Essentials
Essentials
Essentials
The chapter begins by explaining that language typology is the study of the structural
features of languages with the goal of classifying them based on their similarities and
differences. It’s concerned with patterns across languages, and how languages can be
categorized based on these patterns, regardless of their historical or genetic relationships.
Language typology answers questions like: Why do languages have the structures they
do? and What is possible or impossible in human languages?
3. Types of Typology
4. Typological Classification
Each type of classification reveals significant cross-linguistic variation, but also patterns that
many languages share.
5. Linguistic Universals
A key focus of this chapter is on linguistic universals—features that appear in all languages
or that are statistically common across many languages. These universals can
be absolute (true for all languages) or implicational (if a language has one feature, it is likely
to have another). The chapter emphasizes that Joseph Greenberg’s Universals (discovered
through his 1960s research) are crucial for understanding how typologists compare languages.
Typology provides a way to understand the potential and limitations of human languages,
offering insights into linguistic diversity. It also helps linguists understand the nature of
human cognition, as certain language structures reflect universal cognitive tendencies.
The chapter also highlights the distinction between language typology and historical
linguistics. Typology focuses on structural features and patterns found across languages
without concern for their historical relationships, while historical linguistics is concerned with
how languages evolve over time and are genealogically related.
• Language typology is not about tracing the historical development of languages but
about understanding the diversity and commonalities in language structure.
• Typologists aim to classify languages into types based on their structure, using
features like word order, morphological complexity, and phonological systems.
• Joseph Greenberg and his linguistic universals play a critical role in the study of
language typology, revealing patterns that typologists use to predict language
structures.
• The chapter emphasizes universality vs. variability in languages—how certain
features are universal while others vary widely across different languages.
1.
• Purpose: This site serves as a resource for researchers and students in the field of
linguistic typology. It aims to promote research in language typology and the general
study of languages.
• Content: The website offers information on various typological studies, provides links
to resources, and highlights ongoing typological research. It also includes articles,
conference information, and a database of typological features.
• Authors: This site is maintained by the Linguistic Typology journal, which is
published by the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and other
contributors in the field of linguistic typology.
• Purpose: The University of Surrey’s site features research and academic resources in
various fields, including linguistics. This link likely leads to a specific linguistics
project or resource at the university.
• Content: The specific content can vary, but generally, it includes academic research,
articles, and resources related to linguistic studies and typology.
• Authors: The content is produced by faculty and researchers at the University of
Surrey, particularly in the linguistics department.
• Purpose: The Typology Archive provides access to a range of data and research on
linguistic typology, aiming to facilitate the exchange of typological data.
• Content: The archive includes datasets, papers, and resources that can be used by
researchers in the field. It also features a variety of typological features and language
comparisons.
• Authors: The archive is maintained by the University of Konstanz, particularly by
researchers involved in the field of typology and linguistics, but specific authors may
vary by document.
5. Ethnologue (http://www.ethnologue.com)
1. Consonant Inventories
b) Basic Research Question: What is the range of consonant inventories across languages,
and how does the number of consonants in a language's inventory vary?
c) Methodology:
• The chapter examines the size of consonant inventories across different languages,
analyzing data from a range of linguistic descriptions.
• Tertium Comparationis: The number of consonants in the inventories of the
languages studied.
• The typologist works with the analyzed features in accordance with Haspelmath’s
comparative concepts by providing a comparative analysis that does not assume
identical categories across languages.
d) Languages Compared: The chapter compares data from approximately 600 languages.
e) Important Results: There are significant variations in consonant inventory sizes, with
languages exhibiting very small inventories (like Hawaiian) to those with extensive
consonantal systems (like Ubykh)
2. Number of Genders
b) Basic Research Question: How many gender categories are recognized across different
languages?
c) Methodology:
• The analysis categorizes languages based on the number of grammatical genders they
utilize, from none to five or more.
• Tertium Comparationis: The count of gender categories present in each language.
• The typologist adheres to Haspelmath’s concepts by analyzing gender systems without
assuming that they function identically across languages.
e) Important Results: The majority of languages have either no gender or two genders, with
a decreasing frequency for languages with three or more genders. This reflects common
patterns in gender systems across linguistic families
c) Methodology:
e) Important Results: A dominant trend is identified where degree words generally precede
adjectives in many languages, with exceptions noted in specific regions and languages
4. Tea
b) Basic Research Question: How is the concept of "tea" represented in various languages,
and what does this reveal about cultural perceptions of tea?
c) Methodology:
• The chapter examines the lexical terms used for tea across different languages and
cultural contexts.
• Tertium Comparationis: The different lexical items that refer to tea in the selected
languages.
• The typologist applies Haspelmath's comparative concepts by analyzing cultural
meanings associated with the lexical terms rather than assuming a direct one-to-one
correspondence.
d) Languages Compared: The chapter looks at terms from multiple language families,
focusing on linguistic data from about 100 languages.
e) Important Results: The findings suggest that the word for tea varies significantly,
reflecting both the linguistic diversity and cultural importance of tea in different societies
2. Number of Genders
• Number of Languages Compared: Around 1,000 languages are examined in this
chapter.
• Important Results: The analysis shows that most languages have either no gender or
a binary gender system (masculine and feminine), with a decreasing number of
languages exhibiting more complex gender systems. The prevalence of two-gender
languages suggests a linguistic tendency towards simplicity in gender marking across
diverse linguistic families
• Number of Languages Compared: This chapter includes data from about 500
languages.
• Important Results: The findings indicate a dominant pattern where degree words
typically precede adjectives in many languages, though exceptions exist, particularly
in specific regions. This order is essential for understanding syntactic structures and
language processing
4. Tea
• Number of Languages Compared: The chapter studies terms related to tea from
roughly 100 languages.
• Important Results: The lexical diversity regarding the term for "tea" highlights
significant cultural distinctions. For instance, the representation of tea varies widely,
reflecting cultural practices and the importance of tea in various societies. The study
emphasizes the interplay between language and cultural significance
3. The excerpt from Haspelmath emphasizes the complexity and variability of linguistic
categories across languages, highlighting the need for typologists to approach language study
with an awareness of uniqueness and diversity. Here’s a detailed explanation of the key points
and their implications for typology:
1. Linguistic Diversity:
o Each language has its own set of grammatical and semantic categories that
reflect its unique cultural and communicative context. This uniqueness means
that typologists must recognize that there may not always be direct equivalents
for specific features across different languages.
2. Avoiding Overgeneralization:
o The tendency to equate categories across languages can lead to
overgeneralization and misconceptions about language structures. For instance,
while both English and Japanese have passive constructions, they may function
differently within their respective grammatical systems and cultural contexts.
A typologist must avoid assuming that similarities mean that the categories
operate in the same way.
3. Implications for Comparison:
o Recognizing that each language may have entirely new categories encourages
typologists to explore language features in depth. It requires careful analysis
and comparison rather than superficial categorization based on surface
similarities.
4. Complexity of Features:
o Some linguistic features may not be present or absent in a straightforward
yes/no manner. For example, a language might have a passive construction that
differs significantly in its function or formation from that in another language.
Thus, the presence of a feature can be better understood on a spectrum, where
the degrees of similarity and difference need to be considered.
• Spectrum of Presence:
o The presence or absence of a linguistic feature is often not simply a binary
issue. For instance, a language might exhibit a feature only in certain contexts
or with certain restrictions. Similarly, a feature may be present but function
differently compared to its counterpart in another language.
• Implicational Scales:
o Haspelmath suggests that cross-linguistic similarities are often best expressed
through implicational scalesor semantic maps. These tools allow linguists to
understand how certain features relate to one another across languages. For
example, if a language has a particular type of morphological marking, it may
also have another feature as a consequence, rather than simply being present or
absent.
• Categorical Nuance:
o Since categories may vary widely in their characteristics, the nuances of how
features manifest in different languages suggest that understanding them
requires more than just identifying their presence. It involves understanding
their roles, functions, and relationships within the grammatical system of each
language.
Conclusion
In summary, typologists should embrace the idea that languages may exhibit completely new
and unique categories. This understanding encourages a nuanced and thorough investigation
of language structures, promoting a richer and more accurate representation of linguistic
diversity. The presence or absence of specific linguistic features should be viewed within a
broader spectrum of variation, rather than as a simple yes/no dichotomy. This perspective
enables linguists to appreciate the complexities of language and to avoid reductive
comparisons that may overlook significant differences.
4.
Relationship Descriptions Using Table 7
Based on the relationships you've described, here’s how you can describe the relationships:
• William and Peter Phillips: William Phillips is the father of Peter Phillips. This can
be expressed as "father-son" or "parent-child" relationship.
