativism, there are three salient “facts”
about language development: (1) Children acquire language rapidly, (2) children acquire
language effortlessly, and (3) children acquire language without direct instruction. Rapid,
effortless, untutored development seems more like maturation than like learning in the
usual sense of the term. As Chomsky (1993) put it,
Language learning is not really something that the child does; it is something that hap-
pens to the child placed in an appropriate environment, much as the child’s body grows
and matures in a predetermined way when provided with appropriate nutrition and
environmental stimulation. (p. 519)
There are several positions with respect to language acquisition that could be classi-
fied as empiricist. One of them is behaviorism, and as mentioned earlier, behaviorism
has not stood the test of time (or empirical evidence) as a theory of language acquisition.
Behaviorist theories will be mentioned again in the following chapters, but primarily for
historical completeness.
The Interactionist View In current debate, the alternative to nativism includes a
variety of positions that describe language acquisition as resulting from the interaction
of innate characteristics of the child’s mind and the child’s language experience. These
interactionist views place a greater burden of accounting for language development on
the nature of children’s language-learning experiences than the nativist position does.
Research on the nature of the language input children receive and the relation of that
input to the rate and course of development are relevant here (see, e.g., Gathercole &
Hoff, 2007; Hoff, 2006). The position known as social interactionism holds that a
crucial aspect of language-learning experience is social interaction with another person.

Interactionists contest the “facts” so salient to the nativists. As Catherine Snow put it,
We on the other side think that learning language is a long slog, which requires from
the child a lot of work. And the child is working as hard as he can, fifteen, sixteen
hours a day. We think it requires a relationship with an adult, and a whole set of cog-
nitive abilities. (quoted in Rymer, 1993, p. 37)
Another term for this type of position is constructivism. Constructivism as a view of
development was first argued with respect to cognitive development by Jean Piaget, and
constructivism remains a term in current use. According to the constructivist view, lan-
guage (or any form of knowledge) is constructed by the child using inborn mental equip-
ment but operating on information provided by the environment. In 1975, Noam
Chomsky and Jean Piaget debated their respective nativist and constructivist views of
language development at the Abbaye de Royaumont near Paris. Nearly 200 years after
the wild boy of Aveyron left his woods (and roughly 200 miles away), the debate about
the essential nature of the human mind continued. In his foreword to the edited tran-
script of that debate, Howard Gardner (1980) summarized the two views:
Piaget saw the human child—and his mind—as an active, constructive agent that
slowly inches forward in a perpetual bootstrap operation, Chomsky viewed the mind
as a set of essentially preprogrammed units, each equipped from the first to realize its
full complement of rules and needing only the most modest environmental trigger to
exhibit its intellectual wares. (p. xxiii)
Other views that fall under the broad heading of interactionism have guided and con-
tinue to guide current research in child language. In some work, the term emergentism has
been used to label the view that knowledge can arise from the interaction of that which is
given by biology and that which is given by the environment (MacWhinney, 1999). This
term tends to be used in the context of models of learning that are termed connectionist,
parallel distributed processing, or neural network models (Bates & Goodman, 1999).
Connectionism is a proposed mechanism of pattern learning, and it seeks to explain lan-
guage acquisition as the learning of patterns among smaller elements of sound or meaning.
The developmental systems approach (also termed the epigenetic approach), already
discussed, argues that development is the result of interactions between genes and the
environment and their mutual influences as they unfold over time (Colombo et al., 2009;
Karmiloff-Smith, 2007).
The debate between nativist and constructivist positions continues (Ambridge & Lieven,
2011; Pérez-Pereira, 2011; Valian, 2009). The currently most prominent constructivist posi-
tion argues that language emerges from the interaction of children’s desire to communicate,
their ability to read speakers’ intentions, their ability to learn the patterns in their input, and
the information provided in input (Lieven & Brandt, 2011; Tomasello, 2009). The alternative
position is also currently argued: that there are principles and categories of grammar that are
innate and do not need to be learned, in any usual sense of the meaning of “learning.”
Although interactionism encompasses a variety of possible positions regarding just
what is innate and how big a role experience plays, to theoretical purists there is no mid-
dle position, no compromise between nativism and empiricism. Any position—social
interactionism, dynamic systems, constructivism—that claims to account for language
acquisition without innate syntactic content is an empiricist position (Valian, 2009),
and any position that allows innate knowledge as part of the child’s language learning
equipment is a nativist position (Ambridge & Lieven, 2011). As Ambridge and Lieven
put it, “…specifically linguistic knowledge is either present at birth or it is not. There
can be no compromise position” (2011, p. 6).
18 Chapter 1
Are the Mechanisms of Language Acquisition

Language-Specific or Domain General?
If language acquisition is possible only because humans possess innate knowledge of the
structure of language and the mechanism of acquisition is setting parameters in this
innate University Grammar, then this is a learning mechanism that is good only for lan-
guage. In contrast, if language acquisition is the result of children applying general abili-
ties to understand the intentions of others and to learn patterns in the sounds they hear,
then the learning mechanisms that yield language are domain general.
The issue of whether language acquisition is supported by a domain-specific mental
module or by general cognitive processes is one question in a larger debate in the fields
of cognition and cognitive development. The view that the human ability to acquire lan-
guage is specific to language is part of a larger theory known as the modularity thesis
(Fodor, 1983), according to which the mind consists of multiple special purpose abilities
or modules, and many have their own innate content. The opposing view is that the
mind contains learning and reasoning abilities that apply across domains, and specific
sorts of knowledge result from the application of these general-purpose capacities to spe-
cific domains of experience. The question of what sorts of core knowledge infants bring
with them into the world and how those innate characteristics interact with experience
in development is an open question and a focus of a great deal of current research in the
field of developmental cognitive science (see Carey, 2009; Spelke & Kinzler, 2007).
How Abstract Is Language?

There is also a larger issue within the field of linguistics that shapes the nativist-
empiricist debate within the study of child language. There are dramatically different the-
ories of what it is that children acquire when they acquire language, and these different
descriptions of what children learn make different demands of the learning mechanism.
According to the usage-based theory of language, adults’ syntactic knowledge is not as
abstract and removed from the data available in speech as Chomsky argues. Rather, the
knowledge underlying the ability to produce language consists of a repertoire of con-
structions or formulas for producing utterances (see Ambridge & Lieven, 2011; Ellis,
1997; Tomasello, 2009). In children, these formulas are based on particular lexical
items, not abstract syntactic categories. For example, a child might have a formula for
producing sentences with eat and another formula for producing sentences with run.
Children do not, for a long time at least, have an abstract category, “verb.” In contrast,
the position associated with Chomskyan generative linguistics holds that linguistic
knowledge consists of a system of rules that operate over symbols. The symbols stand
for abstract categories such as “noun” and “verb,” for example. The actual word that is
the noun or verb can vary, but the rule applies just the same. We will return to this issue
in Chapter 6 when we discuss children’s development of morphology and syntax.
Is There Continuity or Discontinuity in Language Development?

It is obvious that children’s language knowledge changes as they grow. The 1-year-old
who knows five words becomes the 2-year-old who knows hundreds of words. If what
1-year-olds understand about their first five words is the same sort of understanding that
2-year-olds have of their larger vocabularies, then vocabulary development is
continuous—the change involves acquiring more of the same kind of thing as was there
at the beginning. If, on the other hand, the 1-year-old has a very limited understanding
of his or her first words—he or she says bye-bye and night-night as part of social rituals
and says up only when he or she wants to be picked up—but the 2-year-old knows his or
her words refer to objects and events in the world, then knowledge has changed in kind,
not just in amount. Changes in kind are discontinuities in development. We will review
this issue as it plays out in language development in Chapters 4 through 6, on phonolog-
ical, lexical, and morphosyntactic development. Like the nature–nurture issue, the issue
regarding continuity is not unique to the study of language development. Researchers
who study cognitive development ask whether children’s understandings of the world
change qualitatively over the course of development. Readers who are familiar with the
theory of Jean Piaget know one proposal regarding discontinuous or qualitative changes
in development.
What Is the Relation Between Communication and Language?

