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2006

Looking Behind the Veil of an Idealized Past: The Useful Legacy of

a False Prophet
James Holeman
University of North Florida

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(2006). All Volumes (2001-2008). 62.
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 Looking Behind the Veil of nature of the primary source material
renders such an undertaking as an
an Idealized Past: The exercise in futility.3 While early Muslim
Useful Legacy of a False scholars claimed that they only repeated
Prophet the traditions concerning Musaylima’s
“apostasy,” in practice they relied on a
James Holeman redacted oral tradition, and included or
excluded certain stories and details about
Faculty Sponsor: Dr. Paul Halsall, Musaylima – depending on the purpose,
Assistant Professor of History sponsor and intended audience of the
author’s work. Although Ibn Ishaq and
Traditional Muslim narratives al-Waqidi’s accounts of the legend of
maintain that in 632 C.E., while the Musaylima provide certain limited
Prophet Muhammad (c. 570-632) was on insights into Musaylima’s movement,
his deathbed, several Arabian tribes the growth and evolution of the
apostatized from Islam only to be Musaylima legend in early Islamic
“recaptured” by Muslim armies during a historiography is a better indication of
series of wars fought under the first the changing construct of heresy and the
Caliph Abu Bakr.1 Muslim traditions evolving construct of communal
attributed leadership of those “apostate” authority in the first three centuries of
movements to a number of “false Islam.
prophets.”2 The most notorious of these Muhammad’s preeminent title of
“enemies of God” was Musaylima B. the “Seal of the Prophets” necessitated
Habib, otherwise known as the “arch- that Caliphs take on at least the veneer of
liar” and the “false prophet” of rule based on prophetic precedent. For
Yamamah. Several scholars have this reason, a number of Abbasid
attempted a historical reconstruction of Caliphs sponsored scholars in an effort
Musaylima’s career, but the problematic to legitimize their policies, laws, and
right to rule. Although these early
1
I will use the Common Era (C.E.) Muslims scholars claimed that they only
dating system for most of this work, although I collected and transmitted traditions
will occasionally reference the Muslim dating about the life of Muhammad, the
system (A.H. or After Hijra, 622 C.E.), which editorial process played a significant
bases year one on the date of Muhammad’s factor in the transmission of early
pilgrimage from Mecca to Medina, and signifies
the advent of the Muslim polity. biographical material for Islam’s
2
For an excellent analysis of the Prophet, as well as his arch-nemesis
suppression of the so-called “wars of apostasy” Musaylima. In this case study, the
in the Arabian Peninsula, see Elias Shoufani, Al- primary sources reveal that these
Riddah and the Muslim Conquest of Arabia
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973).
3
Shoufani rightfully asserts that the “wars of For a summary of Western scholarly
apostasy”, or ridda, was a literary construct used analysis of Musaylima, see Dale F. Eickelman,
by Muslim scholars to describe the expansion of “Musaylima: An Approach to the Social
the early Muslim community. He asserts (as do Anthropology of Seventh Century Arabia,”
the primary sources) that the Bedouin tribes that Journal of the Economic and Social History of
accepted Medinan suzerainty during the Orient 10 (1967): 17-52. For a listing of the
Muhammad’s lifetime, and shook off the Muslim Arabic source material for Musaylima, consult
yoke after his death, only nominally accepted W. Montgomery Watt’s article “Musaylima,” in
Islam during the lifetime of the Prophet. the Encyclopedia of Islam.
editorial craftsmen tailored the legacy of important factor in determining one’s
Musaylima to serve a number of social and economic status. However, as
purposes. These purposes ranged from inequalities within the umma grew, a
issues of theology and law to issues of number of questions persisted – how
land ownership and taxation. Early should the wealth and tax burden be
Muslim scholars operated under the distributed?5 Were Muslims not equal in
illusion that they mechanically the sight of God? Periodic Umayyad
transmitted the sacred history of early reform attempts reflected both pushes
Islam. Through the purposeful selection for conversion of the non-Arab subject
of information, these scholars painted population to Islam, and also attempts to
detailed portraits of Muhammad and his mollify the economic grievances of the
foes. non-Arab mawali converts to Islam.6
Scholars sponsored by the This trend from “Arab” governance to
caliphal office, over a number of years, “Islamic” governance also reflected a
produced a series of texts, which reflect concerted scholarly effort to articulate a
a concerted propaganda campaign aimed universal interpretation of Islam. The
at shaping the historical record in favor Umayyad failure to reform resulted in
of ruling dynasties. As the needs of the periodic rebellions that culminated in the
dynasty in power changed, the historical Abbasid revolution.7 Abbasid sponsored
record reflected these changes. These
changes were inspired by a variety of 5
The term umma is generally translated
factors, including agitation from below as “nation” or “community,” and refers to the
urging social reform, the direct financial Muslim polity created by Muhammad in the
interests of the caliphate, defamation of constitution of Medina. Check R.B. Serjeant,
“The Sunnah Jami’ah, Pacts with the Yathrib
a host of potential political rivals, and Jews, and the Tahrim of Yathrib: Analysis and
evolving definitions of orthodox belief. Translation of the Documents Comprised in the
In addition to exploring the various ways so-called ‘Constitution of Medina’,” Bulletin of
early Muslim authors used the legacy of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
Musaylima, I hope this work will offer a University of London 41 (1978): 1-42. Also see
the same author in “The Constitution of
modest contribution to the ongoing Medina.” The Islamic Quarterly 8 (1964): 3-16.
debate concerning methodological Also see Gil Moshe, “The Constitution of
approaches to early Islamic history. Medina: A Reconsideration,” Israel Oriental
Regardless of whether Studies 4 (1974): 44-66. For a monograph on the
Muhammad claimed to be a Prophet sent topic, check Muhammad Hamidullah, The First
Written Constitution in the World: An Important
to the Arabs or to all of humanity, the Document in the Time of the Holy Prophet, 3d
Umayyad leadership was slow to ed. (Lahore (Pakistan): Kashmiri Bazar, 1975).
6
encourage conversion to Islam in their For an in-depth discussion of the
realms. After all, the Caliph Umar process by which non-Arabs entered into
established the precedent of dividing the clientage (mawali) relationships with Arab
patrons upon conversion to Islam, and the social
spoils of war based on the order in which structure that resulted there from, see Patricia
families converted to Islam.4 Tracing Crone, Roman, Provincial and Islamic Law: The
one’s genealogy became a very Origins of the Islamic Patronate (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987).
7
Michael Morony, “Bayn al-Fitnatayn:
4
Gordon Darnell Newby, The Making Problems of Periodization in Early Islamic
of the Last Prophet: A Reconstruction of the History,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 40,
Earliest Biography of Muhammad (Columbia: no. 3 (1981): 247-51. My discussion of early
University of South Carolina Press, 1989), 5. Islamic history utilizes Moroney’s suggested
scholars incorporated traditions about Muhammad’s exclusive claim to be
the Prophet into historical accounts that God’s final and most authoritative
explained the past and present for ruling Prophet ensured that the future discourse
dynasties. As we shall see, these texts of the Muslim community would revolve
say more about the consensus of the around the historical paradigm of his
scholarly circles that produced them than revelations. After all, God’s truth was
they do about the actual events they timeless. Muhammad taught that human
attempted to portray. innovation had corrupted the revelations
The basic outline of the history of God’s previous messengers to the
of the early Muslim community is as Jews and Christians.
follows: During the lifetime of His successors, the “rightly
Muhammad, when social problems guided” caliphs, violently suppressed the
arose, Muhammad simply called on God “apostasy” of the many Arabian tribes
for divine prescription. Thus, over the that rejected the authority of the caliph
period of about twenty-three years, upon the death of Muhammad, and
Muhammad delivered a divinely embarked on one of the most rapid and
ordained social program for the nascent successful military conquests in history.9
Muslim community. His revelations, These early caliphs enjoyed an
codified in the Qur’an, must have enormous amount of authority based on
provided brilliant answers to the social their personnel connection to the
problems of early seventh century Prophet. At first, leadership passed
Arabia. However, Muhammad had no smoothly from Abu Bakr (r. 632-34) to
surviving sons, and made no provision Umar (r. 634-44). However, upon the
for the leadership of the Muslim death of Umar, Uthman (r. 644-56) took
community after his death.8 In addition, over the caliphate. At this point,
Muslims began to disagree over how
periodization of early Islamic history. Morony succession to the leadership of the
calls for a redefinition of how historians divide Muslim community should proceed. Ali
Islamic history. He argues that the traditional (r. 656-61) was the Prophet’s cousin, and
divisions, which are based on dynastic rulers,
and offer little insight into social and economic many thought that leadership of the
trends. He insists, “…the Islamic empire was umma belonged to the family of the
itself the political expression of an expanding Prophet. Many perceived the ascent of
economy (p. 249).” He notes, “…the caliphate of the Umayyad clan as the usurpation of
Mu’awiya may also be seen in social terms as the the caliphate by those who were
political expression of a new, composite, post-
conquest elite that provided local backing for it formerly Muhammad’s Meccan enemies.