• William and Zara Phillips: William Phillips is the uncle of Zara Phillips. This can be
referred to as "uncle-niece" relationship.
• Relationship of Charles Spencer to the Duke of Cambridge: Diana’s brother,
Charles Spencer, is the uncle of the Duke of Cambridge, as Diana is the mother of the
Duke. Thus, Charles Spencer is the uncle.
• Unoka = grandchild
• Sibling relationships are specified with terms for "younger" or "older".
Given Queen Elizabeth II and Philip, Duke of Edinburgh’s grandchildren (including William
and Zara Phillips):
Haspelmath emphasizes that language typology should focus on features and their
comparative analysis rather than assuming that linguistic categories are universally
equivalent. His approach suggests that:
1. Categories Are Not Identical: Each language may possess unique categories that do
not perfectly map onto those of other languages. This is crucial for understanding the
nuances of language comparison .
2. Use of Tertium Comparationis: Haspelmath advocates for a tertium comparationis—
a third entity against which features can be compared. This entity should not impose
preconceived notions but rather allow for the organic discovery of similarities and
differences .
Dokulil's onomasiological approach centers on the ways in which concepts are encoded
across languages. Key aspects include:
1. Focus on Meaning: Instead of starting from specific linguistic forms (as in traditional
semasiology), onomasiology begins with concepts and explores how different
languages express these concepts .
2. Conceptual Categories: Dokulil proposes that understanding the categories of
meaning in one language can provide insight into how those meanings are structured
in another. This contrasts with merely looking at grammatical forms .
Conclusion
Key Takeaway:
Typologists must approach linguistic features with an open mind, recognizing that each
language has the potential for unique grammatical and semantic systems that may not align
perfectly with pre-established categories in other languages.
6. Commonalities
1. Focus on Patterns and Structures: All three definitions emphasize the examination
of linguistic systems and their structures. They recognize that typology is concerned
with identifying patterns that recur across languages.
2. Cross-Linguistic Analysis: Each definition indicates the necessity of cross-linguistic
surveys to understand and categorize languages. This suggests that typology is not
limited to individual languages but requires a broader, comparative approach.
3. Understanding Similarities and Differences: All definitions highlight the
investigation of both differences and similarities among languages, which is central to
typological studies.
Differences
Croft argues that classifying languages into distinct types is often difficult, if not impossible.
Here are the reasons behind this viewpoint:
1. Language Diversity: Languages exhibit a vast array of features and variations. The
inherent complexity and richness of linguistic phenomena make it challenging to fit
languages neatly into predefined categories.
2. Fluidity of Language: Language is dynamic, and its structures can change over time.
Many languages do not conform to rigid types, as they may exhibit characteristics of
multiple types simultaneously.
3. Overlapping Features: Languages can share features across different typological
categories, making it difficult to classify them strictly. For instance, a language may
use both isolating and agglutinative features, which complicates its classification.
4. Historical and Sociolinguistic Factors: Languages are influenced by various
historical, cultural, and sociolinguistic factors, leading to unique linguistic evolutions
that resist typological classification.
Conclusion
In summary, while the three definitions of language typology share a foundational focus on
linguistic patterns and structures through cross-linguistic comparisons, they differ in their
scope, purpose, and approach to classification. Croft’s perspective highlights the complexities
inherent in linguistic diversity, emphasizing the challenges of categorizing languages into
distinct types. This insight is valuable for understanding the nature of language and the
limitations of typological frameworks.
7.
Comparison of Dixon's and Jakobson's Approaches
Dixon's View:
• Dixon explains the accusative case primarily as an affix that marks a noun phrase
(NP) in a direct object (O) function. He notes the variability in how this function is
expressed in different languages:
o In Quechua, the accusative suffix appears only on the last word of the NP.
o In Latin, the accusative is marked on every word in the NP.
o In Turkish, the accusative is marked only when the noun has definite
reference.
• Dixon also highlights additional functions of the accusative, such as marking time or
being required after certain prepositions in Latin, showing how grammatical roles can
extend beyond the basic definition.
Jakobson's Approach:
Summary of Differences:
• Focus: Dixon provides concrete examples illustrating the variation of the accusative
case across languages, while Jakobson may take a more abstract theoretical stance,
focusing on functional relationships.
• Detail vs. Theory: Dixon's approach is descriptive and detail-oriented regarding
specific languages, whereas Jakobson’s work often examines broader linguistic
theories and principles.
8.
To identify linguistic types in Slovak and English, we can look at various linguistic features
available in the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS):
1. Word Order:
o English: Primarily SVO (Subject-Verb-Object) word order (e.g., "The cat (S)
eats (V) the food (O)").
o Slovak: While it can use SVO, Slovak is more flexible and can exhibit SOV
(Subject-Object-Verb) order in some contexts, allowing for various syntactic
constructions based on discourse needs.
2. Case Marking:
o English: Limited case marking; relies on word order and prepositions (e.g.,
"the cat" vs. "the cat's").
o Slovak: A rich system of case marking with multiple forms depending on the
grammatical role of nouns, pronouns, and adjectives.
3. Definite Article:
o English: Uses definite (the) and indefinite articles (a, an) before nouns.
o Slovak: Does not have a definite article; definiteness is typically expressed
through other grammatical means, such as case endings.
4. Adjective-Noun Order:
o English: Generally follows a Noun-Adjective order (e.g., "red car").
o Slovak: Allows for more flexibility, often placing adjectives before the noun
(e.g., "červené auto" for "red car"), but can also appear postnominally
depending on stylistic choices.
Chapter Two of Essentials of Language Typology by Lívia Körtvelyessy delves into the
theoretical underpinnings and methodologies of linguistic typology, focusing on how
languages can be classified and compared based on their structural features. Below is a
detailed overview of the main themes and insights from the chapter.
Key Themes
Important Insights
Conclusion
1.
To compare this with the views of William Jones and Edward Sapir, we can outline their
perspectives on language relationships and similarities.
a) William Jones
William Jones, an 18th-century philologist, is famous for his assertion regarding the
relationship between Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. He argued that the similarities among these
languages were not coincidental, proposing that they stemmed from a common origin. Jones
emphasized:
• Common Ancestry: Jones introduced the idea of a shared linguistic heritage among
languages, suggesting that similarities arise from a common source.
• Systematic Sound Correspondences: He believed that the systematic nature of these
sound changes indicated a genetic relationship between languages.
Commonalities with Rask: Both Rask and Jones focus on phonetic and lexical similarities as
indicators of a deeper relationship between languages. They emphasize that systematic
changes and common vocabulary are crucial in identifying linguistic kinship.
b) Edward Sapir
• Cultural Context: Sapir argued that language is deeply connected to culture and
thought. He believed that while linguistic similarities can indicate relationships, the
context in which languages are used is equally important.
• Diversity of Language: Unlike Rask and Jones, who focused primarily on genetic
relationships, Sapir acknowledged the significance of language contact and diffusion,
suggesting that similarities could arise from borrowing and other sociolinguistic
factors.
Differences from Rask: While Rask and Jones emphasize phonetic and lexical similarities as
indicators of kinship, Sapir highlights the role of cultural factors and language contact. He
introduces a more sociolinguistic perspective, arguing that similarities can occur even
between languages that do not share a common ancestry.
• Linguistic Similarities: All three linguists recognize the importance of phonetic and
lexical similarities in understanding language relationships.
• Systematic Analysis: Rask, Jones, and Sapir advocate for a systematic approach to
analyzing languages to uncover their relationships.
Differences:
• Focus on Origins: Rask and Jones emphasize genetic relationships through historical
linguistics, while Sapir incorporates cultural and social factors, suggesting that
linguistic similarities may also arise from language contact.
• Methodological Approaches: Rask and Jones rely heavily on phonetic analysis of
core vocabulary, whereas Sapir's approach is broader, considering language as a
cultural artifact.
Conclusion
In summary, while Rask, Jones, and Sapir share a foundational belief in the significance of
linguistic similarities, their approaches diverge in emphasis and methodology. Rask and Jones
lean toward historical linguistics and genetic relationships, while Sapir introduces a
sociolinguistic perspective, recognizing the complexities of language as a product of cultural
context.
2.
1. Philosophical Foundations:
o Humboldt posits that language is a manifestation of the human spirit (Geist).
Each language reflects the unique worldview of its speakers, implying that
linguistic diversity corresponds to cultural diversity. This idea aligns with
contemporary linguistic anthropology, which sees language as a carrier of
cultural identity (Duranti, 1997).