Children use the language they learn to communicate. In fact, one might say that the
value of language to the human species is the communicative power it affords. Although
no one doubts that language is useful for communication, there are differing views on
how important communication is to language and to language acquisition. The two
extreme positions are (1) formalism, the view that the nature of language and its acqui-
sition have nothing to do with the fact that language is used to communicate; and
(2) functionalism, the view that both language itself and the process of language acqui-
sition are shaped and supported by the communicative functions language serves.
Formalist Views A clear and strong statement of the formalist position comes from
Chomsky (1991):
For unknown reasons, the human mind/brain developed the faculty of language, a
computational-representation system. [This system] can be used … in specific language
functions such as communication; [but] language is not intrinsically a system of com-
munication. (pp. 50–51)
For the formalists, language is an autonomous, arbitrary system whose form is indepen-
dent of its function. Another position asserts that language was shaped in the course of
evolution by its communicative value, but that the nature of that form cannot be derived
from the functions it serves (see Pinker & Bloom, 1990). From the point of view of
language-learning children, this position asserts, as does the Chomskyan formalist view,
that language is an external system that has to be figured out—or provided innately—and
the use to which that system is put provides no clues to how the system is structured.
Functionalist Views The contrary view is that language “is not an arbitrary and
autonomous system” (Budwig, 1995) but rather a system shaped by the communicative
functions it serves. And, according to one view, because the form of language reflects the
communicative functions to which it is put, children are led to discover the form of lan-
guage in using the system to communicate. As MacWhinney, Bates, and Kliegl (1984)
stated, “The forms of natural languages are created, governed, constrained, acquired
and used in the service of communicative functions” (p. 128).
A number of different functionalist views exist today, and some make stronger claims
than others about the usefulness of communication to language acquisition. One claim is
that the infant’s social capacities are the source out of which language emerges (Snow,
1999; and see Baldwin & Meyer, 2007). The key to language acquisition, according to
this view, is very young children’s understandings that other people are trying to com-
municate with them. A related claim states that the desire to communicate one’s
thoughts and feelings to others is the motivation for language acquisition (L. Bloom,
1991). According to both these views, communication explains the why of language
development, but not necessarily the how. A stronger claim has been made by Tomasello
and colleagues (e.g., Carpenter, Nagell, & Tomasello, 1998; Tomasello, 1992a, 2001), who
20 Chapter 1
argued that communication also provides the how of language development. According
to Tomasello,
Children are not engaged in a reflective cognitive task in which they are attempting to
make correct mappings of word to world based on adult input, but rather they are
engaged in social interactions in which they are attempting to understand and interpret
adult communicative intentions . . . children acquire linguistic symbols as a kind of
byproduct of social interaction with adults, in much the same way they learn many
other cultural conventions. (2001, p. 135)
We will return to this topic when we discuss the communicative foundations of language
in Chapter 3.
Theories of Language Development

It should be clear from the foregoing discussion of approaches and issues that research on
how children develop language does not neatly divide into one or two theoretical camps.
Rather, current theories of language development have multiple roots in theories of language,
theories of cognition, and theories of development. Also, as we shall see in subsequent chap-
ters, current theories take somewhat different forms as they are applied to different aspects of
language development. Nonetheless, people do speak of “generativist” or “social interaction-
ist” theories of language as a shorthand form of reference, and these terms do have some
meaning. Box 1.3 lists the major categories of theory, along with their antecedent theories
and their major tenets. Some of the labels for theories are the same as labels for the
BOX 1.3 Major Theories of Language Development

THEORY SOURCE OR ANTECEDENT B A S I C TE NE TS
Generativist Generative linguistic theory Universal Grammar, which contains the universal properties of
language, is innate. Language experience triggers innate
knowledge and sets language-specific parameters. The
language-learning mechanism is specific to language.
Social Communicative approaches to Language is a social phenomenon. Children acquire language

interactionist language and social interaction- because they want to communicate with others. Communica-
ist approaches to development tive interaction with others, not just language input, is crucial.
Children’s social–cognitive abilities serve the language acquisi-
tion process.
Usage-based Constructivist approaches to Language is a set of formulas for constructing utterances that
development in conjunction with operate over categories ranging in their level of abstraction.
cognitive and construction– Knowledge of these formulas and the necessary linguistic
based approaches to grammar abstractions emerge from the child’s pattern learning abilities in
conjunction with their social cognitive understandings of
speakers’ intended meanings.
Connectionist Connectionist theories of per- Language is a system of patterns among smaller elements of
ception, learning, and cognition sound or meaning. Repeated experience hearing examples of
patterns results in children mentally representing an abstraction
from those patterns, which is the basis of children’s language
knowledge. This pattern-learning procedure is used in other
domains of learning as well.
© Cengage Learning
Behaviorist Behaviorist theories of learning Language is built up via positive reinforcement of successive
approximations to correct productions. This theory is primarily
of historical interest.
approaches discussed earlier. Usage-based theory is given its own entry because it is the most
prominent constructivist approach. Connectionism is listed as a separate theory because it
entails a very specific view of the mechanism of learning. These theories will be referred to
again and considered in more detail in later chapters when we consider how to explain chil-
dren’s phonological, lexical, and morphosyntactic development.
All of these theories are current contenders as accounts of how children acquire lan-
guage, with the exception of behaviorism. There were attempts to account for children’s
language development using behavioral learning mechanisms: children imitate what they
hear, and they are reinforced when they get it right and are corrected—or at least not
reinforced—when they get it wrong. This account is obviously inadequate because the
adult language ability is not confined to repeating sentences that have previously been
heard. Somewhat more sophisticated behaviorist accounts tried to handle the productiv-
ity of language in terms of “grammatical habits,” or word-association chains in which
each uttered word serves to elicit the next word in the sentence (Staats, 1971), but such
attempts to account for children’s language development and adults’ language ability in
behaviorist terms were fairly short lived and unsuccessful. In 1959, Noam Chomsky
wrote a scathingly negative review of B. F. Skinner’s (1957) attempt to account for lan-
guage in behaviorist terms, and he was successful in convincing the scientific community
that adult language use cannot be adequately described in terms of sequences of beha-
viors or responses (N. Chomsky, 1959). Because the behaviorists’ notion of the endpoint
of development was wrong, the behaviorist theory of achieving that end-point is inade-
quate as a theory of language acquisition.
Methods of Research in Language Development

Cross-Cultural and Cross-Linguistic Research
The modern study of language development began with investigations of the acquisition
of English by middle-class American children. Initially, this focus was not seen as a ter-
rible limitation because, the thinking went, the processes underlying language acquisition
are universal, and thus discovering how children in Cambridge, Massachusetts, acquire
English is the same as discovering how all children acquire any language.
Currently, the study of language acquisition by children who live in other cultures and
the study of the acquisition of languages other than English are considered crucial to dis-
covering the universal processes of language acquisition. Different cultures and different
languages provide a means of discovering what is universal and what varies in language
acquisition. Different languages provide children with different language acquisition tasks
(e.g., in some languages nouns take different forms depending on their role in the sentence
and in others do not), and different cultures provide children with different language
learning environments (e.g., in some cultures, mothers talk to their infants and in some
do not). Researchers no longer assume that if you’ve seen one child acquire language,
you’ve seen them all (Fernald & Marchman, 2011; Hoff, 2006b; Küntay, 2012).
Research Designs and Procedures