(p. 249).” During the early Umayyad period,
9
important trends included the extension of the Fred M. Donner, Narratives of Islamic
state, and the divine legitimization of political Origins: The Beginings of Islamic Historical
power. Morony asks that the new divisions of Writing (Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1998),
Islamic history focus on a period of expansion, 200-203. Donner says, “…it is not clear when
followed by a period of contraction (i.e. 620s this concept of ridda actually arose as a separate
until the second decade of the eighth century) (p. historiographical category, distinct from futuh (p.
250). Morony prefers to see a period of 200).” Donner also references several important
centralization (i.e. from the reign of ‘Uthman sources for the formation of ridda writings. He
until the ninth century), followed by a period of says that ridda writings were developed between
decentralization (p. 251). 150-206 A.H. for the “…justification of Muslim
8
M. J. Kister, “The Sons of Khadija,” rule over non-Muslims, stressing pride in
Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 16 participation by individuals or groups in early
(1995): 59-95. battles, etc…”
 Upon the assassination of authority and esoteric knowledge. The
Uthman, the issue of succession became ‘Alid provoked frequent rebellions, and
acute, culminating in a military presented themselves as the rightful
showdown between Mu’awiyyah leaders of the Muslim community.12
(founder of the Umayyad dynasty, r. They portrayed the Umayyads as
661-80) and Ali. Based on his close usurpers who erred in basing their rule
relationship with Muhammad, Ali held on royal authority (mulk), as opposed to
the loyalty of many Iraqi Muslims from Islamic principles. In addition; other
his base in Kufa. Mu’awiyyah had the branches of the Hashim family chaffed
support of the battle-hardened, frontline under Umayyad rule because the
Syrian troops, as well as his family’s Umayyads rewarded their kinsmen and
Syrian merchant connections.10 Ali was those loyal to the dynasty with lucrative
implicated in the assassination of government positions. The Ansar and the
Uthman, which tarnished his religious Muhajirun of Muhammad’s Hashim clan
credentials, and necessitated that did not enjoy the benefits of the
Mu’awiyyah claim blood vengeance. expanding empire.13 They would
The issue of who had the right to rule eventually champion a more pristine
need not concern us, because version of Islamic governance based on
Mu’awiyyah had the strength to rule – the words and deeds of the religion’s
perhaps the best evidence for “divine” founder. As contenders for power, the
sanction. Ali lost a considerable amount anti-Umayyad factions needed the
of his support because he agreed to support of the non-Arab Muslim
arbitration rather than a military population of the empire. Many of the
solution. The Kharijites believed that a mawali converts to Islam did not enjoy
military solution would have allowed the same social status, tax benefits, and
God to decide between the contenders.11 economic advantage that their Arab
Different interpretations of legitimate sponsors enjoyed. The anti-Umayyad
political authority led to factionalism factions pointed to this aspect of
that plagued the Arab state, and would Umayyad governance as evidence of
continue to dominate future Muslim their impiety, and as further proof for the
politico-religious discourse. Since God need to base the empire on a universal
demanded unity (tawhid), each faction interpretation of Islam.14 This empire
passed on traditions that reflected their would of course need the leadership of
versions of the divisive struggle over the Prophet’s family. Nevertheless, the
power – political challengers were often Arab Kingdom of the Umayyad dynasty
cast into the mold of schismatic heretics. lasted nearly a century before chronic
The ‘Alid, the descendants of Ali impiety disqualified them as leaders of
and Fatima, claimed the right to rule the umma. The Abbasid revolution
based on an apostolic succession that replaced the Umayyads with leadership
involved the passing down of God given
12
Tayeb El-Hibri, Reinterpreting
Islamic Historiography: Harun al-Rashid and
10
Erling Ladewig Petersen, ‘Ali and the Narrative of the Abbasid Caliphate
Mu’awiya in Early Arabic Tradition: Studies on (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999),
the Genesis and Growth of Islamic Historical 4. E.g. Husayn at Kerbala in 661, Zayd B. ‘Ali at
Writing until the End of the Ninth Century Kufa in 740, Yahya in Marw in 743, etc.
13
(Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1964), 9. Petersen, 10.
11 14
Petersen, 11. Petersen, 12.
based on a more universal interpretation society. It also provided the paradigm
of Islam – one that harkened back to the for the elaboration of the limits and
divine precedent of Muhammad’s expectations of political authority. Social
lifetime. institutions, norms, definitions and
Those who study the origins of punishments for delinquency would all
Islam will recognize that the above be pursued in the context of
description of the rise of Islam is based Muhammad’s life. A foundation myth
on Sunni historiography – Qur’an, was born. When historical writing began
hadith, akhbar, etc.15 One should also in earnest under the Abbasid caliphs,
recognize that the above description scholars rarely wrote histories of their
provided the framework for Muslims to own times and ruling dynasties. Instead,
discuss the origins of the Muslim polity they retold the stories that related
– and by association, God’s timeless contemporary issues to the paradigm of
plan for history and the model for a just Muhammad’s lifetime – the model
society – and adjusted their compilations
15
For an excellent and updated to reflect criticism and praise of
monograph on Islamic historiography, see Chase contemporary events and power
F. Robinson, Islamic Historiography struggles.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Scholars disagree over how one
For an excellent discussion on the origins of
hadith, consult Alfred Guillaume, The Traditions should make use of the notoriously
of Islam: An Introduction to the Study of the problematic primary source material for
Hadith Literature (Beirut: Khayats, 1966). In the rise of Islam. Perhaps no other area
this work, I will refer to the term “hadith” (from of research is as fraught with scholarly
the Arabic verb hadatha, to inform) as a report disagreement over methodological
concerning a saying or deed of Muhammad,
which was traced by scholars through a chain of approaches as is early Islamic history.
transmitters back to the Prophet or one of his Western scholars accepted the traditional
close companions. A scholarly transmitter of Muslim explanations for the rise of
hadith (muhadathun) studied under a reputable Islam until the precepts of Biblical
transmitter of hadith until he was awarded a criticism were applied to Islamic history.
certificate (ijaza), which provided him with the
scholarly authority to transmit the hadith reports Scholars began to question the reliability
of his teacher to future students. The systematic of the of the hadith records, which
collection of hadith reports under the Umayyad provided the foundation of all early
dynasts reflected the pro or anti-Umayyad bias of Muslim historical accounts. This
the collector. The pro-Umayyad collections were approach is commonly referred to as the
suppressed under the Abbasids, and replaced by
pro-Abbasid collections, which were “source-critical” approach. I. Goldziher,
subsequently challenged by pro-Shia collections in Muslim Studies, argues that the hadith
(p. 44-54). One should note that the invention of reports divulged considerably more
the isnad system of tracing the chains of information about the scholarly circles
transmission was not invented until the second that wrote them down than they do about
century A.H. By the third century A.H. the
corpus of hadith material had grown the events they claimed to portray.16 J.
astronomically, and most scholars recognized Schacht’s works on the origins of
that the majority of the existent hadith reports Muslim jurisprudence described the
were forgeries (p. 66-67). Hadith reports were
rated according to the reputation of the
16
transmitter. Western scholars generally agree Ignaz Goldziher, Muslim Studies,
that the isnad system was an invention of Edited by S. M. Stern and translated by C. R.
theological necessity and has very little historical Barber and S. M. Stern (Albany: State University
value. of New York Press, 1966).
process by which the legal systems of the Qur’an.20 He asserts that both Ibn
the conquered populations of the Ishaq and al-Waqidi used the structural
Umayyad Empire were adopted by the and narrative framework of the popular
Umayyad dynasty, and subsequently street preachers (qass).21 He claims that
Islamicized over the following dogma crystallized “as the result of
centuries.17 Since Muhammad was the recurring points of dispute in sectarian
divinely inspired lawgiver, it became polemic.”22 Since the Qur’an never stood
increasingly important to pious Muslim alone as a source of authority, a
theologians to bring the law of the state scholarly elite devised (isnad) chains of
into harmony with the law of God. The transmission in order to properly
first Muslim scholars to attempt the feat “express and transmit apostolic
of articulating God’s law had only the authority…”, because scripture did not
Qur’an and an ever-growing pool of oral have the same importance as the
traditions about Muhammad to work example of the Prophet.23 Wansbrough
with. claims that the identity of “orthodoxy”
According to J. Wansbrough, changed with the changing definition of
“Both the quantity and quality of source communal authority. He says, “…the
material would seem to support the earliest formulation of Muslim identity
proposition that the elaboration of Islam is contained in the sira-maghazi
was not contemporary with but posterior literature.” “The theology of Islam is
to the Arab occupation of the Fertile likely to have been formulated in a
Crescent and beyond.”18 This quote pluralist and cosmopolitan society…”
sums up his thesis in The Sectarian and a sectarian scholarly elite cast the
Milieu. Wansbrough proposes that the past into the mold of monolithic unity.24
early writers of Islamic history (few in This sectarian scholarly elite explained
number) interpreted the career of the fragmentation of a mythic early
Muhammad by creating a lens of divine period of Islam (theophany) as the result
causality through which the profane of heresy (i.e. the first 150 years of Islam
aspects of the Prophet’s career were through the early Abbasid period).