2. Four Classes of Languages:
o Humboldt's classification into four language types offers a hierarchical view
that emphasizes structural complexity. His categories are:
▪ Isolating Languages: Characterized by a lack of inflection (e.g.,
Mandarin), Humboldt describes these as "formless," suggesting a
simplicity that limits expressiveness.
▪ Inflected Languages: These languages, which include many Indo-
European languages (e.g., Latin, Greek), are considered to possess a
"true sense of form" due to their systematic use of affixes and case
markers that add meaning and clarity.
▪ Incorporating Languages: Examples include certain American Indian
languages where verb roots incorporate objects, demonstrating a high
degree of complexity in form and structure.
▪ A Fourth Class: This category addresses languages that don't fit neatly
into traditional classifications, recognizing the limitations of binary or
tripartite models.
3. Rejection of Evolutionary Hierarchies:
o Humboldt explicitly rejects any notion of linguistic evolution from "lower" to
"higher" forms. He argues that all languages are equally valid as expressions of
the human experience, countering the ethnocentric perspectives that often
dominated earlier linguistic thought (Humboldt, 1836). This perspective
resonates with modern views that advocate for linguistic relativity, asserting
that no language is superior to another in terms of complexity or
expressiveness.
4. Structuralist Implications:
o Humboldt’s focus on form and structure in languages laid groundwork for later
structuralist thinkers, such as Ferdinand de Saussure, who emphasized the
systemic nature of language. His ideas foreshadowed the 20th-century
linguistic emphasis on structural analysis and the relationships between
language, thought, and culture.
5. Cultural and Linguistic Relativity:
o Humboldt’s view implies a form of linguistic relativity, suggesting that the
structure of a language influences its speakers' cognition and perception of
reality. This aligns with the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, which posits that
language shapes thought (Whorf, 1956).
CHAPTER 3
focuses on phonological typology. This chapter is crucial for understanding the variety of
sound systems across languages and how phonological features can be systematically
compared.
Major Insights:
• Typological Patterns: The chapter provides a global view of how languages can vary
significantly in their sound inventories and phonological rules, but it also shows
recurring patterns (like the frequent use of five-vowel systems).
• Phonological Universals: Certain phonological features, like voicing
contrasts and syllable structure preferences, are found across many languages. This
supports the idea of phonological universals that reflect general constraints of human
speech production.
• Implications for Language Learning: Understanding phonological typology is vital
for linguists, especially when considering how speakers of one language acquire the
sounds of another language, which might have drastically different phonotactics and
sound inventories.
1. Typological Classification:
o The chapter introduces the major typological classifications of languages,
primarily focusing on morphological and syntactic types. It distinguishes
between isolating, agglutinative, fusional, and polysynthetic languages. This
classification aids in understanding how different languages construct words
and sentences, impacting their expressiveness and grammatical complexity
(Croft, 2003).
2. Morphological Typology:
o Körtvelyessy explores morphological typology, which classifies languages
based on how they form words. For example:
▪ Isolating Languages: Characterized by minimal inflection and a
reliance on word order and particles to convey grammatical
relationships (e.g., Mandarin Chinese).
▪ Agglutinative Languages: Feature a high degree of affixation, where
words are formed by stringing together morphemes, each with a
specific meaning (e.g., Turkish).
▪ Fusional Languages: Words may contain morphemes that express
multiple grammatical functions simultaneously, making them less
transparent than in agglutinative languages (e.g., Latin).
▪ Polysynthetic Languages: These languages can form very complex
words that incorporate several morphemes, often including subjects and
objects within a single word (e.g., Inuktitut).
3. Syntactic Typology:
o The chapter discusses syntactic typology, particularly the order of subject (S),
verb (V), and object (O). This aspect of typology classifies languages into
several types, such as SVO (e.g., English), SOV (e.g., Japanese), and VSO
(e.g., Classical Arabic). The syntactic structure significantly influences how
information is conveyed and understood within different linguistic frameworks
(Haspelmath, 2007).
4. Functional Typology:
o Körtvelyessy also touches on functional typology, examining how different
languages achieve similar communicative goals through various structural
means. This approach underscores the idea that languages can differ in form
while serving the same functions in communication (Bybee, 2001).
5. Cultural and Cognitive Aspects:
o The chapter emphasizes the relationship between language structure and
cultural context. It discusses how typological features can reflect cognitive
processes and cultural values. For instance, the prominence of certain
grammatical categories may correlate with cultural priorities, affecting how
speakers of different languages conceptualize the world (Sapir, 1921).
• Comparative Methodology:
o Körtvelyessy advocates for a rigorous comparative methodology in typological
studies, encouraging linguists to employ a variety of analytical tools to
understand language systems deeply. This includes the examination of
language data from diverse sources, contributing to a more comprehensive
view of linguistic diversity (Bickel, 2007).
• Linguistic Universals:
o The chapter touches upon the concept of linguistic universals, which are
features or principles that are common across languages. Körtvelyessy
explores how these universals can be identified and what implications they
have for understanding human cognition and language structure (Greenberg,
1966).
• Typological Implications for Language Documentation:
o The chapter concludes with a discussion on the importance of typological
insights for language documentation and preservation efforts. By
understanding the structural characteristics of languages, linguists can better
assess the impact of language endangerment and work towards effective
revitalization strategies (Crystal, 2000).
TASKS:
1.
449
1066
1150
1362
1400
1476
1564
1607
1702
1828
1928
2.
Cognate words are words in different languages that have a common etymological origin.
They usually arise from a shared ancestral language and often exhibit similarities in
pronunciation and meaning. The identification of cognate words is crucial in historical
linguistics for establishing genetic relationships among languages.
Here are some examples of cognate words across English, Slovak, and German:
1. English: "mother"
Slovak: "matka"
German: "Mutter"
o Explanation: All three words derive from the Proto-Indo-European root
*méh₂tēr, meaning "mother." This shows a genetic relationship among these
languages.
2. English: "father"
Slovak: "otec"
German: "Vater"
o Explanation: These words trace back to the Proto-Indo-European root *pəter,
which also means "father." The phonetic variations reflect the evolutionary
paths of these languages.
3. English: "hand"
Slovak: "ruka"
German: "Hand"
o Explanation: While "hand" in English and German are direct cognates, Slovak
"ruka" comes from a different root but is related in terms of its Proto-Slavic
ancestry.
4. English: "night"
Slovak: "noc"
German: "Nacht"
o Explanation: These words come from the Proto-Indo-European root *nókʷts,
which refers to "night," showcasing similarities in phonetic structure across
these languages.
Significance of Cognates
Cognates help linguists trace back the evolution of languages and understand their historical
relationships. They provide evidence for language families and assist in reconstructing proto-
languages, enhancing our understanding of how languages have diverged over time.
5.
Yes, there are several non-Indo-European languages spoken in Europe, and some of these
languages are considered isolates, meaning they have no known relatives or closely related
languages. Here’s an overview:
1. Finnish:
o Belongs to the Finno-Ugric language family, which also includes Estonian and
Hungarian. Finnish is distinct from the Indo-European languages of most of its
neighbors and is known for its unique grammatical structure and vocabulary.
2. Hungarian:
o Another Finno-Ugric language, Hungarian is primarily spoken in Hungary but
also by Hungarian communities in surrounding countries. It features complex
case systems and a rich system of vowel harmony.
3. Basque:
o Language Isolate: Basque (Euskara) is a unique example of a language
isolate, meaning it has no known relatives. It is spoken in the Basque Country,
which spans parts of northern Spain and southwestern France. Its origins are a
topic of much scholarly debate, and it stands out in Europe for its
distinctiveness from surrounding Indo-European languages.
4. Estonian:
o Also part of the Finno-Ugric language family, Estonian shares similarities with
Finnish but is influenced by its proximity to Germanic and Slavic languages.
5. Sami Languages:
o Spoken by the Sami people in northern Scandinavia, the Sami languages (such
as Northern Sami, Lule Sami, and Southern Sami) belong to the Uralic family,
like Finnish and Hungarian. They are distinct from Indo-European languages
and are often classified together with other indigenous languages in the region.
6. Georgian:
o While primarily associated with the South Caucasus region, Georgian is
sometimes included in discussions of European languages due to its historical
and cultural connections. It is part of the Kartvelian language family and is not
related to any Indo-European languages.
6.
The conclusions about Indo-European culture drawn by John Algeo are based on the study of
cognate words—words in different languages that have a common etymological origin.
Here’s a breakdown of how scientists arrive at these conclusions:
• Wealth Measurement: The terms for cattle and wealth illustrate the importance of
livestock in their economy and social status. The derivation of words related to wealth
from cattle shows that livestock was a fundamental measure of wealth in Indo-
European societies.