In their search for answers to the question of how children learn to talk, child language
researchers use many of the same kinds of research designs that other scientists use. They
engage in longitudinal and cross-sectional observational studies to describe developmental
changes in children’s language, and they analyze those patterns of development for clues to
the process underlying that development. They do correlational studies in which they look
for relations between different aspects of language development or between language devel-
opment and other aspects of development or experience. They do experiments in which
they provide children with different kinds of exposure to language and then look for
22 Chapter 1
differences in what children have learned. Sometimes researchers use computer simulations
to test whether a hypothesized model of language development could work in principle,
and sometimes researchers do case studies of individuals whose unique circumstances or
pattern of development promises to shed light on some issue. The focus of studies of chil-
dren’s language development can be language production, language comprehension, or
both. Researchers interested in comprehension have been very inventive in designing
ways to get small children to reveal what they think a word or a sentence means. We
will discuss the particulars of different methods in later chapters as the research is dis-
cussed. An introduction to research methods in child language is available in Hoff
(2012). One aspect of methodology in child language research is so often employed and
so specific to this field that it is worth discussing by itself. The analysis of samples of spon-
taneous speech is the method Roger Brown used in his pioneering study of Adam, Eve,
and Sarah, and it is a method that is still widely used today.
Assessment of Productive Language from Speech Samples

Speech Sample Collection Recording and then analyzing samples of children’s spon-
taneous speech is one route to assessing children’s language development (see Rowe, 2012).
Typically, the researcher picks a setting in which children are likely to talk—a mealtime or
toy play, for example—and then records interactions in that setting. The recording can be
done in the children’s homes or in a laboratory playroom. The children can be talking to
the researcher or to someone more familiar to them (usually their mother). The purpose of
collecting such speech samples is to find out the nature of the language children produce.
Thus, the speech sample collected should be representative of everything the children say.
Achieving representativeness can be difficult because speech may be different in different
contexts (Bacchini, Kuiken, & Schoonen, 1995; Hoff, 2010; Hoff-Ginsberg, 1991). Another
concern is that the act of recording will alter children’s speech in some way. This is prob-
ably more of a problem for recording the speech of adults than that of children, because
children tend to be less self-conscious than adults; however, researchers typically spend
some “warm-up” time with their subjects before turning on the recorder. One research
project attempted to secure more representative samples of children’s speech by putting
little vests with radio-controlled microphones on children (Wells, 1985). The children
wore the vests all day, although the microphone was turned on only intermittently.
How much speech needs to be recorded in order to estimate characteristics of a
child’s language? The answer depends on the research question being asked. There is
some consensus that 50 utterances is the minimum acceptable speech sample size
(Hutchins, Brannick, Bryant, & Silliman, 2005). If the focus of interest is some character-
istic of language use not present in every utterance, then, of course, the sample would
need to be larger (see Tomasello & Stahl, 2004, for additional discussion). Also, the size
of the speech sample depends on what sort of claims the researcher wishes to make. It is
very difficult to make claims that a child does not produce a particular structure based
on the absence of that structure in a sample of the child’s speech. There are also no
established guidelines for how often children need to be recorded (L. Bloom, 1991).
Researchers select different intervals using the existing literature to make their best
guess at what interval will reveal the sorts of developmental changes they are studying.
If the goal is to plot the emergence of particular structures, then very long speech sam-
ples collected very frequently, sometimes called “dense” sampling (Lieven & Behrens,
2012; Maslen, Theakston, Lieven, & Tomasello, 2004), is necessary. Sometimes the
research focuses on a particular type of language use, such as narrative production. In
this case, more directive techniques of elicited production can be used. Children can be
asked to retell a story that was just read to them (Reese, Sparks, & Suggate, 2012), to tell
the story of a cartoon they just viewed (e.g., Shiro, 2003), or to recount something that
happened to them in the past (Shiro, 2003). As we shall see in Chapter 10, an enormous
body of research on children’s narrative development is based on studies using the same
technique of asking children to tell a story using a book that has pictures but no words
(Berman & Slobin, 1994).
Another approach to recording children’s spontaneous speech is not to sample at all, but
to record everything (Naigles, 2012). In the Speechome project, one researcher has gone so
far as to wire his house and outfit it with video cameras and microphones so that his child’s
entire life inside the house was recorded starting when he came home from the hospital as a
newborn (Roy, 2009; and see L. R. Naigles, 2012). A somewhat more practicable system,
which is in wide use in current research is LENA (Language Environment Analysis). The
LENA system includes a small digital recorder that the child wears in a pocket of clothing
designed to hold the device. This device records every sound the child produces and every
sound produced within 4–6 feet of the child for 16 continuous hours, providing a much
larger database from which to estimate properties of speech than could otherwise be
achieved. The recordings are processed by language analysis software that uses acoustic
properties of the signal to identify speech “segments,” to identify the source of the segments
(it can distinguish between different speakers’ voices and between voices and the television),
and even to estimate the number of different words in each segment (a not-too-technical
description of how it does this is available in Warren et al., 2010). This allows researchers
to estimate how much talk children produce, how much talk they hear from different
sources, and how many conversational turns (i.e., exchanges between two speakers) occur.
Researchers using this system have discovered, for example, that children’s language devel-
opment is related to the number of conversational turns they experience—not just the
amount of talk that is addressed to them (Zimmerman et al., 2009).
Speech Sample Transcription Unless the researcher makes use of the measures
produced by an automated system such as LENA (there is also an automated transcriber
associated with the Speechome project), the work is not done when the speech samples
have been recorded. The records have to be transcribed. Transcription consists of writing
down what was recorded, but that is more difficult than it sounds because the children
being recorded were not giving dictation but were engaging in conversation. In conver-
sation, people do not speak in full sentences; they interrupt each other and even talk at
the same time. Furthermore, especially if they are children, their pronunciation is less
than clear, and their usage not quite adultlike. Creating a transcript that is a faithful
record of what was on the tape is difficult and time consuming. It requires training to
be able to transcribe, and then it takes a minimum of 5 hours and up to 20 hours
(Tomasello & Stahl, 2004) to transcribe each hour of recorded speech.
Transcript Coding and Analysis After the speech has been transcribed, the
researcher has to code the transcripts. Coding varies, depending on what the researcher
is studying. For example, if the research is attempting to chart the development of verb
usage, then coding the transcripts might involve identifying every verb in the children’s
speech. If the purpose of the research is to study children’s conversational skill, then cod-
ing the transcripts might involve categorizing every utterance the child produces as
related or unrelated to what was said before. Ultimately, for researchers to conduct the
kinds of analyses that get reported in journal articles, the codes have to be turned into
numbers. For example, a researcher might analyze changes in the number of different
verbs in children’s spontaneous speech or changes in the proportion of children’s utter-
ances that are related to prior speech.
When this sort of research started in the 1960s, transcripts were handwritten docu-
ments with columns for different codes. In that era, graduate students in child language
logged many hours poring over these transcripts, identifying verbs or whatever the
24 Chapter 1
research called for and adding numbers in the code columns. The advent of computer
programs for analyzing child language transcripts has considerably lightened that load.
Although programs that directly analyze the acoustic signal, such as those associated
with LENA and the Speechome project, can yield some measures of the speech recorded,
for many purposes it still takes a human being to transcribe and code. It is now possible,
however, to enter transcripts and codes into computer-based programs. Then, instead of
the researcher counting all the codes, the computer can do it—and far more quickly and
accurately. The most widely used programs for transcript analysis in the field of develop-
mental psychology are those associated with the Child Language Data Exchange System
(CHILDES) (Corrigan, 2012; MacWhinney, 1991). CHILDES provides a set of programs
for analyzing language, and it also has tools that enable the transcriber to link the tran-
script to the digitized audio or video recording. This makes transcription easier and
more accurate. It also allows the researcher to later go back and find portions of the
interaction that are of particular interest. CHILDES also has a program, Phon, that
allows speech to be phonetically transcribed and links to another program, Praat, that
conducts acoustic analysis of the speech signal.
Another transcript analysis program is SALT (Systematic Analysis of Language Tran-
scripts) (J. F. Miller & Chapman, 1985; see www.languageanalysislab.com). SALT was
developed specifically for researchers and clinicians in communicative disorders, but it is
a flexible program that can be used for basic research as well. It can also be used with
English and with Spanish language samples. PEPPER (Weston, Shriberg, & Miller, 1989)
is a program that provides a font for phonetic transcription. Another program, Logical
International Phonetics Program, or LIPP, allows the user to transcribe in the International
Phonetic Alphabet and thus permits finegrained phonetic analysis (Oller & Delgado, 1999).
CHILDES—A Data Archive