made holy (e.g. Badr).19 He claims that According to the standard
the sira and maghazi literature formed a Muslim narrative, Muhammad restored
sub-canonical “prophetic logia”, in
which the story narrative was 20
constructed around extracted Quranic Wansbrough, 2, 7, 10. The terms
“sira” and “maghazi” signify the earliest genres
verses – thereby historicizing the text of of Islamic historical writing. The sira genre
organized hadith reports into a biography of
Muhammad, whereas the maghazi genre
organized the hadith reports into accounts of the
Prophet’s raids and expeditions. The term qass is
17
Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to used to signify both a “storyteller” and a
Islamic Law (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964). “popular preacher.” The Arabic verb qusas
Also see the same author in, The Origins of literally means to tell or relate. Much of the
Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford: chronological and narrative framework of the
Clarendon Press, 1953). sira-maghazi genre of early Islamic history was
18
John Wansbrough, The Sectarian directly borrowed from the stories of the qass.
21
Milieu: content and composition of Islamic Wansbrough, 29.
22
salvation history (New York: Oxford University Wansbrough, 50.
23
Press, 1978), 99. Wansbrough, 78-80.
19 24
Wansbrough, 27. Wansbrough, 124-125.
Abrahamic monotheism in Arabia. In on the part of the Muslim scholars.
contrast, many modern Western scholars Instead, he argues that they may have
favor the notion that Muhammad taken the polemical charges of
represented part of a general “polytheism” literally, misunderstanding
evolutionary trend towards monotheistic the original, polemically charged,
creeds in the medieval world.25 G. context of the accusation of shirk.30
Hawting reasserted Goldziher’s thesis In a similar fashion, Musaylima
that the hadith reports say more about represented a historical figure, whose
the circles that wrote them down than legend was incorporated into the matrix
they do about the early history of of hadith literature as the result of
Islam.26 He argues that Qur’anic Qur’anic exegesis. Over a period of
exegesis and hadith reports provided the time, scholars continued to draw upon an
origin of the “polytheist” motif in the evolving oral tradition about Musaylima.
standard Muslim account of early Islam. This oral tradition provided an image of
Hawting asserts that the charge of shirk Musaylima’s heresy that morphed
(association) most likely originated according to contemporary politics and
between two or more monotheistic the political leanings of the storyteller.
groups, in which one group (in this case By analyzing the Musaylima legend as
Islam) claimed to have a purer early Muslim historians recorded it over
monotheistic (i.e. Muslim tawhid) creed a period of three hundred years, certain
than another monotheistic group, thereby insights emerge into the evolving
accusing the “insufficient” monotheistic construct of heresy and communal
creed of polytheism.27 For instance, he authority.
points out that the word shirk in the Wansbrough’s theories have
Qur’an is often associated (E.g. Surah come under considerable scrutiny by
112) with ritual or dietary prohibitions, Islamicists, who assert that many of the
which indicates that the charge was oral traditions recorded in the hadith
leveled at Jews and Christians.28 collections of the second and third
Hawting also argues that Muslim centuries A.H., actually date to the first
scholars essentially created a historical century A.H. or earlier.31 This author
context for Qur’anic verses, based on agrees that many of the broad outlines of
scholarly consensus during the time in Muhammad’s religious teachings (i.e.
which they wrote. However, he doubts prayer rituals, prohibition of donkey
that the historical context created by meat, etc.) were preserved through oral
Muslim scholars for a given Qur’anic transmission. However, like Hawting,
verse (concerning polytheism) was based this author proposes that the historical
on “…historical memory or…secure context of Islam’s Prophet underwent a
knowledge of the circumstances of its major revision during the first three
revelation.”29 He does not imply malice centuries A.H., as the result of
theological debates, state formation and
25
G. R. Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry politico-religious feuding.
and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to This case study represents a
History, Cambridge: Cambridge University refinement of Wansbrough’s theories,
Press, 1999, 32.
26
Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 8-9.
27 30
Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 18, 62. Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 150.
28 31
Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 49. Sadeghi, Behnam (Princeton
29
Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry, 33. University). Personal correspondence.
based on an attempt to answer two generations, but that the generations that
questions. First, what does the followed the Prophet had no such
Musaylima legend in the written record luxury. The need to adapt stories about
of Abbasid scholarly elites tell us about the Prophet to changing social
Abbasid society and scholarly consensus circumstances heavily influenced the
at the time a particular compilation of transmission of early stories.33 Robinson
hadith was written down? Second, to says that a “culture of documentation”
what extent can we trust these sources to emerged as a function of the state, which
reveal the historical context of Islam’s gave rise to a literary and chronological
Prophet? This case study is based on the consciousness among the Arab elites.34
assumption that oral history has a The origins of much of the source
tendency to evolve according to the material for Islamic historical writing
needs of each new generation, but began during this period as scholars such
without leaving any evidence of the as Zuhri and Ishaq (Ibn Ishaq’s father)
evolution. In contrast, texts act as systematically collected and transmitted
thoughts, and in these case compilations sayings attributed to the Prophet and his
– arrangements – of hadith reports, companions. For a variety of reasons,
frozen in time. If scholarly consensus scholars only began to write down the
concerning the arrangement of these hadith record in the early eighth century
reports changed over time, this change – nearly a century after the death of
should be reflected in the texts. Muhammad.
The historians of early Islam did Why does a given society
not write history as their primary pursuit. preserve certain stories and forsake
Most were of non-Arab (mostly Persian) others?35 In the days before a written
descent and served the Abbasid dynasty hadith tradition, Arab tribesmen
in a variety of capacities. They all recounted the glories of their ancestors.
excelled in careers as religious scholars After the advent of Islam – and the
– qadis, Qur’anic exegetes, developers creation of an epic paradigm –
of sunna and tafsir, religious advisors, storytellers used old modes of
tutors to the royal family, etc. Early expression to relate the ancestors of their
Islamic historiography went through tribes to the important events of
three defining phases – oral (c. 610-c. Muhammad’s career. These tribal
730), origins of Islamic historical writing traditions were originally preserved as
(c. 730-c. 830), and large scale historical poetic epics (i.e. ayam al-arab) about the
works (c. 830-c. 925). C. Robinson says various raids led by the Prophet, in order
that “[during the oral phase c. 610-c. for tribes to glorify their ancestors in
730]…the state’s apologists and critics poetic boasting competitions.36 They
narrated contrasting accounts of civil
wars and rebellions, and professional 33
Robinson, 10.
(that is, paid) storytellers entered into the 34
Robinson, 21.
mix, drawing on the past to criticize 35
For an excellent study of the
those responsible for the present.”32 He transmission of oral traditions, and the
asserts that, under stable circumstances, historicization of a foundation myth, see Thomas
oral traditions can provide accurate Spear, “Oral Traditions: Whose History?”
History in Africa 8 (1981): 165-181.
transmission up to three or four 36
Goldziher, 46-52. Also see Ella
Landau-Tasseron, “Processes of Redaction: The
32
Robinson, 20. Case of the Tamimite Delegation to the Prophet
would later be selected for politico- putting the empire on a universal
religious purposes according to their footing.39 Thus, under the Umayyads we
utility. see the stirrings of a shifting construct of
These oral traditions were not communal authority, which culminated
fixed tales, but were fluid stories that in the Abbasid revolution.
often took on a contemporary Political views had a profound
significance – especially if they carried influence on the process of redaction that
the authority of a saying of the oral traditions underwent. Factional
Muhammad.37 These traditions did not disputes played an influential role in
carry the same weight as a Qur’anic why certain stories were told by tribal
verse, but they were certainly used in poets.40 For instance, in the early
juridical judgments, and therefore took struggles for the caliphate between the
on the air of authority.38 It was after all Ansar and the Quraysh, the Ansar
quite necessary to base just governance referred to the many false prophets that
within the confines of the behavioral came from the Northern Arabian tribes –
model set by the Prophet. As the policies the prototype was Musaylima of the
of Abd al-Malik and al-Walid suggest Banu Hanifa.41 In addition, many of the
(not to mention the protests of Christian conflicting versions of Ali’s Caliphate
writers), the Umayyad government was originated in the highly politically
beginning to consider the necessity of charged atmosphere of late seventh and
early eighth century Kufa.42 Politico-
religious strife insured that the legend of
Muhammad,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental Musaylima – the false prophet par
and African Studies 49 (1986): 255-70. Landau- excellence – would be told and retold in
Tasserson claims that the story of the Tamimite
delegation to the Prophet as told by Ibn Ishaq, the context of politico-religious feuding.
differs on a number of points. She argues that The early eighth century is the earliest
reason for their divergence is that “…the stories possible date when Muslims began
are mostly family traditions, for each ‘Anbarite writing oral traditions down. Due to
family preserved a version which glorified its regional variations, divergent political
own forefather, sometimes also making
accusations against the others (p. 259).” She views, and a host of socio-economic
claims that conflicting account, while preserved factors, a wide variety of conflicting
by Ibn Ishaq, were grafted into a combined
narrative by al-Waqidi (p. 261). Also see
39
Petersen, ‘Ali and Mu’awiya, 10. The ayam al- Both caliphs instituted a building
arab (days of the Arabs) poetic genre greatly program (i.e. the Dome of the Rock) that stressed
influenced the type of material available to the the Islamic identity of the empire and challenged
early collectors of sira-maghazi traditions. the visual imagery of Christian Byzantium.