• Polytheism and Religion: The identification of a Sky Father across multiple Indo-
European cultures suggests a shared mythological framework, revealing insights into
their spiritual beliefs.
• Absence of Ocean Vocabulary: The claim about the absence of a common word for
"ocean" suggests that the PIE homeland was likely inland rather than coastal. This
inference is based on the idea that if a culture had significant interaction with the
ocean, we would expect to find specific vocabulary related to it.
7.
The Indo-European language family was discovered through comparative linguistics, where
linguists noticed similarities in vocabulary and grammar among languages spoken across
Europe and parts of Asia.
• Branches: The family is divided into several branches, including Germanic, Romance,
Slavic, Celtic, Indo-Iranian, and others, each comprising languages that share a
common ancestry.
• Shared Features: These languages exhibit shared phonetic, morphological, and
syntactic features, which linguists use to trace back to their common roots in PIE.
In summary, the analysis of cognate words allows linguists to reconstruct aspects of the
culture, technology, and social structure of the speakers of Proto-Indo-European. The
comparative method, combined with the study of vocabulary, leads to informed hypotheses
about the lifestyle and geographical context of these ancient peoples.
For more detailed information, you can explore Algeo’s work or resources on historical
linguistics and the Indo-European language family.
8.
Core vocabulary consists of a set of basic words that are fundamental to a language and are
typically resistant to change over time. These words often encompass essential concepts that
are crucial for everyday communication and survival. Here are some key characteristics and
examples of core vocabulary:
1. Stability Over Time: Core vocabulary tends to remain relatively stable across
generations and is less likely to be borrowed from other languages. This stability
makes these words valuable for linguistic reconstruction.
2. Universal Concepts: Core vocabulary usually includes terms that relate to basic
human experiences and needs, such as body parts, natural elements, family relations,
and fundamental actions.
3. Cross-Linguistic Comparison: Core vocabulary provides a basis for comparing
languages within the same family or across different families, helping linguists
identify cognates and reconstruct proto-languages.
Importance in Linguistics
The study of core vocabulary is crucial in comparative linguistics and historical linguistics. It
helps researchers trace the evolution of languages, identify genetic relationships between
languages, and reconstruct proto-languages. By analyzing core vocabulary, linguists can make
informed hypotheses about the culture and environment of ancient speakers, as these words
often reflect universal human experiences.
10.
To decode the given information about the English language, you can break it down as
follows:
• Language: English
• Language Family: Germanic
• Language Group: Indo-European
• Region: UK
• Language: Slovak
• Language Family: West Slavic
• Language Group: Indo-European
• Region: Slovakia
• Language: Slovak is a member of the West Slavic languages, which include Czech
and Polish among others.
• Language Family: It belongs to the Slavic family, which is part of the larger Indo-
European family of languages.
• Language Group: Within the Slavic languages, Slovak falls under the West
Slavic subgroup, which also includes Czech and Sorbian.
• Region: Slovak is primarily spoken in Slovakia, a country in Central Europe.
If you're looking for more detailed linguistic classifications or historical context regarding the
Slovak language, you can refer to sources like the Ethnologue or WALS (World Atlas of
Language Structures).
11.
Edward Sapir’s quote, “No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as
representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct
worlds, not merely the same world with different labels attached,” reflects a deep
understanding of the relationship between language, culture, and perception of reality. This
idea is central to the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, which posits that the structure and vocabulary
of a language shape its speakers' worldview and how they perceive and interact with the
world.
When discussing language families, Sapir’s words imply that even languages within the same
family, which share a common ancestor (like Indo-European languages), can diverge
dramatically in the way they encode social and cultural experiences. Even though languages
like English and Slovak both belong to the Indo-European family, the way they structure
social experiences, time, kinship, and space can be profoundly different.
Key Points:
1. Cultural Contexts Embedded in Language: Sapir argues that languages don't just
label an already understood, universal reality but create distinct realities based on
cultural contexts. For example, words for family relations in languages like Slovak,
English, or German have subtle but important cultural distinctions in meaning, kinship
structure, and social importance.
2. Perception of Reality through Language: The idea that language shapes reality
means that even closely related languages can reflect different worldviews. This is
important in linguistic typology, where languages from the same family (like Indo-
European) still diverge significantly in how they express ideas like time, motion, or
social roles. English, for example, uses tenses to express time quite differently from
Slovak.
3. Beyond Language Families: Even though languages in the same family share a
common ancestor, Sapir highlights that their evolution leads to unique "worlds" or
realities for their speakers. This challenges the assumption that speakers of related
languages experience or understand the world in the same way, even if their languages
have common roots.
12.
Hungarian:
Maltese:
Hausa:
Hopi:
13.
Isolates in WALS
An isolate is a language that cannot be classified into any known language family.
• Basque: Spoken in the Basque Country region (Spain and France). It is one of the
most famous examples of a language isolate, as it has no known relatives.
• Korean: While there is some debate about Korean’s classification, many linguists
consider it an isolate, as it doesn’t fit easily into any established language family.
• Ainu: A language isolate spoken by the Ainu people in Japan, particularly in
Hokkaido.
• Burushaski: Spoken in northern Pakistan, this language is also considered an isolate
with no proven connections to other languages
14.
The Nostratic hypothesis is a highly ambitious and controversial linguistic theory that posits
the existence of a macrofamily of languages, grouping several distinct language families such
as Indo-European, Uralic, Altaic, Afro-Asiatic (including Semitic), Dravidian, and others
into a single large family. Proposed primarily by linguists Aharon
Dolgopolsky and Vladimir Illich-Svitych in the mid-20th century, the hypothesis suggests
that these families all descend from a common proto-language, which might have been
spoken around 15,000 years ago.
1. Lack of Sufficient Evidence: One of the main criticisms of the Nostratic hypothesis
is the scarcity of convincing, systematic evidence. Comparative linguistics
traditionally relies on rigorous methods such as the comparative method, which
reconstructs proto-languages based on systematic sound correspondences and
grammatical patterns. The Nostratic hypothesis, however, is seen by many as relying
more heavily on superficial lexical similarities(similar-looking words) rather than
deeper grammatical or phonological patterns.
2. Methodological Concerns: The methods used to support the Nostratic hypothesis,
such as lexicostatistics(measuring degrees of lexical similarity), are considered
problematic. While lexicostatistics is a tool in historical linguistics, it is often
criticized for lacking precision and overemphasizing vocabulary comparisons,
which can be influenced by borrowing between languages or chance resemblances.
Mainstream linguists argue that reconstructing such ancient proto-languages, as
suggested by the Nostratic hypothesis, requires more systematic and rigorous
methods beyond just lexical similarities.
3. Time Depth: Another major issue with the hypothesis is its deep time depth. The
proposed time frame (15,000–20,000 years ago) is far deeper than what linguists
generally consider plausible for language reconstruction. The Indo-European family,
for example, is thought to have a time depth of around 6,000–8,000 years, and going
beyond that timeline introduces significant uncertainties. Over such a long period,
languages tend to change so much that reliably tracing their lineage becomes
extremely difficult.
4. Debates Over Language Families: Some of the language families proposed as part of
the Nostratic group, like Altaic or Dravidian, are themselves controversial or
disputed. For example, the existence of the Altaic family(which supposedly includes
Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic languages) is a debated topic in itself, and not all
linguists agree that these languages form a coherent family. This adds another layer of
complexity to the Nostratic hypothesis.
5. Historical-Political Factors: Some critics argue that certain linguistic macrofamily
proposals, like Nostratic, have been influenced by cultural or nationalistic
motivations. In some cases, there is suspicion that these hypotheses are motivated by
a desire to show ancient historical connections between disparate cultures, rather than
being based on solid linguistic evidence.
CHAPTER 4
focus on syntactic typology. This chapter is central to understanding how languages organize
words and structures at the sentence level, and it highlights various patterns that occur in
different languages worldwide.
Major Insights:
• Universality vs. Diversity: Chapter 4 balances the idea of universal principles with
the vast diversity in syntactic structures across the world’s languages. It shows that
while certain patterns are frequent, there is no one-size-fits-all approach to syntactic
structure.
• Implications for Cognitive Linguistics: The typological patterns discussed often
reflect deeper cognitive principles, such as how humans process information and
manage complexity in communication.
• Theoretical Application: The chapter stresses that the observed patterns have
practical implications for language learning, translation, and even artificial
intelligence, where understanding word order and syntactic relations is crucial.
TASKS :
1.
2.