One benefit made possible by computer-based transcripts is widespread data sharing.
Although researchers have always been able to share data with colleagues by photocopying
their transcripts, sharing is easier when the transcripts are in computer-based files and when
(as a necessary side effect of computerized transcription) the transcripts are in a standardized
format. The CHILDES project has taken the concept of data sharing even further by estab-
lishing an archive. In the early 1980s, the MacArthur Foundation funded a project, led by
Brian MacWhinney and Catherine Snow, to establish an archive for transcripts of children’s
speech. Roger Brown contributed his transcripts of Adam, Eve, and Sarah, and other
researchers contributed transcripts they had collected. Since then, researchers around the
world have added their transcripts so that the CHILDES database now has more than 230
corpora (i.e., speech samples) representing more than 32 different languages, including both
monolingual and bilingual children. Some of the transcripts have linked audio and video files.
The availability of this archive allows a researcher who has a question that can be
answered by looking at transcripts of spontaneous speech to address that question
using a much bigger dataset than any one researcher could record for a single study.
The database can be used to ask about properties of children’s speech and also to ask
about properties of the speech children hear. As an example of asking about children’s
speech, Gelman and colleagues made use of the speech samples of 8 children who were
recorded between 14 and 203 times during the period from 2 to 4 years. Using this data-
base of over 150,000 utterances, they were able to describe developmental changes in the
frequency and content of children’s production of generic noun phrases (e.g., birds fly),
and they were able to discover that children utter such expressions of general under-
standings of the world from a very early age (S. A. Gelman, Goetz, Sarnecka, & Flukes,
2008). As an example of asking about the speech children hear, one study asked whether
the word happen tends to be used with negative events more frequently than with
positive events, thus providing children with a clue to its negative connotation (Corrigan,
2004, 2012). (In speech to adults, happen is used more often in connection with negative
events, as in the phrase shit happens. If you say “Birthdays happen,” you are likely to be
talking to someone old. The question is whether input provides a basis for children to
learn this). Combining all the U.S. corpora of adults talking to children in the CHILDES
database resulted in a speech sample based on 151 adult–child dyads, which contained
116,909 adult utterances in total and 1,100 uses of happen. Analysis of this sample
revealed that happen is increasingly used in association with negative events as children’s
language become more advanced (Corrigan, 2004). The CHILDES database has also been
used in computational modeling. The transcripts of the adults’ speech in the adult–child
conversations provide the speech corpus that is the input to the acquisition model under
test. An overview of CHILDES is available in Corrigan (2012). A full description of the
archive and the corpora themselves are available at the CHILDES website, which
can be accessed at www.psy.cmu.edu. The website also contains online tutorials and a
bibliography of references in the field of child language.
Standardized Tests and Measures of Language Development

Sometimes researchers want to be able to describe a child’s language in terms that com-
pare that child’s language to the language of other children of the same age. Child lan-
guage researchers are typically interested in such measures for the purpose of describing
the children they are studying, much the way researchers in cognitive development
sometimes want to describe their samples in terms of intelligence quotient (IQ) or men-
tal age. By far, the biggest users of standardized measures are practitioners in communi-
cative disorders, who use such measures for diagnosis and for treatment evaluation.
There are essentially two ways to assess how a child’s language development compares
with that of other same-age children. One is to collect a speech sample and code it using
a coding system for which norms have been collected. For example, a child’s mean
length of utterance (MLU) is a good index of a child’s level of grammatical development,
and data that provide norms for MLU have been collected (Leadholm & Miller, 1992;
J. F. Miller & Chapman, 1981; see Chapter 6 for more on this topic). The SALT program
will calculate the MLU on an appropriately entered transcript and will indicate the
child’s level of grammatical development. Age-referenced norms for phonological fea-
tures of children’s speech are also available (Grunwell, 1981).
The second way of getting a norm-referenced measure of a child’s language level is to
employ one of the many existing standardized instruments. These instruments estimate the
child’s language proficiency either by asking caregivers to report their children’s language
comprehension or production or by having an examiner test the child. An example of a
caregiver report instrument is the MacArthur–Bates Communicative Development Inven-
tories (CDIs) (Fenson et al., 1994; see www.sci.sdsu.edu/cdi/). There are three versions of
the English MacArthur–Bates CDI: one for infants between 8 and 16 months of age; one
for 16- to 30-month-old toddlers; and one for 30- to 36-month-old children. These inven-
tories consist of checklists that caregivers fill out to report on the gestures, words, and
word combinations that their children understand and produce. Data from nearly 2000
children have been collected using these inventories, providing a basis for evaluating an
individual child’s level of development. Researchers in many countries have developed ver-
sions of the CDI in many different languages. There are MacArthur-Bates inventories for
over 50 languages. These inventories in other languages are not translations of the English
version, but rather they have been developed independently based on evidence of the
words children know in the population they are designed for. To illustrate, the Spanish
language version includes madrina, cenar, and bigote, while the English language version
does not contain their equivalents of godmother, to dine, and mustache.
26 Chapter 1
An example of an examiner-administered instrument is the Peabody Picture Vocabu-

lary Test (PPVT), which is used to assess vocabulary knowledge in children from 3 years
to adulthood. The examiner presents the child with a word (“Can you find boat?”) and
asks the child to select from four pictures the one that corresponds to the word. An indi-
vidual child’s performance is compared to a larger reference group that provided norms
for this test. There are also a wide variety of examiner-administered tests of school-aged
children’s oral language and reading proficiency (Pan, 2012).
Computational Modeling
Sometimes researchers use computational modeling, which is a means of testing hypoth-
esized language acquisition processes by implementing them as computer programs and
then seeing if the computer can accomplish some part of the language acquisition task
(see MacWhinney, 2010 and Waterfall, Sandbank, Onnis, & Edelman, 2010). In the
domain of phonology, for example, a proposal that children learn how to produce speech
sounds by hearing the results of their babbling movements has been subjected to test by
programming the proposed learning model into a computer, which is then given as input
many pairs of descriptions of articulatory movements with descriptions of the correspond-
ing acoustic signals. After this “training,” the computer is presented with a description of a
new articulatory sequence, and the test is whether the computer can produce correct
acoustic descriptions (Plaut & Kello, 1999). In the domain of word learning, the proposal
that infants find words in input via statistical learning has been tested by programming a
computer with an algorithm for counting co-occurrences of syllables. The program is then
fed samples of child-directed speech, and the output of the program is inspected to see if
the sequences the program extracted are actually words (Swingley, 2005). In the domain of
syntax, Waterfall and colleagues programmed a learning algorithm into a computer, fed
the computer sentences taken from real-world samples of child-directed speech, and tested
the computer’s ability to produce grammatical sentences and reject ungrammatical sen-
tences (Waterfall, Sandbank, Onnis, & Edelman, 2010).
Computational modeling has also been used to ask how infants accomplish other
language-related feats. It is well established that infants will look at faces that are synchro-
nized to voices rather than look at talking faces that do not match the sound signal, and this
helps them focus their attention on a particular talker in a noisy environment (Hollich,
Newman, & Jusczyk, 2005). It is not obvious, however, what information infants use to do
this. It turns out that a computational model that matches a face to a sound source when
changes in one co-occur with changes in the other does a relatively good job of mimicking
the behavior of infants presented with the same stimuli (Hollich & Prince, 2009). Of course,
these descriptions of computational models are hugely oversimplified. The actual programs
and procedures for testing their adequacy are very complex. The basic idea is simple, how-
ever. Computational modeling tests theories by implementing them as computer programs,
feeding the computer program the same information the child gets, and then asking if the
computer, thusly programmed, does what the child does.
Sources for Research on Language Development