37 40
J. N. Mattock, “History and Fiction,” Goldziher, 166-68. Genealogists kept
In Occasional Papers of the School of Abbasid track of the tribe’s ancestry, which was an
Studies no. 1, 1986, by the School of Abbasid important affair for purposes of taxation, and
Studies, University of St. Andrews, 80-97, since the division of the booty was determined
Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1986. by when one’s family converted to Islam.
41
Mattock proposes that historical writing in early Goldziher, 94.
42
Islam drew from a base of material that he likens Petersen, 52. Recurring rebellion
to epic poetry, which was tailored to suit a from Kufa proved to be a never-ending thorn in
particular audience until it was codified, edited, the side of the Umayyad Caliphate. Abd al-Malik
and crystallized into the forms we have today. sent Syrian troops to Iraq in response to a series
38
For an in depth discussion of the of ‘Alid revolts, which only further heightened
formation of Islamic law, see Schacht, An tension between the ‘Alid and the Umayyad
Introduction. dynasty.
reports made their way into the written scholars collected, sorted, and arranged
traditions of regional scholastic the collective tribal memory of the
centers.43 In essence, these pious second generation Muslims, creating the
framework for the interpretation of the
Qur’an, and the judicial system of the
43
Goldziher, 60. Poets continued to empire.44
compete publicly in defense of the honor of their Phase two (c. 730-c. 830) saw the
tribe well into the Abbasid period. Therefore, it beginnings of a written historiographical
is not surprising that conflicting reports abound record with authors such as Zuhri, and
in the primary source material of this period.
Also see Michael Cook, “The Opponents of the due to Abbasid patronage, later writers
Writing of Tradition in Early Islam,” Arabica 44 like Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. Robinson
(1997): 437-530. Scholars generally agree that also notes that in the late eighth century
the authoritative transmission of Muslim paper was used locally, contributing to
Tradition was at some point oral, but disagree an explosion of written works on
over the timing of the transition to a strictly
written Tradition (p. 439). For instance, Schoeler theology, law and history. These
dates the prohibition of the writing of Tradition historical works coincided with, and
to the last quarter of the first century (p. 491). were influenced by the formulation of
Cook claims that the prevailing attitude of early imperial law.45 From the time of Ibn
Muslim scholars was hostile to the transmission Ishaq, knowledge (or the creation
of a written Tradition (p. 441). In addition, Cook
postulates the possibility that Muslim opposition thereof) of the early Muslim community
to the writing of Tradition was originally a increased exponentially, necessitating
Jewish influence (i.e. Rabbinic Judaism with the division of historical works into a
reference to written and oral Torah, p. 442, 498), number of categories, many of which did
which he supports by showing that the mid- not survive.46
second century compromise (oral and written)
was based on the separation of the public and Muhammad may have started a
private spheres of a scholars life (oral religious movement called Islam, but the
transmission in public, with writing allowed in formulation of Muslim orthodoxy was to
private, in order to aid the memory, p. 476). a large degree a product of what
Cook argues that the early centers of Muslim Wansbrough calls the interconfessional
scholarship shifted from hostility to acceptance
of a written tradition (Kufa in the first half of the polemic of a sectarian milieu. Pious
second century, p. 441, Basra in the second half “holy men” assumed a gradually
of the second century, p. 458). He argues that increasing position of social power
Medinese authorities prior to Zuhri were strictly through the medium of theology. Thanks
oralists. Syrian scholars showed an abundance of to the literary cultures of Byzantium and
arguments (hadith reports) for and against the
writing of Tradition as late as the mid-second Persia, the descendants of Byzantine and
century, possibly reflecting the Umayyad Persian administrators searched for their
pressure to record the Tradition (p. 473-74). place in the ruling structure of the
Reasons for the hostility to a written Tradition Umayyad caliphate. Although originally
include: “…to avoid hampering the free holding subordinate positions of power
development of law…(p. 492),” hostility toward
personal opinion, “…opposition to Umayyad as merchants, teachers, administrators,
attempts to codify Tradition…(p. 493),” written tax collectors, translators, and palace
texts might fall into the wrong hands, but most
importantly, “…to safeguard the unique status of
Scripture (p. 491).” i.e. to prevent the responsibility of memorizing Tradition.
introduction of a schismatic influence into Islam, Therefore, they wrote it down (p. 523).
44
the polemical lesson of the “people of the Book.” Schacht, The Origins.
45
Cook concludes that Muslim scholars lacked a Robinson, 27.
46
formal and organized division of the Robinson, 29-31.
scholars, these non-Arabs began to combining many traditions into a
challenge the Arab identity of the connected simple narrative − preceded
Islamic religion.47 Certain policies, as by the authorities − and thus making a
well as access to the avenues of social significant contribution towards
mobility, provided a strong impetus for connected historical narratives.”52 As
many to adopt the Arabic language, and with all of the sources on early Islamic
to convert to Islam. These non-Arab history, the stories of popular preachers
Muslim administrators systematically (qass) left their mark on some of the
collected and arranged much of the traditions attributed to Zuhri.53 Caliph
earliest written material about the Yazid II (r. 720-24) appointed Zuhri as
Prophet Muhammad.48 They traveled qadi, and he also served as the instructor
throughout the Muslim world to a of Caliph Hisham’s (r. 724-43) son.54
variety of centers of learning in pursuit Zuhri’s works were composed under the
of tribal traditions about Muhammad and Umayyad caliphs, and only survive in
his companions (which grew up around traditions attributed to him by later
the garrison cities). authors. Nevertheless, Zuhri figures
Zuhri (b. circa 671 C.E., d. 742 prominently in the historical narratives
C.E.), the first Medinese traditionist to of Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi, Baladhuri, and
record hadith in writing, established the Tabari.
chronological and narrative framework Unfortunately for those who
of the sira literature, and began the sought the clearest insight into the life of
school of history at Medina.49 He studied Islam’s Prophet, many of these traditions
with Sa’id B. al-Musayyab, Abban B. were contradictory and reflected
‘Uthman, ‘Ubaidullah B. ‘Utba, and regional, doctrinal and political
‘Urwa B. al-Zubair, and his interests nuances.55 Some created a combined
covered not only sira, but also maghazi
and sunna.50 Zuhri’s informants were not
52
exclusively scholars, but included any Duri, 8.
53
trustworthy source.51 Duri also notes that Duri, 8.
54
Petersen, 51.
“…Zuhri…took an important step in 55
Michael Lecker, “The Death of the
introducing ‘the collective tradition’ by Prophet Muhammad’s Father: Did Waqidi Invent
Some of the Evidence?” Zeitschrift der
Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 145,
47
For an more detailed discussion of the no. 1 (1995): 9-27. Lecker insists that by
professions of the collectors of hadith, see H. comparing Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi’s narratives
Cohen, “The Economic Background and the concerning the death of Muhammad’s father, that
Secular Occupations of Muslim Jurisprudents he demonstrates the “continuing growth” theory
and Traditionists in the Classical Period of of early Islamic historical writings. He proposes
Islam,” Journal of the Economic and Social that during the seventh century, a number of
History of the Orient 13 (1970): 16-61. Muslims collected the various traditions (written
48
Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi, Baladhuri, and oral) concerning early Islam, in order to
Tabari, etc. trace family and clan involvement (p. 10). He
49
A. A. Duri, “al-Zuhri: A Study of the then asserts that in the eighth century, several
Beginnings of Historical Writing in Islam,” compilers (i.e. Zuhri, Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi, etc.)