In the chapter on Vowel Inventories in the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS),
vowel systems of languages are classified into three categories based on the number of
distinct vowel qualities they contain:
Areal Distribution:
• Small vowel inventories are concentrated in regions like Australia and parts of the
Americas.
• Average vowel inventories dominate across much of the world, including Europe,
Africa, and parts of Asia.
• Large vowel inventories are often found in parts of Africa (e.g., Khoisan languages)
and the Pacific.
Examples of Languages:
• Small vowel inventory: Pirahã (spoken in Brazil).
• Average vowel inventory: Slovak and English (both fall under the category of
average vowel inventories with around five vowel qualities).
• Large vowel inventory: !Xóõ (a Khoisan language with many vowel distinctions).
Slovak and English, as mentioned, both belong to the average category, typical of many Indo-
European languages. You can explore further details on the WALS database, including visual
maps and more examples
3.
In the chapter on Consonant Inventories in the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS),
languages are classified based on the number of consonant sounds they have. Here’s a
breakdown of language types with examples for each category:
Summary of Findings:
4.
In the chapter on Consonant-Vowel Ratio by Ian Maddieson in the World Atlas of Language
Structures (WALS), languages are classified based on the ratio of consonants to vowels in
their phonological systems. Here's an overview of how languages are classified, how the ratio
is calculated, and observations regarding geographical distribution:
Classification of Languages
Geographical Distribution
Key Observations
5.
In the WALS chapter on Syllable Structures, Ian Maddieson examines the diverse syllable
types present across languages and their geographic distribution. Here's a summary of the key
findings:
The chapter categorizes languages into several syllable types based on their phonological
properties:
Geographical Distribution
• English: English primarily follows a CVC structure, but it also allows for a variety of
complex syllables, including CCV and CCVC.
• Slovak: Slovak similarly exhibits CVC structures but is characterized by a wider
range of syllable types, including instances of CCV, reflecting its Slavic roots.
6.
The consonantal system of Anamuxra is structured around four points of articulation: bilabial,
alveolar, velar, and palatal. Each point of articulation has different phoneme types,
contributing to a diverse inventory of consonants. Here’s a detailed breakdown of the
consonantal system based on Ingram's (2001) description:
Consonants of Anamuxra
Key Features
• Obstruents: Include stops and fricatives that are produced with obstruction in the
vocal tract. For example, the bilabial stop /p/ and the alveolar fricative /s/ are both part
of the obstruent category.
• Prenasal: These consonants combine a nasal feature with another articulation, such as
/b/ and /d/.
• Nasals: Represented by /m/, /n/, and /ŋ/, they allow airflow through the nasal cavity.
• Liquid: The sound /r/ is classified as a liquid, allowing for a smooth flow of air.
• Glides: Include /y/ and /w/, which are semi-vowel sounds that connect syllables.
Observations
This system shows a balanced distribution of consonants across different articulatory points,
with a mix of stops, fricatives, nasals, and approximants. The presence of both voiced and
voiceless forms (e.g., /p/ vs. /b/ and /t/ vs. /d/) allows for phonemic contrast, enhancing the
phonological richness of Anamuxra.
The classification reflects not only the phonetic characteristics of the language but also its
potential morphological and syntactical structures, aligning with general principles observed
in phonological systems globally
The consonantal systems of Anamuxra and Sentani reveal interesting similarities and
differences when compared to English. Below is a breakdown of each system followed by a
comparative analysis.
Consonants of Sentani
According to Cowan (1965, p. 5), the consonants in Sentani are classified as follows:
Consonants of English
Comparative Analysis
1. Plosive Consonants:
o Sentani includes the plosives /b/, /d/, and /k/, similar to English, which has /p/,
/b/, /t/, /d/, /k/, and /g/. Notably, Sentani does not have /p/ or /g/, which are
present in English.
2. Fricative Consonants:
o Sentani features only /f/ and /h/ as fricatives, while English has a wider range
including /v/, /s/, /z/, /ʃ/, and /ʒ/. This indicates a more limited fricative
inventory in Sentani.
3. Nasal Consonants:
o Both languages have the nasals /m/ and /n/. However, English includes an
additional velar nasal /ŋ/, which is absent in Sentani.
4. Lateral Consonants:
o Both languages include the lateral consonant /l/. However, English has the
potential for variations (e.g., dark L in certain positions).
5. Semivowels:
o Both languages include the semivowels /w/ and /j/, which is a common feature
across many languages.
Conclusion
The Sentani consonantal system is more limited in terms of plosives and fricatives compared
to English, which has a broader variety of sounds. This reflects a general tendency in
language phonetics, where some languages may have fewer phonemes than others. The
differences in inventory can influence phonetic diversity, pronunciation, and even language
learning challenges for speakers of one language learning the other.
7.
Chinese is known for its use of tones, which are crucial for distinguishing meaning. There are
typically four primary tones in Mandarin Chinese, along with a neutral tone. Here’s a brief
overview of these tones:
Mandarin Chinese belongs to the category of tonal languages, where pitch and tone
variations can change the meaning of words entirely. This is a prominent feature of many
Sino-Tibetan languages, making tonal distinctions essential for effective communication.
In contrast, English and Slovak are considered non-tonal languages. While they do employ
pitch variations for intonation (to convey emotions or questions), these variations do not
change the lexical meaning of words.
• English: Uses intonation patterns to express different meanings (e.g., rising intonation
for questions), but it does not use tones as part of its phonemic inventory.
• Slovak: Similar to English, it employs intonation for emphasis and emotion, without
utilizing tonal distinctions in a way that affects the meaning of individual words.
In summary, Mandarin Chinese uses tones as integral parts of its phonemic structure, while
English and Slovak use pitch primarily for intonational purposes, without changing word
meanings
8.
The syllable structure of Comanche nouns and verbs, as described by Charney, demonstrates a
variety of syllable types beyond the basic structure of CV (consonant-vowel). The examples
provided illustrate several combinations of consonant and vowel patterns:
The overall structure can be classified as multisyllabic and demonstrates a mixture of open
(CV) and closed (CVC) syllable types. The prevalence of the CV and CVC structures is
common in many languages, indicating a preference for these syllable forms.
The syllable structure in Comanche allows for complex combinations, reflecting the
language's morphological and phonological characteristics. This diversity contributes to the
richness of Comanche's phonetic inventory and offers insights into the language's syntactic
and semantic structures.
Conclusion
9.
the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS), the vowel and consonant inventories are
categorized based on their sizes, revealing intriguing insights into the phonological diversity
of languages worldwide.
The most common vowel inventory in the WALS database is that of 5 vowels.
Approximately 188 languages, making up about one-third of the total sample, feature this
size of vowel inventory. Some languages with this common inventory include:
Language Examples
Conclusion
The WALS database emphasizes how vowel inventories exhibit geographical and cultural
patterns. Languages with small inventories often appear in specific regions, such as the
Americas and Australia, whereas languages with larger inventories are more prevalent in parts
of Africa and Europ
D+e
The most typical consonant inventory across world languages generally includes around 20-
25 consonant phonemes. This average varies widely, but many languages fall within this
range, especially those in the Indo-European family.
These examples illustrate how consonant inventories can be relatively rich while still
maintaining commonalities across various language families.
Tone Languages
In terms of tone languages, while a significant number of the world's languages do utilize
tone, they do not constitute the majority. It is estimated that approximately 30% of the
world’s languages are tonal. Tone languages include languages such as:
• Mandarin Chinese
• Thai
• Vietnamese
These languages use pitch to distinguish meaning between words that otherwise have the
same phonetic structure.
CHAPTER 5
The chapter begins with an introduction to syntactic typology, defining it as the classification
of languages based on their syntactic structures. Körtvelyessy emphasizes the significance of
understanding syntax in typological studies because it reveals how different languages
organize information and relationships between words.
Körtvelyessy explores the basic word order in languages, typically represented by three main
patterns:
The chapter discusses how these syntactic arrangements affect the overall syntax and
semantics of a language, influencing clarity and communication.
The author analyzes the role of modifiers (e.g., adjectives and adverbs) and constituents
(phrases that act as single units) in sentence structure. Körtvelyessy illustrates how modifiers
can precede or follow the nouns they modify, leading to different syntactic environments and
affecting the meaning conveyed.
The chapter delves into the connection between syntactic features and language families.
Körtvelyessy provides examples of how related languages often share certain syntactic
characteristics, contributing to the understanding of language evolution and historical
linguistics.
6. Areal Linguistics
7. Functional Typology
The chapter concludes with a discussion of functional typology, which considers the role of
syntax in communication and how different languages prioritize different aspects of
information (e.g., focus, topic, and aspect). Körtvelyessy argues that understanding functional
syntax is essential for a comprehensive view of linguistic diversity.