Journals
One way students new to language development can get an idea of the range of topics,
issues, and research methods in the field is to scan journals that publish research on lan-
guage development. The titles of the articles in these journals give an idea of the topics
being studied. The list of journals that contain papers on language development is long and
includes journals from a variety of disciplines. The major sources are listed in Box 1.4.
BOX 1.4 Major Journals That Publish Research

on Language Development
Developmental psychology journals
Applied Developmental Psychology
Child Development
Developmental Psychology
Infancy
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology
Cognitive psychology journals

Cognition
Cognitive Psychology
Linguistics journals
Discourse Processes
Language
Psycholinguistics journals
Applied Psycholinguistics
Language development journals

First Language
Journal of Child Language
Language Acquisition
Language Learning and Development
Language disorders journals

American Journal of Speech-Language Pathology
Journal of Communication Disorders
Journal of Multilingual Communication Disorders
Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research
Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools
Neuroscience journals
The Behavioral and Brain Sciences
Brain and Language
Developmental Neuropsychology
Cognitive Neuropsychology
Second language learning journals

Applied Linguistics
Language Learning
Second Language Research
Studies in Second Language Acquisition
Other specialized journals

American Journal on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities
Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders
© Cengage Learning
Bilingualism: Language and Cognition

International Journal of Bilingualism
International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism
28 Chapter 1
Indexes
If you already have a particular interest in some topic, or if you find an interesting topic
by scanning the journals, you may want to find other articles on the same topic. Indexes
can help you track down everything that has been written on a particular topic in lan-
guage development. Just as the index in the back of this book allows you to find all the
places in this book that a particular topic is mentioned, these indexes allow you to find
all the places a particular topic is mentioned in the set of journals they scan. At one time,
these indexes were published as separate directories, but they are now all available
online—probably through your library’s website. The most widely used index among
researchers in psychology is PsycINFO, which covers nearly 2000 different journals in
psychology and related fields and provides an index to material in those sources. It
includes journal articles since the 1800s and books and book chapters since 1987. Lin-
guistics and Language Behavior Abstracts provide an index to material in over 1500
journals in language and language-related fields. To use these databases, all you have to
do is type in the subject you are interested in (such as “lexical development” or “sign
language”), and you will get a list of all the articles on that topic that appear in all the
sources covered by that indexing service.
Most students are quite expert in the use of search engines such as Google or Bing to
find information, but these have the problem that nobody is watching out to ensure the
quality of what these engines find. The indexes that search journals have the advantage
that they find only material that has been published in scientific journals and books.
Google Scholar is a search engine available to anyone online that does restrict its search
to scholarly material—and many researchers use it a great deal. A particularly useful fea-
ture of Google Scholar is that when you find an article through Google Scholar you will
also find a list of other studies that have cited this article. That feature helps you follow a
line of research up to the present. However, Google Scholar provides access only to
abstracts of the many articles and chapters it finds. If you want the entire article—and
you should never cite something in a paper if you have read only the abstract—you will
need to pay. Because libraries purchase subscriptions to electronic journals, conducting
your searches through your library’s indexes will provide you free access to material
that would otherwise incur a charge.
Summary
Language development is a multidisciplinary field that learning how to use language to communicate (prag-
has as its central question, how is language acquired? matic and sociolinguistic development). The study of
Because language is highly complex yet universally language development has a long history because ques-
acquired, the answer to this question has profound impli- tions about how children’s language emerges have long
cations for understanding the essential nature of the been considered central to larger philosophical and sci-
human mind. Because language is a vehicle for social entific debates. These debates have concerned the intrin-
interaction and acquired in a social context, the answer sic nature of humankind and the role of experience in
to this question may also reveal how development is sup- shaping human nature.
ported and shaped by the social environment. The study The modern study of language development began
of language development also has practical importance in the 1960s following the Chomskyan revolution in
for education, for the treatment of communicative disor- linguistics. Chomsky argued that the study of language
ders, and for second language instruction. is the study of the mind. In turn, the study of lan-
Acquiring a language includes learning the sounds guage development captured the interest of researchers
and sound patterns of the language (phonological devel- interested in the study of the developing mind. Lan-
opment), learning the vocabulary of the language (lexical guage development is a field divided along several
development), learning the structure of the language fault lines. Some major points of disagreement are
(grammatical, or morphosyntactic, development), and (1) whether language is largely innate in the child or
learned from experience; (2) whether the knowledge Language development researchers use a variety of
that underlies children’s language ability is highly research methods and designs. Central to a great deal of
abstract or more like a memorized repertoire of con- research is the collection of speech samples from children
structions that serve communicative goals; (3) whether for the purpose of characterizing the children’s productive
the mechanism that underlies language acquisition is language. Collecting speech samples involves recording
specific to language or consists of general-purpose cog- children as they talk and transcribing and coding the
nitive abilities applied to the task of learning language; recorded speech. Computer programs help in that process.
and (4) whether the communicative functions that For some purposes, researchers may not need to collect
language serves (for children and adults) account for new speech samples if their question can be addressed by
language acquisition, contribute to the process of examining the speech samples contained in the CHILDES
acquisition, or are merely a benefit of language acqui- archive. For descriptive and assessment purposes, a variety
sition that must itself be explained in other terms. of norm-referenced tests and measures of language devel-
Child language researchers also debate whether the opment are available. Because language development is a
most useful approach to understanding language devel- multidisciplinary field, articles and chapters on language
opment is to focus on children and ask how they development appear in widely diverse sources. Most of
acquire language (the developmental approach) or to these are indexed in one of two computer-accessible data-
focus on language and ask how it is acquired by chil- bases: PsycINFO or Linguistics and Language Behavior
dren (the learnability approach). Abstracts.
Key Terms
phonology, p. 4 Universal Grammar (UG), p. 13 connectionism, p. 17
lexicon, p. 5 dynamical systems theory (DST), developmental systems approach/
morphology, p. 5 p. 14 epigenetic approach, p. 17
syntax, p. 5 learnability approach, p. 15 modularity thesis, p. 18
pragmatics, p. 5 developmental approach, p. 15 formalism, p. 19
sociolinguistics, p. 5 nature–nurture, p. 16 functionalism, p. 19
literacy, p. 5 empiricism, p. 16 speech samples, p. 22
behaviorism, p. 7 nativism, p. 16 CHILDES, p. 24
cognitivism, p. 7 interactionist views, p. 16 computational modeling, p. 26
cognitive science, p. 8 language input, p. 16 PsycINFO, p. 28
language socialization, p. 12 social interactionism, p. 16 Linguistics and Language Behavior
Language Acquisition Device constructivism, p. 17 Abstracts, p. 28
(LAD), p. 12 emergentism, p. 17
Review Questions
1. Describe the role the study of language develop- 6. What makes interactionism a nativist approach?
ment plays in cognitive science and applied fields. 7. Why do generativists and usage-based theorists
2. Learning a language involves learning in several agree that there can be no compromise on the
separable domains. List and define the compo- question of whether humans have innate lin-
nents of language knowledge. guistic knowledge?
3. What questions can be addressed by studying 8. What can be learned from studying language
children who grow up without exposure to development in other cultures and other language
language? groups that cannot be learned from studying the
4. What was the Chomskyan revolution, and how acquisition of one language in one culture?
did it affect the study of language development? 9. Imagine you had to explain to your skeptical
5. Define and contrast nativism and empiricism as family (or roommate, or somebody) why you are
(a) explanations of the origin of knowledge and taking a whole course just on language develop-
(b) as approaches to explaining language ment. How would you justify spending this much
development. time on such a narrow topic?
© Electrical Geodesics Inc. (EGI)
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
jamais encore je ne m’étais senti aussi étroitement adopté par Celui
qui est tout amour.
Il reprit : — Je te laisse ma paix, je te donne ma paix… Que ton
cœur ne se trouble ni ne s’effraie ; je vais venir en lui pour qu’il soit
toute paix.
A ouïr cette promesse, j’entrai dans un tel recueillement que je
perdis conscience des choses extérieures. Mon être, corps et âme,
était lié à Jésus. Même si je l’avais voulu — mais émettre une
volonté dans ce sens m’était impossible — je n’aurais pu articuler
une syllabe. Je n’entendis pas les coups de sonnette qui
accompagnent le Non sum dignus du prêtre. Je ne vis pas celui-ci
communier. Et lorsque le moment fut venu pour moi de recevoir
l’Eucharistie, ce fut d’une façon toute machinale, comme si j’étais un
aveugle et un sourd mené par un guide bénévole, que je quittai ma
place et que je vins m’agenouiller à la barre.
Je reçus l’hostie. Je revins, toujours comme un somnambule, à
mon prie-Dieu. Alors, avant que j’eusse eu l’intention de formuler
mon action de grâces, je sentis mon âme devenir le royaume de la
Paix…
Toutes les puissances de mon âme étaient en suspens — sauf la