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African began to systematically compile these reports in
Studies 19 (1957): 12. order to provide an authoritative biography of the
50
Sunna is the body of traditions Prophet (p. 12). He argues that, for the most part,
attributed to Muhammad, which establish the they were reliable transmitters of the traditions
ideal forms of behavior for Muslims. that they compiled (p. 20), and when their
51
Duri, 2. narratives differ from one another, it is probably
narrative, harmonizing and conflicting sponsored a sustained scholastic venture
reports.56 Many, to their great credit, to prove the “Islamicness” of their
preserved the conflicting reports. The governing institutions. This necessitated
traditionists held a virtual monopoly on the demonstration of the pre-Islamic
the “prophetic” hadith, and were thereby nature of the Umayyad dynasty, and the
in the position to dictate social ideals – discrediting would-be rivals from the
the hadith provided the connection to the displaced ‘Alid branch of the Prophet’s
holy precedent of Muhammad. family.59
Ironically, Qur’anic exegesis most likely Ironically, the consolidation of
gave birth to the corpus of prophetic Abbasid rule necessitated a propaganda
hadith, which after the passing of time, campaign to downplay the very same
was in turn used to interpret the Qur’an. messianic passions that brought them to
All that these pious scholars needed was power. The Abbasids not only sought to
a reformed caliphate – one based on a discredit their ‘Alid rivals, but also
universal interpretation of Islam – that certain individuals that played a vital
put all Muslims on equal economic role in the success of the revolution. For
footing within the state. instance, Abu Muslim led the rebellion
The descendents of the Prophet’s in the Khurasan province, and he gained
family harnessed these divisive forces an enormous amount of prestige as a
through a sustained propaganda result. He was eventually arrested and
campaign. The Abbasids, one of many killed by the Abbasid authorities, and a
contending factions, were able to assume group of his followers later raised the
leadership of the Hashemite struggle for standard of revolt.60 Revolts in the
the caliphate, but it took years to solidify Khurasan province, which were
their claim to legitimacy.57 The characterized by messianic overtones,
revolution itself unleashed a powerful proved to be a recurring theme of
precedent of justified politico-religious Abbasid history.61 In this context, the
dissent.58 Out of the need to restore a Musaylima legend provided an
lasting political order, the Abbasids invaluable lesson of God given political
authority, and the fate of “false prophet”
the result of one compiler including information usurpers.
that the other chose to omit (p. 26). For example, Abu Bakr’s
56
J. M. B. Jones, “Ibn Ishaq and al- suppression of the ridda became a
Waqidi: The Dream of ‘Atika and the Raid to popular and useful motif for Abbasid
Nakhla in Relation to the Charge of Plagarism,”
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African scholars. Just as Musaylima and the
Studies 22 (1959): 41-51. other false prophets apostatized against
57
El-Hibri, 12. The Umayyad dynasty the nascent Muslim community, the
fell from power in 750, but it took over a decade Abbasid caliphs presented themselves as
for the Abbasid dynasty to stabilize their rule of rightfully suppressing apostate rebellions
the empire.
58
El-Hibri, 4-6. The Abbasids came to within the empire.62 For instance, Al-
power by employing a vigorous propaganda Ma’mun came to power through a civil
campaign from the Khurasan province, which war against his kinsman al-Amin, and he
called (da’wa) the faithful to revolt against
Umayyad rule. The movement was messianic in
59
nature, and although Abbasid involvement Petersen, 53, 68.
60
stretched back to the 720s, the Abbasids kept a El-Hibri, 6.
61
low profile until the movement gained force in El-Hibri, 99.
62
the 740s. El-Hibri, 122.
presented himself as a champion of the sira genre. He points out that Ibn
Muslim piety in order to justify his Hisham and Baladhuri’s compilations
ascent to power. He instituted the mihna accentuate al-‘Abbas’ attendance and the
in an attempt to impose caliphal important role he played at the
authority over religious dogma. In 811, meeting.67 In contrast, Wahb’s account
he adopted the title “Imam al-Huda” says that ‘Abbas was a pagan at that
(Guide to Righteousness), and instituted time. Kister suggests that Wahb’s
a series of laws designed to enforce account reflects the earlier tradition that
Muslim piety (i.e. the prohibition of was compiled by Umayyad scholars [al-
wine).63 In 816, he minted coinage that Sha’bi, al-Zuhri and ‘Aqil B. Abi Talib],
presented him as “God’s caliph.”64 In a while the account found in the sira genre
conciliatory gesture, Caliph al- reflects the general narrative of the
Mutawakkil abolished the mihna in 847, Wahb papyrus, but with considerable
which conceded control of religious alteration concerning the role of
dogma to the ulema.65 ‘Abbas.68
The Abbasids employed a In addition to political rivals, the
number of scholars to write apologetic Musaylima legend was also used as a
accounts of the Prophet’s life, which powerful example for theological rivals.
showed the heroic role that the Abbasid Musaylima was often referred to as
family played in God’s unfolding plan “Rahman of al-Yamamah.” The Jews
for the umma. 66 For instance, M. Kister presented one of the most potent
compares Wahb B. Munabbih’s papyrus theological rivals to early Muslim
account of the ‘Aqaba meeting, to that of theology. Certain aspects of the
Prophet’s career were retold with
63
El-Hibri, 102-04, 106. exaggerated emphasis on certain details
64
El-Hibri, 107. that had significant contemporary
65
The Arabic term ulema is the plural meaning. H. Rahman argues that
of ‘alim, and refers to religious scholars and “Tendentious historians, writing a few
teachers of Muslim law. generations after the Prophet’s death,
66
Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds,
God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First when the non-Jewish opponents, the
Centuries of Islam (New York: Cambridge munafiqun and the pagans were merely a
University Press, 1986). Since prophecy ended fading memory while the Jewish
with Muhammad, the ulema gradually rose to a minority in the Muslim state was an
position of authority by monopolizing the active theological rival, would lay a
knowledge left behind by the Prophet. Crone and
Hinds claim that the traditional title for the disproportionate emphasis on the
caliph was khalifat Allah (deputy of God), and theological strife during Muhammad’s
that due to a struggle between the caliphs and the lifetime in order to buttress their
ulema over religious authority, was changed to arguments against the Jews.”69 Goitien
khalifat rasul Allah (successor to the Prophet of
God) by the Sunni ulema. Whereas religious and
67
political authority was vested in the caliph, the M. J. Kister, “Notes on the Papyrus
ulema now assumed the role of religious Account of the ‘Aqaba Meeting,” Le Museon
authority. The implication is that al-Ma’mun’s (1963): 406-10.
68
attempt to preserve the religious authority of the Kister, “Notes on the Papyrus,” 412.
69
caliphate failed, and as a result “…al- Hannah Rahman, “The Conflicts
Mutawakkil abolished the mihna in 234/848…” Between the Prophet and the Opposition in
(97). They conclude by noting that the Shia Medina,” Der Islam 42 (1985): 261. The
interpretation of the caliphal office most likely munafiqun (hypocrites) were those in Medina
resembles that of the early caliphal office. that openly criticized Muhammad.
claims that the Torah was translated into poets and pushed for a more rigorous
Arabic as early as the second or third adherence to the strictures of prayer
century A. H.70 In addition; Rahman is rituals. The wine poets mocked the
the official name of God in the pursuits of the pious theologians who
Babylonian Talmud.71 Muslim sources demanded that God’s prohibition of
attest to “…an unbroken chain of Jewish wine be taken seriously.76 The traditions
settlements stretched from the border of concerning Musaylima’s relaxation of
Palestine to al-Medina...”72 Furthermore, certain Muslim rituals dealing with wine
Jews lived in Yemen, and Muhammad’s and prayer were almost certainly
revelations frequently refer to the inserted into the hadith record, perhaps
“people of the book.”73 Concerning the by a moralizing theologian. These types
resurrection of the dead, Muhammad of stories were most likely grafted into
said that “…It comes like the blinking of the Musaylima legend by popular
the eye…” This exact phrase was also preachers and later recorded as hadith by
employed three times a day during traditionists in search of knowledge.77
prayer by the Jews of Muhammad’s We will now take a closer look at the
lifetime.74 Of the many descriptions of historians that compiled and historicized
Musaylima, one of them concerns the hadith traditions.
Musaylima’s reduction of prayer from Non-Arab converts to Islam
five times daily, to three times daily, found gainful employment under the
which might be interpreted as either an early Abbasid rulers, and put their pens
attempt by the qass to associate him with to the task of preparing historicizing
the Jews, or a credible indication of a compilations of hadith reports. These
Jewish influence on his movement. patchwork compilations provided moral
Goitien implies that Jewish missionaries, lessons that explained the workings of
perhaps a splinter group, promoted the God in history. The earliest histories
idea of “local prophets” as a means of were essentially exercises in Qur’anic
Judaizing local populations, but unlike exegesis, and told the story of God’s
Yemen and Yamamah Muhammad umma from the vantage point of Abbasid
succeeded in fulfilling that role.75 scholarly elites. These narratives not
Many of the pre-Islamic ways of only created a mythic past for the ruling
the Bedouins did not simply disappear regime and legitimized Abbasid
upon the delivery of Muhammad’s authority, but also set the historical
revelations. Many who had nominally standard for institutional reform. In this
accepted Islam did not willingly follow
all of the rituals and prohibitions
76
demanded by Muhammad. In an ongoing Goldziher, 36-37, 42-43.