Conclusion
Continuing from the previous summary, here are additional key elements and insights from
Chapter 5 of Livia Körtvelyessy’s "Essentials of Language Typology" regarding syntactic
typology:
Körtvelyessy explores how different languages utilize case systems to indicate grammatical
relationships within sentences. She explains the distinction between nominative-accusative
and ergative-absolutive systems, highlighting how these frameworks impact sentence
structure. For instance, in languages with a rich case system, the syntactic structure may be
more flexible due to clear markers indicating the roles of nouns in relation to verbs.
This section discusses the concept of syntactic alignment, which refers to how different
languages treat subjects and objects in relation to verbs. Körtvelyessy outlines various
alignment strategies, including nominative-accusative, ergative-absolutive, and active-stative
alignments. She emphasizes how these systems influence not just syntax but also semantics
and discourse.
The chapter also delves into the search for syntactic universals, features that are common
across many languages. Körtvelyessy discusses how typological research aims to identify
patterns that might predict syntactic behavior in languages. This includes exploring how
languages with similar typological characteristics may exhibit predictable syntactic behaviors.
Körtvelyessy discusses the interplay between syntax and other linguistic levels, such as
phonology and morphology. She highlights how syntactic structures can influence and be
influenced by phonological rules, illustrating the interconnectedness of linguistic systems.
This comprehensive approach allows for a better understanding of how syntax operates within
the broader framework of language.
Tasks:
1.
The metaphors used by Friedrich Schlegel and his brother August provide a vivid
representation of two distinct morphological language types that they identified.
Metaphors Explained
Conclusion
Through these metaphors, the Schlegel brothers highlight the fundamental differences in how
languages can be structured morphologically. Their observations laid the groundwork for
modern morphological typology, helping to categorize languages based on their
morphological properties and the role of roots and affixes in word formation.
2.
William Croft's interpretation of language types, based on the Schlegel brothers' work,
contrasts two distinct approaches to morphological structure in languages. Here's how to
match the descriptions to language types and identify which part refers to the "heap of atoms"
metaphor.
Conclusion
In summary, Croft's descriptions align with the distinctions established by the Schlegel
brothers, where the first part refers to analytic languages reflecting a "heap of atoms," and the
second part relates to more complex agglutinative or fusional languages. This classification
illustrates the fundamental differences in how various languages utilize morphemes in
structure and meaning.
For further insights into this topic, you can explore Croft's work on language typology, as it
elaborates on these distinctions in greater detail.
3.
August von Schlegel's classification of languages into three types—affixal, inflectional, and
those with no structure—provides a framework for understanding how languages utilize
morphology to convey meaning. Here’s a detailed explanation of these concepts:
1. Affixal Languages
Affixal languages primarily use affixes (prefixes, suffixes, infixes, etc.) to modify the
meanings of root words or to indicate grammatical relationships. In these languages, the base
forms of words (roots) remain relatively stable, while the addition of affixes provides
necessary grammatical or semantic information.
• Characteristics:
o Use of Affixes: Affixal languages extensively utilize morphemes that attach to
roots to create new meanings or grammatical forms.
o Examples: Languages like Turkish and Swahili are often cited as examples.
For instance, in Turkish, the root "ev" (house) can be modified to "evler"
(houses) with the addition of the plural suffix -ler.
2. Inflectional Languages
Inflectional languages employ a more complex system of inflection, where words change
form to express different grammatical categories, such as tense, case, mood, or number.
Unlike affixal languages, inflectional languages may change the root form of a word itself to
convey these meanings.
• Characteristics:
o Phonological Changes: Inflection can involve significant changes to the word
structure, including vowel and consonant alternations.
o Examples: Latin and Russian are key examples of inflectional languages. For
instance, in Latin, the noun "puella" (girl) can take various forms like "puellae"
(of the girl) or "puellam" (the girl, accusative case), indicating its grammatical
role in a sentence.
• Characteristics:
o Analytic Nature: These languages often rely on a more analytic approach to
syntax, meaning that they use separate words rather than altering the form of
words to convey grammatical relationships.
o Examples: Chinese and Vietnamese exemplify this type. In Chinese, the word
for "book" (书, shū) does not change form to indicate plurality or tense;
instead, context or additional words indicate these relationships.
Summary
In summary, August von Schlegel's typology highlights three distinct language structures
based on their morphological systems:
These classifications contribute to our understanding of linguistic diversity and how different
languages approach grammatical structure. For further exploration, you might find more
detailed discussions in works on language typology and morphology, such as those by
Greenberg or Croft.
4.
Wilhelm von Humboldt classified languages into three main types: flectional, isolating,
and incorporative. Here is an explanation of each type, using the characteristics provided:
Flectional (or inflectional) languages use affixes such as prefixes, suffixes, or infixes
to convey grammatical relationships between words in a sentence. This includes
changes to indicate tense, number, gender, case, etc. The root of the word typically
changes as well through inflection.
o Example: In languages like Latin, Russian, and German, words are inflected
for case, tense, or gender. For instance, in Latin, the noun "puella" (girl) can
become "puellae" (of the girl) in the genitive case.
2. Isolating Languages
• Lack of inflection.
3. Incorporative Languages
• The sentence is reduced to a noun form; verb and noun form one word.
Summary:
5.
1. Isolating Languages
In isolating languages, words are generally invariable and there are no affixes (prefixes,
suffixes, or infixes) to denote grammatical relations. Instead, the relationships between words
are indicated by word order and auxiliary words. This lack of inflection or affixes gives
isolating languages their "bare" appearance.
2. Agglutinating Languages
• Affixes denote single grammatical categories, are joined together one after
another with little phonological alternation.
Agglutinating languages use affixes to mark grammatical categories (such as tense, case,
number, etc.), but the key characteristic is that each affix represents a single grammatical
category and they are added in a linear fashion. The root of the word generally remains
unchanged, and there is little or no phonological alteration when affixes are combined. Each
affix can be clearly separated from others.
• Languages that use affixes, often fuse grammatical categories into one affix, and
this fusion may be accompanied by phonological alternations.
Inflectional (or fusional) languages differ from agglutinating languages in that single
affixes can carry multiple grammatical meanings at once. Instead of separate affixes
for tense, number, or case, a single affix may express all of these categories
simultaneously. Additionally, the root word and the affixes often
undergo phonological changes, meaning the sound structure of the word may change
as grammatical markers are added.
o Example: Latin and Russian are examples of inflectional languages. In Latin,
for instance, "amābō" (I will love) fuses the root "am-" (love) with the
inflectional affix "-bō," which simultaneously expresses first-person, singular,
and future tense. The word structure changes, and the root itself may also shift
based on the tense or case.
• Isolating: Words have no affixes and grammatical meaning is expressed through word
order or separate words (e.g., Chinese).
• Agglutinating: Separate affixes each denote one grammatical category, and they are
joined in sequence with minimal sound changes (e.g., Turkish).
• Inflectional: Affixes fuse multiple grammatical meanings together and often cause
changes to the root and the overall word structure (e.g., Latin, Russian).
6.
In the paragraphs from Edward Sapir’s Language, he argues that language typology should
be based on structure rather than vocabulary. He emphasizes the concept of a language’s
"plan" or "genius," which is its overarching structure—something more fundamental and
pervasive than individual features or the words it contains. Sapir contrasts this with
vocabulary, which he considers less significant for typology because the size or content of a
language's vocabulary can easily change over time, depending on cultural needs.
Sapir illustrates his point by describing how languages differ in their structural organization
rather than just in their lexicon. He mentions how moving from Latin to Russian, English, and
Chinese feels like entering different linguistic "landscapes," with Chinese, for instance,
feeling entirely foreign compared to the Indo-European languages. This metaphor underscores
his view that the form and structure of a language (e.g., its syntax, morphology, and
phonological systems) is what primarily defines its type, not the particular words or their
meanings.
In his critique of focusing on vocabulary, Sapir argues that all languages are capable of
expanding their vocabulary to meet new communicative needs, making vocabulary a less
stable feature for defining language types. Therefore, his view of typology stresses the
importance of structural features such as the use of synthesis, the handling of
grammatical relations, and morphological processes over a mere count of lexical items.
Thus, Sapir's argument leans heavily toward structural typology, which classifies languages
based on how they organize and convey grammatical information rather than on the size or
nature of their lexicon. This approach aligns with his belief that the essence of a language lies
in its grammatical architecture rather than in the words it uses.
7.
Based on the examples provided, the language type can be identified as analytic with some
degree of agglutination.
Here’s a breakdown:
In summary, English is mainly analytic, but with limited synthetic elements, particularly in
word formation
8.