volonté qui conservait le pouvoir d’écarter toute pensée susceptible
d’interrompre mon absorption en Jésus. Encore ne lui fallait-il que
produire un très minime effort pour cela. Suppose une faible bouffée
d’air qui ride, une seconde, la surface ensoleillée et tranquille d’une
mer sans rivages. Et c’est bien, en effet, à un océan de quiétude
radieuse que je puis comparer l’état de mon âme durant que la
présence de Jésus l’imprégnait d’une clarté fluide — d’une clarté
toute blanche, sans une seule ombre, jusqu’à l’horizon le plus
lointain. Elle se tenait immobile ; elle n’exprimait ni foi, ni espérance,
ni charité : elle était la foi, l’espérance et la charité, calmes,
sereines, dans la possession de la Paix absolue…
Hélas ! comme les formes humaines du langage tombent en
poussière lorsqu’on tâche de les employer à décrire cette merveille
de l’amour divin ! Je n’essaierai donc pas davantage de te faire saisir
ce que je ne puis entièrement expliquer. Pour concevoir cette Paix
adorable, il faut l’avoir éprouvée… J’ajoute seulement ceci :
quoiqu’elle n’ait peut-être pas duré plus de cinq minutes, il me
sembla qu’elle s’était prolongée pendant des siècles car j’avais perdu
la notion du temps. Mais quand j’eus repris conscience de ce monde
obscur où nous sommes en exil, le souvenir de cette communion
persista en moi. Il persiste encore et il suffit à rendre toutes
lumineuses beaucoup de mes communions quotidiennes.
Note
Au cours d’une conversation subséquente, Lapillus spécifia que

cette paix d’oraison ne diffère de la paix intérieure connue de tout
chrétien qui remplit ses devoirs que par l’intensité. Il dit encore
qu’elle constitue une voie pour aller à Dieu mais que d’autres voies,
d’où les grâces sensibles sont absentes, peuvent être pareillement
bonnes à suivre : l’acceptation de l’aridité dans la souffrance en
union avec Jésus crucifié, par exemple.
Il avertit aussi qu’il fallait se garder de demander ces grâces. Et,
en référence il cita sainte Térèse qui dit dans le Château intérieur :
« Dieu n’est pas obligé de nous donner ces joies spirituelles
comme il s’est obligé de nous donner la béatitude si nous gardons
ses commandements. Nous pouvons nous sauver sans cela. Il sait
mieux que nous ce qui nous convient… » Demander les grâces
sensibles si Dieu ne juge pas à propos de nous les accorder
gratuitement « ce serait nous tourmenter en pure perte. Si la source
refuse de nous verser cette eau, nous nous fatiguerons en vain.
Nous aurons beau multiplier nos méditations, nous pressurer le cœur
et offrir nos larmes, tout sera inutile. Dieu fait ce don à qui il lui
convient et il le fait souvent au moment où l’âme y pense le moins. »
XIII
Miserere nobis
En instituant les prières qu’on récite après le dernier évangile, le

pape Léon XIII nous a rappelé la nécessité de nous mettre d’une
façon continuelle sous la protection de la Sainte Vierge et d’aller par
elle au cœur de Jésus tandis que l’archange saint Michel pointe son
épée à la face de Satan toujours aux aguets pour nous barrer le
chemin.
Pour moi, j’invoque alors Marie en tant que Reine de la France à
qui elle apporte la Sagesse et la Miséricorde, pour qui elle ne cesse
d’être l’Étoile du Matin. C’est dans ce sentiment que j’aime à dire les
trois Ave du début.
La sagesse, avec quelle mystérieuse grandeur elle s’en affirme la
dépositaire immuable lorsque, dans les épîtres des Messes qui lui
sont consacrées, elle prononce ces paroles :
« J’ai été créée dès le commencement et avant les siècles ; je ne
cesserai point d’être dans la suite des âges et j’exerce mon ministère
devant Dieu dans la maison sainte… Et j’ai pris racine dans le peuple
que le Seigneur a honoré de mon patronage.
« Mes délices sont de me tenir parmi les enfants des hommes.
Maintenant donc, ô mes fils, écoutez-moi : Bienheureux seront ceux
qui gardent mes voies. Observez la règle que je vous donne car celui
qui m’écoute, celui qui veille tous les jours au seuil de ma maison et
qui se tient tout prêt à ma porte, celui qui m’ayant trouvée trouve la
vie de son âme, celui-là puisera le salut dans le Seigneur. »
Mère de la Miséricorde elle nous apprend à l’invoquer, pour
l’amour d’elle et de Jésus, quand elle nous dit :
« Placez-moi, comme un sceau sur votre cœur car mon amour est
fort comme la mort et mon zèle plus inflexible que l’enfer. Les
fleuves débordés ne pourraient éteindre ma charité. Qu’un homme
me confie les trésors de son espérance, je lui enseignerai à les
multiplier par l’amour de Dieu. Et ce qu’il aura donné ne sera rien en
regard de ce qu’il donnera. »
Étoile du Matin, Marie rayonne au ciel de notre patrie : c’est elle
qui, hier encore, dissipa les noires nuées qu’assemblait sur nos têtes
l’invasion des Barbares. C’est elle qui nous annonça la victoire et
l’aube printanière de la paix lorsqu’elle nous dit : « Levez-vous mes
amis et venez : la tempête d’hiver est passée ; les fleurs paraissent
sur la terre ; le temps de tailler la vigne est venu ; les tourterelles
roucoulent ; le figuier pousse ses bourgeons et la floraison des
vignobles répand son parfum. »
Comment correspondre à cette vigilance infatigable de Marie ? En
lui adressant de nouvelles suppliques. Comme elle est la Mère de la
divine Grâce, jamais elle ne les repousse ; plus nous la sollicitons,
plus elle se plaît à obtenir que nous nous abreuvions à cette fontaine
de vie : le Cœur de son Fils.
Qu’ils l’ont bien compris, ceux qui, sous l’inspiration de Marie,
composèrent le Salve Regina. Comme ce cantique condense en
quelques strophes, d’une ferveur admirable, l’appel plaintif et si
confiant de toute la chrétienté à la dispensatrice des faveurs d’En-
Haut !
Huysmans, qui aima tant la Sainte Vierge, a commenté le Salve
Regina dans une des plus belles pages d’En Route. J’ai plaisir à le
citer. Il écrit :
« A l’écouter, à la lire avec recueillement, cette magnifique
imploration paraît représenter trois états différents de l’âme, signifier
trois phases de l’humanité ; pendant sa jeunesse, sa maturité et son
déclin. Elle est, en un mot, un résumé de la prière à tous les âges.
« C’est d’abord le chant d’exultation, le salut de l’être encore
petit, balbutiant des mots de caresse et de douceur, avec des
cajoleries d’enfant qui cherche le sourire de sa mère : Salve Regina,
Mater misericordiæ, vita, dulcedo et spes nostra, salve.
« Ensuite, cette âme si candide, si simplement heureuse, a grandi
et connaissant déjà les défaillances volontaires de la pensée et les
hontes répétées de la chair, elle joint les mains et demande en
sanglotant une aide. Elle n’implore plus en souriant mais en
pleurant. Et elle s’écrie : Ad te clamamus exsules filii Hevæ, ad te
suspiramus gementes et flentes in hac lacrymarum valle. Enfin, la
vieillesse est venue ; l’âme gît, tourmentée par le souvenir des
avertissements négligés, par le regret des grâces gaspillées.
Devenue plus craintive et plus faible, elle s’épouvante devant la
dissolution de sa prison charnelle qu’elle sent proche. Alors elle
songe à l’éternelle inanition de ceux que le Juge damne et elle
implore l’Avocate de la terre auprès du Ciel irrité : Eia ergo Advocata
nostra, illos tuos misericordes oculos ad nos converte et Jesum
benedictum fructum ventris tui nobis post hoc exsilium ostende.
« A cette essence de prière, saint Bernard, dans un élan
d’hyperdulie, ajouta les trois invocations de la fin : O clemens, o pia,
o dulcis Virgo Maria, scellant l’inimitable prose par ces trois cris
d’amour qui ramènent l’hymne à l’effusion câline de son début… »
Et c’est comme un écho du Salve Regina qui se prolonge dans la
prière suivante : Deus, refugium nostrum et virtus… puisque nous y
réclamons l’intercession de la Vierge glorieuse et toujours
immaculée, pour la conversion des pécheurs, la libération et
l’exaltation de la Sainte Église.
Au mois d’avril 1914, une voyante, qu’il ne m’est pas permis de