77
effort to Islamicize Abbasid society, the Goldziher, 42-43. Like almost every
early Abbasid caliphs imprisoned wine aspect of the Musaylima legend, contradictory
accounts abound. While some popular preachers
enhanced their message by stressing Musaylima
70
S. D. Goitien, “Muhammad’s as a “Judiazer,” others found it useful to endow
Inspiration by Judaism,” The Journal of Jewish Musaylima with a strict program concerning sex,
Studies 9 (1958): 150. wine and prayer. See Al-Tabari, The Conquest
71
Goitien, 151. of Arabia, trans. Fred M. Donner (Albany: State
72
Goitien, 151. University of New York Press, 1993), 92-93.
73
Goitien, 153. “…You shall not come to women, nor drink
74
Goitien, 158. wine, but you are the company of the pious
75
Goitien, 161. fasting by day…”
context, the Musaylima legend provided including Zuhri.80 The majority of early
a number of useful lessons.78 Muslim jurists (including al-Shaybani,
Muhammad Ibn Ishaq was a al-Shafi’I, Abu ‘Ubayd and al-Mawardi)
remarkably talented scholar whose life were familiar with the sira-maghazi
personified an evolutionary and literature, and, with the exception of
revolutionary phase of Islam. He not Malik B. ‘Anas, they considered Ibn
only witnessed, but participated in the Ishaq to be a reliable transmitter of
transformation of Islam from a loosely hadith.81 While working as a scholar in
defined religion used to justify the socio- Medina, the famous jurisprudent Malik
economic dominance of the Arab elite of B. ‘Anas feuded with Ibn Ishaq, which
the Umayyad Empire, to a universal resulted in Ibn Ishaq’s expulsion from
religion used to legitimize Abbasid rule. the city. The feud probably began as a
The army of Khalid B. al-Walid result of Ibn Ishaq’s knowledge of the
captured Ibn Ishaq’s Persian grandfather (dubious) lineage of many Medinan
in 12 A.H. (634 C.E.), who at first families, and because Ibn Ishaq
served his Arab master as a slave, and criticized Malik’s lineage.82 M. J. Kister
later became a mawali convert to Islam. notes that, “Ibn Ishaq was indeed
Ibn Ishaq’s father (b. 50 A.H. / 672 C.E.) accused of many faults like: shi’i
participated in the Syrian campaigns and leanings, qadari beliefs, transmission of
was a well-known collector and sifat traditions, playing with cocks,
transmitter of hadith.79 Ibn Ishaq was tadlis in transmission, and of course
born in Medina in 85 A.H. (707 C.E.), transmission of unreliable traditions,
and as the descendent of a non-Arab especially traditions of the descendents
convert to Islam, Ibn Ishaq pursued a of Jews who had embraced Islam.”83 At
career in one of the few fields that any rate, in the early 760s, Ibn Ishaq
promised some socio-economic traveled to Baghdad, where he found
opportunity – the collection and gainful employment in the court of the
transmission of hadith. In light of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur. He served as
chronological proximity of the capture the tutor for the Abbasid Caliph al-
of Ibn Ishaq’s grandfather and the defeat Mansur’s son al-Mahdi, and the Sirah
of Musaylima (634 C.E.), Ibn Ishaq may have been sponsored for the
probably had access to some accurate instruction of the latter.84 Ibn Ishaq died
details about Musaylima’s movement. around 767 C.E.
After all, Ibn Ishaq’s grandfather was Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah existed in at
captured in the same year and by the least fifteen variants, and each variant
same army that defeated Musaylima’s
force.
80
He traveled widely and studied Newby, The Making, 5-7.
81
under a number of prominent and M. J. Kister, “The Massacre of the
Banu Qurayza: A Re-Examination of a
respected second generation traditionists, Tradition,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and
Islam 8 (1986): 73, 79, 80.
82
Kister, “The Massacre,” 75-77.
78 83
Historical writing represented only Kister, “The Massacre,” 76.
84
one facet of Abbasid state propaganda. For Newby, The Making, 4. Also see the
instance, Abbasid caliphs took titles that same author in “The Sirah as a Source for
emphasized their divine right to rule (i.e. al- Arabian Jewish History: Problems and
Mansur, al-Mahdi, al-Hadi etc.). Perspectives,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and
79
Newby, The Making, 5. Islam 7 (1986): 123.
reflected the independent versions of his Nevertheless, the generation that
students. Only fragments of a few of followed him no longer condoned the
these variants survived into the modern use of non-Muslim sources (i.e.
era. Ibn Hisham’s recension of the Sirah Israiliyat literature), and preferred
preserved much of Ibn Ishaq’s original, strictly Muslim sources for the
but with some noteworthy omissions. As reconstruction of such a legally
pointed out by W. Montgomery Watt, important topic as the life of
Ibn Hisham based his recension of Ibn Muhammad. Therefore, Ibn Hisham
Ishaq’s Sirah on Ziyad B. ‘Abdallah al- heavily edited the Sirah, and purged the
Bakka’i’s version, whereas Tabari document of its non-Muslim source
quoted the versions of Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah material, including “…most of the Kitab
as it was transmitted by Salamah B. al- al-Mubtada and some of the Kitab al-
Fadl al-Abrash and Yunus B. Bukayr.85 Mub’ath...”88 Ibn Hisham’s omissions
Originally the Sirah existed in three reflected a shift in the scholarly
parts: Kitab al-Mubtada’ (Book of the consensus of his day that viewed sources
Beginnings), Kitab al-Mab’ath (Book of external to the Muslim community as
the Sending Forth), and Kitab al- untrustworthy for the purposes of
Maghazi (Book of the defining the law.89
Expeditions/Raids). The three sections A. Guillaume reconstructed and
respectively covered the periods from translated Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah based on Ibn
the creation of the world to the birth of Hisham’s recension and Tabari’s quotes
Muhammad, from the birth of of Ibn Ishaq.90 G. Newby attempted to
Muhammad to the hijra, and from the reconstruct the first (missing) part of Ibn
hijra to Muhammad’s death. Ishaq’s Sirah. Although both attempts
Ibn Ishaq set out to place the life fall short of a flawless reconstruction of
of Muhammad as the focal point of a Ibn Ishaq’s original Sirah, they provide
universal history, presenting Muhammad enough of the Sirah’s pre-edited
as the culmination of God’s revelation to narrative for one to draw some basic
mankind through the prophets.86 He used conclusions about the consensus of al-
a variety of sources to construct the Mansur’s court scholars.
Sirah, including oral and written Muslim Newby suggests that in addition
traditions, and stories from Jewish and to its pedagogical function, Ibn Ishaq’s
Christian writings known as Isra’iliyat work targeted the Jewish and Christian
literature.87 The Sirah, an immensely population of the Abbasid Empire.91 The
popular work during the lifetime of its framework of the Sirah attempts to
compiler, provided a chronological present Muhammad in the literary topoi
framework and historical context for of the Christian Bible, “…all of which
understanding the disjointed and
timeless text of the Qur’an. 88
Newby, The Making, 8-9.
89
Newby, The Making, 4, 8.
85 90
See W.M. Watt’s excellent Muhammad Ibn Ishaq, The Life of
translator’s forward to al-Tabari, Muhammad at Muhammad, Edited and translated by Alfred
Mecca, Edited and translated by W. M. Watt and Guillaume (Karachi: Oxford University Press,
M. V. McDonald, Vol. 6, The History of al- 1955).
91
Tabari (Albany: State University of New York Newby, The Making, 1, 20-21.
Press, 1988), xi-xlvi. Newby estimates that Muslims represented only
86
Newby, The Making, 2, 151. about 8% of the population of the Abbasid
87
Newby, The Making, 3. Empire during Ibn Ishaq’s lifetime.
themes fit the apologetic patterns law and the regulation of social
adopted by Islam and current in Abbasid behavior.
circles when Ibn Ishaq was writing and The Medinan scholar
teaching.”92 Newby claims that the Sirah Muhammad B. 'Umar al-Waqidi (d. 823)
conformed to literary forms and motifs traveled to Baghdad in 796 where he
common to other contemporary literary worked for the vizir Yahya B. Khalid al-
traditions. For instance, concerning Ibn Barmaki, and later served as a qadi
Ishaq’s presentation of Christian under Caliph al-Ma’mun (r. 813-33).96
missionary activity in pre-Islamic He most likely synthesized the Medinan
Arabia, he says, “we are dealing with a and Kuffan traditions to form a pro-
type of wisdom literature that has Abbasid narrative.97 Al-Waqidi lived in
examples throughout the Mediterranean the generation after Ibn Ishaq. His Kitab
world but finds its best expression in that al-Maghazi reflected many of the same
group of stories called the practices employed by Ibn Ishaq, heavily
Apophthegmata Patrum, or Tales of the relying on the same written materials
Coptic Fathers (which date from the and in the same literary genre as Ibn
fourth and fifth century).”93 Newby Ishaq, and was primarily concerned with
asserts “Hagiologic tales were adjusting minor chronological details in
undoubtedly a part of the stock repertory order to “…generate a new interpretation
of the storytellers, qussas, in Arabia as of the Prophet’s life.”98
they were in the rest of the Al-Waqidi’s work had a
Mediterranean world.”94 He says, significant influence on Ibn Sa’d (d.