9.
• Words mostly consist of single morphemes (roots), and sentences are built by
combining these free morphemes.
• Few inflectional morphemes and little use of affixes.
• Grammatical relations are expressed through word order and function words, rather
than inflection.
• This description fits analytic languages like Mandarin Chinese or Vietnamese,
where word order and context play a critical role, and inflections are minimal.
• Words are made up of long strings of stems and affixes that often correspond to entire
sentences in languages like Inuktitut or Mohawk.
• Noun incorporation is a key feature, which leads to the creation of complex verbs.
• This language type expresses many grammatical categories and meanings in a single
word.
• Words consist of stems and affixes, but affixes often mark several grammatical
categories simultaneously (cumulation).
• One morpheme can represent multiple morphological functions (syncretism).
• This type fits inflectional languages like Latin, Russian, or Spanish, where affixes
are fused, and grammatical categories such as tense, number, and gender are often
expressed together.
English Typology:
• English is considered analytic in many aspects because it relies heavily on word order
and function words, but it also has inflectional elements, such as the plural "-s" or past
tense "-ed" suffixes. It uses auxiliaries for tense, mood, and aspect, showing that it
doesn’t fit neatly into one category, making it a mixed or hybrid type.
TEST
1. Morphological Typology
A) English
B) Mandarin
C) Turkish
D) French
Answer: C) Turkish
Explanation: Turkish is an agglutinative language because it uses clearly separable
morphemes, each representing a single grammatical function (such as tense, number, or case).
2. Syntactic Typology
Question: What word order does a language typically have if it uses postpositions instead of
prepositions?
A) SVO
B) SOV
C) VSO
D) OVS
Answer: B) SOV
Explanation: According to typological patterns (e.g., Greenberg’s universals), languages
with postpositions (e.g., Japanese) tend to have SOV word order, where the object comes
before the verb.
3. Phonological Typology
Question: If a language marks the subject of intransitive verbs the same way it marks the
object of transitive verbs, what alignment system does it have?
A) Nominative-Accusative
B) Ergative-Absolutive
C) Tripartite
D) Split-Ergative
Answer: B) Ergative-Absolutive
Explanation: In an ergative-absolutive system, the subject of intransitive verbs (S) is treated
like the object of transitive verbs (O), while the subject of transitive verbs (A) is marked
differently.
6. Language Classification
Answer: B) A language in which one affix may express several grammatical categories.
Explanation: Fusional languages (e.g., Spanish or Latin) use affixes where one morpheme
may encode multiple grammatical meanings, like tense, number, and gender in one suffix
7. Case Systems Question: In a language with split ergativity, which of the following
might trigger a shift between nominative-accusative and ergative-absolutive alignment?
A) Word order
B) Tense or aspect
C) The use of prepositions or postpositions
D) The presence of articles
9. Typological Classification
A) Japanese
B) Swahili
C) Mandarin Chinese
D) Russian
Answer: C) Mandarin Chinese
Explanation: Mandarin Chinese is a tonal language, meaning that changes in pitch can alter
the meaning of a word.
A) The tendency for certain grammatical features to be more common than others.
B) A system where subjects are marked differently from objects.
C) The distinction between more natural or unmarked forms and more complex or marked
forms.
D) A strategy where some phonemes are more frequent than others in word formation.
Answer: C) The distinction between more natural or unmarked forms and more
complex or marked forms.
Explanation: Markedness refers to the phenomenon where certain grammatical forms (e.g.,
singular vs. plural) are more basic or "unmarked," while others (e.g., plural) are considered
"marked" and more complex.
Answer: B) A construction where multiple verbs are used together to describe a single
event.
Explanation: Serial verb constructions (SVCs) are common in languages like Yoruba or
Thai, where two or more verbs are used in sequence to describe a single action or event
without conjunctions.
TRICKY QUESTIONS:
Yes, language typology tests can sometimes include questions that challenge your
understanding of core concepts by mixing theoretical knowledge with practical applications.
Here are some tricky types of questions that might come up, along with tips on how to
approach them:
A common tricky question may ask you to classify a language or a specific word formation
process that doesn’t fit neatly into one of the primary morphological types (isolating,
agglutinative, fusional, polysynthetic).
Example Question:
"Consider the following made-up word from an imaginary language: katenixes (meaning
'They will eat'). The word contains the following morphemes: 'kat-' (root, 'eat'), '-e-' (future
tense), '-nix-' (plural subject), '-es' (indicative mood). What morphological type does this
language represent, and why?"
Answer Strategy:
• Explanation: This word seems to have morphemes that each carry individual
grammatical meanings (tense, number, mood). The sequential use of morphemes
indicates agglutinative typology. If the morphemes were fused (e.g., one morpheme
expressing both tense and number), it would lean toward fusional.
• Trick: Watch for examples that don’t perfectly fit one category but exhibit
characteristics of two (like semi-fusional languages). Always justify your reasoning
based on the specific morpheme behavior.
2. Implicational Universals
You might be asked about implicational universals and how they apply to unseen data,
testing both your understanding of the concept and your ability to apply it.
Example Question:
"If a language has prepositions, what word order would you expect it to have based on
implicational universals? Why?"
Answer Strategy:
You may be given examples of rare patterns in world languages and asked to classify or
explain them.
Example Question:
"In the following language, the typical word order is OSV. Is this a common word order?
What other features might you expect this language to have?"
Answer Strategy:
• Explanation: OSV is a very rare word order. Since word order tends to correlate with
other syntactic features, you might predict that this language uses postpositions rather
than prepositions (since it is head-final). It may also feature complex case marking to
identify subjects and objects more clearly.
• Trick: Rare patterns might trick you into second-guessing yourself. Always remember
that typology allows for extreme diversity, but unusual patterns often come with
compensatory features like case marking or agreement systems.
Example Question:
"Language X marks its intransitive subjects (S) the same as transitive objects (O) in present
tense but uses a nominative-accusative system in the past tense. What type of alignment
system does this language have?"
Answer Strategy:
Example Question:
"Language Y has only three vowels but 30 consonants, including ejectives and implosives.
What typological conclusions can you draw from this? How might this affect syllable
structure?"
Answer Strategy:
You could be given a sentence in an unfamiliar language and asked to determine the case
marking system based on the sentence structure.
Example Question:
Answer Strategy:
A question might ask about exceptions to universals or challenge you to explain why a certain
universal doesn’t hold in a particular language.
Example Question:
"Greenberg’s Universal 18 states that ‘If a language has gender distinctions in nouns, it has
gender distinctions in pronouns.’ Language Z has gender distinctions in pronouns but not in
nouns. How do you explain this exception?"
Answer Strategy:
1. Apply Concepts, Don’t Just Memorize: Typology questions often ask for
application to new examples, so understanding the underlying principles (like
morpheme types, alignment systems, or phonotactics) is more important than
memorizing definitions.
2. Justify Your Answers: Always explain why you are classifying something a certain
way. Whether it's a morphological system or word order, back up your answer with
reasoning based on the data provided.
3. Consider Language Diversity: Typology recognizes that there is extreme
diversity in languages, so always keep in mind that exceptions or rare patterns are
common. Don't be thrown off by a language that doesn't fit the typical mold.
By preparing for these tricky types of questions, you'll be ready for more challenging aspects
of your language typology test. Let me know if you need help with more examples or
concepts!
1. Morphological Typology
2. Syntactic Typology
• Subject-Verb-Object (SVO): A common word order, as in "The cat ate the fish"
(English).
• Subject-Object-Verb (SOV): A word order where the verb comes last, as in "The cat
the fish ate" (Japanese).
• Verb-Subject-Object (VSO): A word order with the verb first, as in "Ate the cat the
fish" (Classical Arabic).
• Word order universals: Greenberg’s implicational universals that predict word order
patterns across languages.
• Head-initial: A structure where the head (e.g., the verb in a sentence, the preposition
in a prepositional phrase) comes before its dependents (e.g., complements, objects).
• Head-final: A structure where the head follows its dependents (e.g., Japanese).
3. Phonological Typology
• Tonal language: A language where pitch or tone changes meaning (e.g., Mandarin,
with its four tones).
• Non-tonal language: A language that does not use tone to distinguish meaning (e.g.,
English).
• Phoneme: The smallest unit of sound in a language that can distinguish meaning.
• Phonotactics: The rules governing permissible combinations of sounds in a language.
• Vowel harmony: A phonological process where vowels within a word must share
certain features, common in languages like Turkish or Finnish.
• Consonant cluster: A group of consonants with no intervening vowels, as in the word
"spring" (English).