nommer, eut une vision qui mérite, je crois, d’être rapportée. Le
saint prêtre qui la dirige m’a garanti sa parfaite orthodoxie. Il ajouta
qu’elle vivait dans l’obscurité, la pénitence et l’oraison continuelle,
que l’autorité diocésaine l’ayant fait examiner avec soin la tenait
pour irréprochable et qu’elle-même ne cessait de se conduire en
enfant très humble et très docile de l’Église.
Peut-être, après sa mort, saura-t-on ses vertus et les grâces
extraordinaires dont elle fut favorisée. Actuellement je ne puis que
reproduire le récit de son confesseur. Il donne, me semble-t-il,
particulièrement à réfléchir.
Donc, à l’époque ci-dessus indiquée, la voyante ayant, comme
chaque matin, assisté à la messe, disait la prière à saint Michel qui
précède les trois invocations au Sacré-Cœur : Sancte Michael
archangele, defende nos in prælio…
A ce moment même, le chef des milices célestes lui apparut, à la
droite de l’autel. Il éleva, comme pour l’offrir à Dieu, l’épée qu’il
tenait à la main. Ensuite, tandis qu’une expression de tristesse
indicible passait dans son regard, il la mit au fourreau. Et sa face
lumineuse devint toute sombre.
Selon sa coutume invariable, dès le premier entretien qu’elle eut
avec son directeur, elle lui confia ce qu’elle venait de voir. Le prêtre
lui demanda si elle avait reçu, en outre, quelque révélation sur le
sens de ce geste.
« L’archange n’a rien dit, répondit-elle, mais j’ai cru comprendre
qu’il avait reçu l’ordre de laisser, pour un temps, l’enfer se répandre
en fléaux sur le monde. »
Trois mois plus tard, la guerre monstrueuse dont nous sortons à
peine éclatait…
J’ai raconté la vision à l’un de ces étranges optimistes qui, se
persuadant que toutes choses vont pour le mieux dans l’Église,
prétendent que nous autres, catholiques d’aujourd’hui, nous servons
Dieu de manière à mériter les bienfaits de sa mansuétude.
Il me répliqua : — Peut-être que cette épée replacée dans sa
gaine signifiait, au contraire, que Satan est devenu moins dangereux
pour nous.
Tout ébahi de cette interprétation saugrenue, je le regardai
fixement afin de vérifier s’il plaisantait ou non et si vraiment il
s’imaginait que nous n’avions mérité aucun châtiment.
— Je n’ai sans doute pas bien entendu, m’exclamai-je, veuillez, je
vous prie, répéter.
Il me redit sa phrase avec une si paisible assurance que je dus
reconnaître sa bonne foi.
Poursuivre le dialogue eût été oiseux : un homme ancré à ce
point dans la conviction que nous ne prêtons plus guère le flanc aux
attaques du Mauvais, m’en aurait voulu si j’avais essayé de troubler
sa quiétude. Je le quittai donc en formulant le vœu qu’il apprît à voir
clair…
Combien de fois depuis, j’ai eu à constater chez d’autres des
illusions de cet acabit ! On observe la règle tant bien que mal ; on
fait, par exemple scrupuleusement maigre le vendredi ; on va le
dimanche à la messe, parce que c’est convenable et d’ailleurs
prescrit. Pour le surplus, c’est-à-dire pour l’essentiel, on déclare qu’il
ne faut rien exagérer, que Dieu n’en demande pas tant et
qu’accorder une place trop grande au surnaturel dans l’ordinaire de
l’existence, ce serait faire preuve d’un manque d’esprit pratique
inconciliable avec cette préoccupation majeure : amasser beaucoup
d’argent.
Étant moi-même un chrétien d’une grande imperfection, je n’ai
pas qualité pour réprimander mes frères dans la foi. Du moins, je ne
ferme pas les yeux à l’évidence. Et c’est avec chagrin que je suis
obligé de reconnaître que, pour un grand nombre de catholiques,
comme pour la plupart des incroyants, la leçon formidable que Dieu
nous donna par cette guerre a été perdue.
Les faits à l’appui de cette affligeante constatation surabondent.
Il n’entre pas dans le cadre de ce livre de les énumérer tous en
détail. Je poserai seulement trois questions.
I. Dieu après nous avoir châtiés par les calamités d’une guerre
atroce a permis que l’intercession de la Vierge suspendît les effets de
sa juste colère. Lui en témoignent-ils leur gratitude les catholiques
qui, pour satisfaire de vaines ambitions, font alliance avec certains
ennemis de l’Église et, pour leur plaire, acceptent de ne point
combattre les lois tueuses d’âmes dont ces sectaires exigent le
maintien ?
II. Alors que la France saignée à blanc aurait besoin que le
précepte Crescite et multiplicamini fût plus que jamais observé,
espèrent-ils attirer sur leur famille la bénédiction de Dieu les
catholiques qui souillent le sacrement de mariage plutôt que d’avoir
des enfants ? [1]
[1] En corollaire à cette question, l’on pourrait poser
celle-ci : ceux qui ont charge de faire observer le
précepte remplissent-ils, tous, leur devoir ? — On trouvera
la réponse dans le beau livre de M. Paul Bureau :
l’Indiscipline des mœurs, pages 164-167.
III. Enfin, sous la vague de matérialisme qui nous submerge,