“…one of the major functions of the 845), Baladhuri, and al-Tabari. He
Sirah is to present a biography of followed much of Ibn Ishaq’s
Muhammad that would fit into the chronological framework, but provided a
already existent and revered patterns of much more detailed narrative, which has
Christian hagiology.”95 led some scholars to propose the
During Ibn Ishaq’s lifetime the “continuing growth” theory. According
Abbasid caliph claimed to have authority to this theory, as the demand for hadith
over religious dogma. In addition, material grew (due to legal necessities
scholars like Ibn Ishaq pursued religious and general interest in the Prophet’s life)
knowledge from a multitude of sources the supply of hadith material also grew
as they sought to explain Muhammad’s as a result of popular preachers and
prophetic career as the culmination of inventive tribal genealogists.99
God’s plan of salvation. Future scholars
came under increasing pressure to insure 96
Petersen, 83.
97
the accurate transmission of hadith Petersen, 91.
98
material, and Jewish and Christian Rizwi S. Fraizer, “The Issue of
source material became increasingly Authenticity Regarding the Traditions of al-
Waqidi as Established in His Kitab al-Maghazi,”
unfashionable for the development of Journal of Near Eastern Studies 58, no. 2
(1999): 98.
92 99
Newby, “The Sirah,” 123. Michael Lecker, “The Death of the
93
Gordon Darnell Newby, “An Prophet Muhammad’s Father: Did Waqidi Invent
Example of Coptic Literary Influence on the Some of the Evidence?” Zeitschrift der
Sirah of Ibn Ishaq,” Journal of Near Eastern Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 145,
Studies 31 (1972): 24. no. 1 (1995): 10, 12, 20, 26. Lecker insists that
94
Newby, “An Example,” 27. by comparing Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi’s
95
Newby, “An Example,” 28. narratives concerning the death of Muhammad’s
 J. M. B. Jones, the editor of al- “collective isnad” (i.e. the established
Waqidi’s Kitab al-Maghazi, points out and generally agreed upon traditions),
that details not found in Ibn Ishaq’s but al-Waqidi employed the “collective
Sirah, such as the precise chronological isnad” as “an essential part of the
sequence and the dating of several conceptional framework of his Kitab al-
events, are an integral part of al- Maghazi.”104 Jones concludes that
Waqidi’s Maghazi.100 He also asserts “…the greater part of the sira was
that no great confidence should be already formalized by the second
placed in Ibn Ishaq’s chronology.101 In century A.H. and that the later writers
fact, Jones implies that much of the shared a common corpus of qass and
chronology for the less important raids traditional material, which they arranged
of the Prophet was the creation of according to their own concepts and to
Qur’anic exegetics, who added “…the which they added their own
story necessary to explain the text of the researches.”105
Quran.”102 Jones points out that both Ibn In phase three (c. 830-c. 925),
Ishaq and al-Waqidi “…drew freely large-scale collections replaced single
upon qass material…” and that the topic monographs, and many of the
similarities and differences between al- works that were considered unimportant
Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq’s narrative are a were not copied and were subsequently
result of both authors reliance of the lost.106 The third phase also reflected
qass renditions of their respective changing theological norms. In the first
lifetimes.103 He also proposes that Ibn three centuries of Islam, the corpus of
Ishaq, al-Waqidi and Zuhri all used the hadith reports had grown
astronomically, and legal scholars
father, that he demonstrates the “continuing readily admitted that many were
growth” theory of early Islamic historical forgeries and innovations.107 Legal
writings. He proposes that during the seventh scholars such as Muhammad Buhkari (d.
century, a number of Muslims collected the 870) compiled “authoritative”
various traditions (written and oral) concerning compilations of hadith reports, and
early Islam, in order to trace family and clan
involvement. He then asserts that in the eighth eliminated thousands of reports that they
century, several compilers (i.e. Zuhri, Ibn Ishaq, considered fraudulent.
al-Waqidi, etc.) began to systematically compile Baladhuri (d. 892) was born in
these reports in order to provide an authoritative Baghdad, but was of Persian ancestry.
biography of the Prophet. He argues that, for the He wrote under the patronage of
most part, they were reliable transmitters of the
traditions that they compiled, and when their Abbasid Caliph al-Mutawakkil.
narratives differ from one another, it is probably Baladhuri presented his material with a
the result of one compiler including information special emphasis on the precedent set by
that the other chose to omit. Muhammad and the early caliphs
100
J. M. B. Jones, “The Chronology of concerning issues of taxation and land
the Maghazi: A Textual Survey,” Bulletin of the
School of Oriental and African Studies 19 grants. In addition, a consistent theme in
(1957): 259, 264, 277. Kitab Futuh al-Buldan is the manner in
101
Jones, “The Chronology,” 261. which a particular city or land area was
102
Jones, “The Chronology,” 264.
103
J. M. B. Jones, “Ibn Ishaq and al-
104
Waqidi: The Dream of ‘Atika and the Raid to Jones, “Ibn Ishaq,” 50.
105
Nakhla in Relation to the Charge of Plagarism,” Jones, “Ibn Ishaq,” 51.
106
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Robinson, 34.
107
Studies 22 (1959): 46. Schacht, Origins, 3.
incorporated into the Muslim umma. He description of the early Meccan period,
carefully distinguished the areas brought in the context of Muhammad’s struggle
into the umma by force of arms, from with the Meccan authorities. Ibn Ishaq
those that conceded and converted to chronologically placed Musaylima’s
Islam, or agreed to pay the poll tax.108 movement prior to that of Muhammad.
Scholars such as Abu Ja’far This issue has not gone unnoticed by
Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari Western historians. D. Margoliouth
incorporated large sections of earlier argues that the names ‘Muslim’ and
works, like Ibn Ishaq’s Sirah, while not ‘hanif’ possibly originated as terms to
including the information that no longer describe “…followers of Musaylimah,
measured up to scholarly consensus. the Prophet of the Banu Hanifah.”110 He
Tabari (d. 923) was born in Amul claims that Surah 26:61 provides
(Tabaristan Province on the Southern evidence that Musaylimah [the
shore of the Caspian) in 839.109 He diminutive version of Maslamah]
traveled widely in search of traditions predated Muhammad as a prophet.111
about the Prophet, and was a prolific Ibn Ishaq’s first entries
author whose works included concerning Musaylima are found in Part
jurisprudence, Qur’an commentary, and II of Sirat Rasul Allah entitled
history. In 855, he settled in Baghdad “Muhammad’s call and preaching in
and embarked on a long and celebrated Mecca.” Ibn Ishaq’s first references to
career as a Muslim scholar. Now that we Musaylima are located in a specific
have established the historical context section of Part II, subtitled “Negotiations
for the writers of the Musaylima legend, between the Apostle and the Leaders of
we shall take a closer look at specific Quraysh and an explanation of the Sura
examples of the legend, which of the Cave.”112 In this section, Ibn Ishaq
underscore the basic thesis of this work. describes the growth of Muslims in
We will first investigate the issue Mecca, and their subsequent persecution
of chronology in the Musaylima legend. by the Meccan authorities. He describes
Ibn Ishaq provided both a chronological Muhammad in typical saintly literary
framework for Muhammad’s life, and topoi. The Quraysh offer Muhammad
also a chronological framework for the money, honor, and power, if he would
occasions of certain revelations. While only agree to stop preaching.
his purpose was to compile the traditions Muhammad, like any saintly figure
of an earlier generation in order to worth his salt, refuses the lure of worldly
clarify the truth about the Prophet, Ibn vices. The Quraysh then proceed to
Ishaq actually codified the historical challenge his claim to prophecy by
context of, and hence the meaning of, asking him to perform a number of
certain Qur’anic revelations. Ibn Ishaq miracles. Ibn Ishaq also mentions that
first mentions Musaylima in his one of Muhammad’s accusers was a poet
named al-Nadr B. al-Harith, who “…had
108
Al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Buldan,
110
Edited and translated by Phillip K. Hitti (New D. S. Margoliouth, “On the Origin
York: AMS Press, 1968), 5. and Import of the Names Muslim and Hanif,”
109
See Franz Rosenthal’s introduction Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
to The History of al-Tabari: General Britain and Ireland 35 (1903): 484.