5. Typological Universals
• Greenberg’s Universals: A set of linguistic universals proposed by Joseph Greenberg
in 1963. These are patterns that occur across languages, such as Universal 2: “If a
language has prepositions, it will tend to have SVO order.”
• Markedness: A typological concept referring to how "normal" or "unmarked" features
are compared to their "marked" counterparts. For instance, singular is unmarked,
while plural is marked.
• Implicational universals: Universals that predict if a language has one feature, it will
likely have another feature. For example, "If a language has verb-object word order, it
will probably have prepositions."
• Known for his work on markedness theory and the typology of phonological
systems, Jakobson contributed to understanding universals in sound systems.
5. Johanna Nichols
6. William Croft
1. Alignment Systems
• Tripartite Alignment: A system that marks the subject of intransitive verbs (S), the
subject of transitive verbs (A), and the object of transitive verbs (O) all differently.
This system is rare but found in some languages like Nez Perce.
2. Morphosyntactic Alignment
3. Constituent Order
• Free Word Order: Some languages, like Russian or Latin, allow relatively free word
order, relying on case marking to distinguish between subject and object.
4. Agreement Systems
6. Rare Patterns
• Click Languages: Languages that use click consonants, primarily found in southern
Africa (e.g., Khoisan languages).
• Serial Verb Constructions: A grammatical pattern where two or more verbs are used
together to describe a single event, common in many West African and Southeast
Asian languages.
Test Tip:
You might be asked to match terms to definitions or explain a key linguist’s contribution to
the field. Understanding the key terms in context, and how different languages provide
examples of these terms, will be crucial for your success on the test. Be prepared for both
theoretical questions (like defining terms) and applied questions (like analyzing data from
different languages).
• Mandarin Chinese: Isolating. Mandarin typically uses very few affixes and relies
heavily on word order to convey meaning. Words are often single morphemes, making
it a clear example of an isolating language.
• Turkish: Agglutinative. Turkish uses a sequence of affixes attached to a base word,
each representing a single grammatical category (e.g., plural, possession). The
morphemes are "glued" together in a linear, transparent way.
• Spanish: Fusional. Spanish verbs, for example, are marked for tense, mood, aspect,
number, and person all within the same morpheme (e.g., "hablo" = I speak, 1st person
singular). This bundling of grammatical information into single morphemes is
characteristic of fusional languages.
• Inuktitut: Polysynthetic. Inuktitut is famous for its highly complex words, where
what might be a full sentence in English is expressed in a single word. For example,
affixes carry multiple bits of information like tense, number, and modality, leading to
very long and syntactically complex words.
Task 2: Identify the morphemes in the following words and classify them as free or
bound morphemes, as well as whether the morphological process is inflection or
derivation.
• Happiness:
o Morphemes: "happy" (free morpheme, base) + "-ness" (bound morpheme,
derivational suffix).
o Process: Derivation. The suffix "-ness" turns the adjective "happy" into a
noun, changing its word class.
• Dogs:
o Morphemes: "dog" (free morpheme, base) + "-s" (bound morpheme,
inflectional suffix).
o Process: Inflection. The "-s" indicates plural without changing the word’s class
or meaning.
• Unbelievable:
o Morphemes: "un-" (bound morpheme, prefix) + "believe" (free morpheme,
base) + "-able" (bound morpheme, suffix).
o Process: Derivation. The affixes modify the meaning of the base word, turning
"believe" (a verb) into "unbelievable" (an adjective).
• Runned:
o Morphemes: "run" (free morpheme, base) + "-ed" (bound morpheme,
inflectional suffix).
o Process: Inflection. Even though "runned" is a non-standard form, the "-ed" is
an inflectional morpheme marking past tense.
Insight:
Task 3: Determine the word order of the following sentences in different languages.
Identify the position of subject (S), object (O), and verb (V).
• Example sentences:
o Japanese: Taroo-ga ringo-o tabemasu. ("Taro eats an apple.")
o English: She gave him the book.
o Arabic: Akala al-walad at-tuffaha. ("The boy ate the apple.")
• Japanese: SOV. The subject (Taroo) comes first, followed by the object (ringo-o =
"apple"), and the verb (tabemasu = "eats") is at the end.
• English: SVO. English has a subject-verb-object word order. In "She gave him the
book," the subject ("she") comes first, followed by the verb ("gave"), and then the
object ("the book").
• Arabic: VSO. Arabic often uses a verb-subject-object order. "Akala" (ate) is the verb,
"al-walad" (the boy) is the subject, and "at-tuffaha" (the apple) is the object.
Insight:
Word order typology gives insight into the sentence structure of languages. In most cases,
SVO or SOV orders dominate, with variations like VSO being less common but still
systematic.
Insight:
Tonal languages use pitch to distinguish between words, making them different from non-
tonal languages, which use other phonological elements like stress or vowel length. This
distinction is critical in typological studies of sound systems.
Task 5: Based on the alignment system of the following languages, determine whether
they are nominative-accusative or ergative-absolutive.
• Example sentences:
o Latin: "Puella videt puerum" (The girl sees the boy).
o Basque: "Mutila ikusi du neskak" (The girl has seen the boy).
Insight:
Grammatical alignment systems show whether a language marks its subjects and objects in
a nominative-accusative or ergative-absolutive way. Understanding these systems is crucial
to understanding sentence structure and argument marking across languages.
Conclusion:
For each chapter, focus on recognizing key patterns in language structure, such as
morphological classifications, syntactic word orders, phonological features, and grammatical
relations. For the test, try to practice with more examples and apply the typological concepts
to various languages you're familiar with. Each task involves identifying patterns and
categorizing features based on the language’s structure, which are essential skills in language
typology
Key Concepts:
Key Insights:
Key Concepts:
• Morphemes: The smallest meaningful units of language. Words can consist of one or
more morphemes.
o Free morphemes can stand alone (e.g., “dog”).
o Bound morphemes must be attached to a root or other morpheme (e.g., “-s” in
“dogs” for plural).
• Types of Morphological Systems:
o Isolating (Analytic): Words consist of single morphemes, no affixation.
Example: Mandarin Chinese.
o Agglutinative: Words are composed of a base and multiple affixes, with each
affix representing one grammatical category (e.g., tense, case).
Example: Turkish (e.g., "ev-ler-im" = "my houses").
o Fusional (Inflectional): One morpheme may carry multiple grammatical
meanings. Example: Spanish"hablo" (first person singular present tense of "to
speak").
o Polysynthetic: Extremely complex words that can express what would be full
sentences in other languages. Example: Inuktitut.
• Inflection vs. Derivation:
o Inflection: Modifies a word to express different grammatical categories like
tense, number, or case but does not change the word's core meaning (e.g.,
"dog" → "dogs").
o Derivation: Creates new words by adding affixes, often changing the word
class (e.g., "happy" → "happiness").
Key Insights:
Key Concepts:
Key Insights:
• Word order is one of the most basic ways that languages vary, but despite this
variation, certain word orders (SVO, SOV) are far more common, suggesting
cognitive or communicative preferences.
Key Concepts:
• Phonological Systems: This chapter introduces how languages differ in their sound
systems, including:
o Phoneme Inventory: The set of distinct sounds in a language. Some languages
have a small number of phonemes (e.g., Hawaiian with 13), while others have
large inventories (e.g., !Xóõ with over 100).
o Vowel Systems: Some languages have a small vowel inventory (e.g., Standard
Arabic has 3 vowels), while others have many (e.g., English).
o Consonant Systems: Languages vary in how they use consonants, including
the presence of clicks (as in Khoisan languages) or tonal systems (as in
Mandarin).
• Tonal vs. Non-Tonal Languages:
o Tonal Languages: In tonal languages (e.g., Mandarin), the pitch or contour of
a word changes its meaning.
o Non-Tonal Languages: In non-tonal languages (e.g., English), pitch may
change emotion or emphasis but not meaning.
• Stress and Syllable Structure:
o Some languages use stress to distinguish words (e.g., in English, 'present' vs.
'present').
o Syllable structure varies significantly across languages: some prefer simple
syllables (e.g., CV in Hawaiian), while others allow complex clusters (e.g.,
CCC in Russian).
Key Insights:
• Phonological systems show the wide variety in how languages use sound to encode
meaning. While tonal systems might seem exotic to speakers of non-tonal languages,
they are common and illustrate the rich diversity of linguistic tools available across the
world.
Key Concepts:
Key Insights:
• The way languages encode grammatical relations varies significantly, but certain
patterns are more common. The distinction between nominative-
accusative and ergative-absolutive systems offers profound insight into how different
languages conceptualize action and agency