jamais la présence de Saints parmi nous n’a été plus nécessaire. Le
pape très admirable que fut Pie X invita le clergé paroissial à la
sainteté en lui donnant pour patron le Bienheureux Vianney… Avez-
vous rencontré beaucoup d’imitateurs du curé d’Ars ?
Je crains fort que la réponse à ces trois questions ne tourne à
notre confusion. Aussi l’épée de saint Michel demeure au fourreau.
Aussi les puissances d’En-Bas redoublent d’activité pour la ruine de
la patrie. Aussi ne peut-on guère considérer le cataclysme qui nous
éprouva que comme le prologue d’un drame encore plus sinistre et
où le premier rôle sera tenu par celui que Benson appela le Maître
de la Terre — par l’Antechrist.
Il est bien que les derniers mots prononcés rituellement par nous
après la messe soient ceux-ci : Cœur Sacré de Jésus, ayez pitié de
nous ! — Nous sommes si chancelants et si versatiles qu’il nous faut
perpétuellement invoquer la miséricorde du Bon Maître pour ne pas
rester en détresse loin de lui.
Il est également bien que nous suivions les exercices où se
pratique la dévotion au Sacré-Cœur. Mais gardons-nous de ceux où
se manifeste un sentimentalisme odieusement douceâtre !
Or, dans maintes chapelles fréquentées par un public surtout
féminin, on est obligé d’endurer des homélies sucrées jusqu’à
l’écœurement et, sous prétexte de cantiques édifiants, des romances
minaudières dont la ferveur affectée sombre dans une irrémédiable
platitude. Le vin âpre et salubre de l’Évangile s’y coupe de sirop
d’orgeat. Notre-Seigneur y est présenté comme une sorte de
troubadour anémique, aux regards langoureux, aux gestes coquets,
à l’élocution mignarde ; mais les âmes robustes se détournent de
cette parodie indécente comme elles évitent les images,
peinturlurées de rose et de bleu fadasses, qui infestent les
devantures des boutiques dites d’objets de piété.
Il est nécessaire d’en instruire les chrétiens et particulièrement
les dévotes qui s’acoquinent à ces niaiseries malfaisantes : la
véritable dévotion réprouve cette religionnette de pacotille. La
Mystique du Sacré-Cœur procède d’un ascétisme dont la sévère
beauté fut exprimée par le symbole que nous décrit sainte
Marguerite-Marie :
« Jésus, dit-elle, écartant ses vêtements, me montra son Cœur ; il
me parut être un trône tout de feu, transparent comme le cristal. La
plaie qu’il avait reçue y paraissait visiblement et, autour de ce Cœur
sacré il y avait une couronne d’épines et une croix le surmontait. »
Une plaie, une croix, une couronne d’épines. Croyez-vous que
quand il nous montre sa blessure et les instruments de son supplice,
Notre-Seigneur a l’intention de nous provoquer à des pamoisons de
modiste effervescente réclamant le chéri de ses rêves ?
Ce ne sont point par des roucoulades efféminées, où il entre
beaucoup de sensualité trouble et fort peu d’amour divin, que nous
devons répondre au don inestimable qu’il nous fait de son Cœur.
Souffrir pour lui, souffrir avec lui, souffrir en lui, voilà ce qu’il nous
propose.
Quelle doctrine rébarbative ! s’écrient les caillettes énervées qui
considèrent la religion comme une ouate mollasse où prélasser leur
sentimentalisme.
Il faut leur répondre : — C’est votre lâcheté que vous adorez
lorsque vous vous imaginez que vous adorez le Sacré-Cœur. Au
surplus c’est à de telles âmes que Jésus adresse les paroles terribles
transmises par la Visitandine inspirée ; et combien de catholiques
inertes doivent également s’y voir désignés :
« Mon peuple choisi attaque et blesse mon Cœur qui n’a pas
cessé de l’aimer. Mais mon amour cédera enfin à ma colère pour
châtier ces orgueilleux attachés à la terre qui me méprisent et ne
s’affectionnent qu’à ce qui m’est contraire. Ils me délaissent pour les
créatures et ils fuient l’humilité pour s’estimer eux-mêmes. Leur
cœur étant vide de charité, il ne leur reste plus que le nom de
chrétiens. Mais je les séparerai de mes bien-aimés… »
Et pourtant la pitié que nous inspirons à Jésus est plus forte que
notre ingratitude. Pour compenser nos désertions, il a suscité les
monastères où des âmes généreuses expient, à son exemple, les
péchés du « peuple choisi ».
Les reclus de ces tabernacles appliquent avec héroïsme la loi de
substitution qui régit l’univers. Elle promulgue que si nous refusons
de payer la dette que nous avons contractée envers Dieu, d’autres la
paieront pour nous. Ces moines et ces moniales, qui se donnent à la
contemplation dans une rigoureuse pénitence, nous disent : — Il
vous répugne de porter la croix avec Jésus dans la voie
douloureuse ? Eh bien, nous la porterons à votre place afin que Dieu
vous octroie la grâce du repentir…
C’est parmi ces victimes volontaires qu’on apprend à vivre cœur à
cœur avec Jésus. Il plut au Bon Maître de me le faire sentir : en
cette Trappe où je me réfugie le plus souvent que je peux, je me
vivifie de solitude sanctifiée et d’oraison silencieuse. Là, plus je me
tais, plus j’entends la Parole divine. Là, plus je suis seul, moins je
suis seul. Là mon âme se rend pleinement compte de sa misère. Là,
elle donne flamme pour flamme à Celui qui a dit : Je suis venu
apporter le Feu dans le monde et que veux-je sinon qu’il s’allume.
Là, soutenu par la prière perpétuelle des âmes élues qui
m’entourent, j’acquiers un peu le droit d’implorer pour les pécheurs,
mes frères, et de lancer vers la Miséricorde éternelle le cri où l’Église
a rassemblé toute sa foi, toute son espérance, toute sa charité :
Cœur sacré de Jésus, ayez pitié de nous !…
Imprimerie Bussières. — Saint-Amand (Cher).

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Introduction to Language Development 3rd Edition Sandra

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Sources for Research on Language Development 26

Language and Other Species 58

Environmental Support for Language Development 97

Explanations of Phonological Development 130

Constructivist Approaches 200

The Bilingual Brain 282

The Neurobiology of Reading and Reading Disorders 325

New in the Fifth Edition

Language and the Scientific Study of Language • Is There Continuity or Discontinuity in

Language and the Scientific Study of

BOX 1.1 Components of Oral Language Development

Pragmatics The transmittal of information to Being able to make requests, to

Lexicon Vocabulary and processes of Knowing the meaning of words

A Chronological Overview of Language Development

F I G - 1 - 1 Major Milestones of Language Development

intentional communication conversational initiative

50-word productive 500-word productive

adding grammatical morphemes

first word combinations negatives and question forms

1 year 2 years 3 years 4 years

Reasons for the Scientific Study of Language Development

Language Development as an Applied Research Topic The goal for many

study language development. For example, anthropologists’ descriptions of cultures in

The History of the Study of Language

Big Questions and Studies of Special Cases

The Chomskyan Revolution

The Current Study of Language Development

Current Approaches Research on language development has always been guided by

Courtesy of the Author

BOX 1.2 Current Approaches to the Study of Language

Biological A description of the genetic bases of the human language capacity

Generative linguistic A description of children’s innate linguistic knowledge and how it

Social A description of the social–cognitive abilities and social–

Domain-general A description of the domain-general learning capacities that serve

Developmental A description of how genetically based characteristics and envir-

Major Issues in the Field of Language

What Are the Contributions of Nature and Nurture

crucial aspect of language-learning experience is social interaction with another person.

Are the Mechanisms of Language Acquisition

How Abstract Is Language?

Is There Continuity or Discontinuity in Language Development?

What Is the Relation Between Communication and Language?