111
Introduction and from the Creation to the Flood, Margoliouth, “On the Origin,” 484-
Albany: State University of New York Press, 85.
112
1989. Ibn Ishaq, p. 133-41, text 187-203.
been to al-Hira and learnt the tales of the never believe in him.”116 Muhammad
kings of Persia…”113 al-Harith claimed responds with Surah 13:29, which reads,
to be able to tell a better story about “Thus did we send you to a people
ancient peoples than Muhammad. It is before whom other peoples had passed
important to note the connection with al- away that you might read to them that
Hira and Persia. Interestingly, in their which we have revealed to thee, while
melee of verbal assaults on the Prophet, they disbelieved in the Rahman. Say, He
the Quraysh accused him of learning his is my Lord; there is no other God but
religion from Musaylima. “Information He. In Him I trust and unto Him is the
has reached us that you are taught by this return.” Interestingly, in Surah 13,
fellow in al-Yamama, called al-Rahman, “Thunder,” God revealed that He has
and by God we will never believe in the provided a warner to every nation
Rahman.” Ibn Ishaq then adds that this (munthiru likul qum had).117
was the occasions of the revelation of Muhammad, like other prophets and
Surah 17:94, “We will not believe in you “warners” before him, was sent by God
until you come to us with God and the to deliver his revelation to a specific
angels.” It is important to note that Surah people − a message in Arabic to the
17, “The Night Journey,” is the same Arab people. This reference is striking.
Surah in which God revealed to the Perhaps Musaylima led the local
Muslims that they were allowed to call opposition to Persian rule in Yamamah.
God either Allah or al-Rahman.114 Ibn Perhaps Muhammad followed his lead.
Ishaq continues by relating that the Ibn Ishaq also includes an
Quraysh then consulted the Jews of account about Musaylima that places
Yathrib concerning Muhammad’s him as a politico-religious leader prior to
prophecy.115 The Jews provide the Muhammad’s consolidation of power in
Quraysh with a series of questions to ask Medina. Chronologically, Ibn Ishaq
Muhammad in order to test him as a includes the story during the period
prophet. After a two week delay, when Muhammad concluded the second
Muhammad responded to these Pledge of ‘Aqaba with the tribes of
questions with a number of revelations Medina (c. 622). Ibn Ishaq mentions
from God. Musaylima as only as an explanatory
Ibn Ishaq’s narrative then relates detail concerning one of the Medinan
a story about Muhammad after his Arabs that pledged to support
arrival in Yathrib. Ibn Ishaq places the Muhammad at ‘Aqaba. According to this
occasion of the revelation of Surah 13:29 story, a certain Nusayba (the one who
as a response to skeptical Jewish rabbis pledged at ‘Aqaba) had two sons. Her
of Yathrib that accused Muhammad of son Habib was tortured by Musaylima
learning his religion from Musaylima in for not recognizing him as a prophet
the same fashion that the Quraysh did. equal to Muhammad. Ibn Ishaq’s
Ibn Ishaq records that they said, “…We narrative also mentions that Nusayba
have heard that a man in al-Yamama was present some years later at the
called al-Rahman teaches you. We will Battle of Yamamah, and received a
number of wounds.118 Al-Baladhuri
113
Ibn Ishaq, p. 136, text 191.
114 116
Surah 17:107. Ibn Ishaq, p. 140, text 200.
115 117
Yathrib was renamed Medina after Surah 13:7.
118
Muhammad’s ascent to power. Ibn Ishaq, 212, text 312-13.
relates a similar story concerning the during the battle of Badr. Tabari is
torture of Nusayba’s son Habib, and her strikingly silent concerning traditions
participation and wounds in the Battle of about Musaylima’s dealings with the
Yamamah. However, Baladhuri Prophet during the Meccan and early
mentions this story in the context of a Medinan periods. Al-Tabari frequently
list of martyrs who fell at the Battle of quoted Ibn Ishaq and was undoubtedly
Yamamah, leaving out the chronological familiar with those traditions. One has to
position of the events described.119 wonder, why did he exclude the early
Further evidence for the early dating of Musaylima’s movement from
dating of Musaylima’s movement can be his compilation? A clue to this answer
found in both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. can be deduced from a comparison of
Both accounts reveal that a certain Ibn Ishaq, Bukhari, and al-Tabari’s
‘Abdul ‘Amr changed his name to accounts of the “dream of the
Rahman, during the Meccan period, after armbands.”
becoming a Muslim.120 A pre-Islamic Ibn Ishaq reports that just after
friend of his did not want to call him the treaty of Hudaybiyyah (c. 628 C.E.),
‘Abdul Rahman, because he did not Muhammad explained to his followers
want to associate him with Musaylima, that they would fight a people of great
so he called him ‘Abdul al-Ilah.’ ‘Abdul prowess. Ibn Ishaq reports that, “One
Rahman ran into his friend after the whom I do not suspect from al-Zuhri
Battle of Badr and took him and his son told me that ‘a people of great prowess
prisoner.121 It is interesting to note that meant Hanifa with the arch-liar.”122 Ibn
Ibn Ishaq implies that the friend did not Ishaq continues,
call ‘Amr Rahman on account of Now the two arch-liars
Musaylima, whereas al-Waqidi’s Musaylima B. Habib and al-
account clearly states that ‘Amr’s friend Aswad B. Ka’b al-‘Ansi had
did not want to associate ‘Amr with spoken during the apostles
Musaylima. Additionally, Ibn Ishaq lifetime, the first in al-Yamama
states that ‘Amr took his friend captive among the B. Hanifa, and the
at Badr, whereas in al-Waqidi’s account, second in San’a. Yazid B.
‘Amr took both his friend and his ‘Abdullah B. Qusayt told me
friend’s son captive at Badr. Thus, while from ‘Ata B. Yasar, or his
Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi’s accounts are brother Sulayman, from Abu
essentially in agreement, al-Waqidi’s Sa’id al-Khudri, saying: ‘I heard
account notoriously provides more the apostle as he was addressing
detail. Both stories support the idea that the people from his pulpit say ‘I
Musaylima’s religious movement was saw in the night of al-qadr and
active while Muhammad preached in then I was made to forget it; and
Mecca, and Musaylima’s title “al- I saw on my arms two bracelets
Rahman” was infamous enough to be the of gold which I disliked so I blew
subject of dispute among old friends on them and they flew away. I
interpreted it to mean these two
119
liars, the man of al-Yamama and
Al-Baladhuri, 140. the man of al-Yaman.’ One
120
Ibn Ishaq, p. 302-03, text 448.
121
Muhammad b. 'Umar Al-Waqidi, whom I do not suspect on the
Kitab al-Maghazi, ed. Marsden Jones (London:
122
Oxford University Press, 1966), 82. Ibn Ishaq, p. 506, text 750.
 authority of Abu Hurayra said: ‘I the Yemen…125 Isnad:
heard the apostle say: The hour ‘Ubaydallah [al-Zuhri] – his
will not come until thirty uncle Ya’qub – Sayf [B. ‘Umar]
antichrists come forth, each of – Talhah B. al-A’lam – ‘Irkimah
them claiming to be a – Ibn ‘Abbas. 126
prophet.’123
Although the dream of the two
The “dream of the armbands” in armbands might reflect something
the Sahih al-Bukhari collection is shorn Muhammad said about Musaylima and
of Ibn Ishaq’s original chronological al-Aswad, the story was most likely told
position (c. 628), and Muhammad is and retold during the period of oral
made to say, “…I interpreted the two transmission, taking on the character of
bracelets as symbols of the two liars who the storyteller’s explanatory framework.
would appear after me…”124 The several variants of the same story
were likely copied down at different
Tabari reports that, times and in different places, thus
providing a large information pool for
The Prophet had ordered the future editors and compilers. Based on
expedition of Usamah, but it did Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, Musaylima and
not go well because of his illness al-Aswad’s movements were active for
and because both Musaylima and some time before Muhammad’s illness,
al-Aswad had renounced [his and they may have taken the opportunity
authority]. The hypocrites did of his illness to consolidate and expand
much [to criticize] Usamah’s their own positions. For our purposes I
leadership. When [the criticism] would like to draw attention to Ibn
reached the Prophet he went out Ishaq’s report, which places the dream
to the people while his head was of the two armbands in the context of
wrapped around because of the Hudaybiyyah (c. 628), prior to the
pain, which had increased due to conquest of Mecca and the zenith of
the dream he had seen [while he Muhammad’s power in the Arabian
was] in A’ishah’s house, saying, Peninsula. Muhammad only entered
‘last night I saw what a sleeping Mecca in triumph in 630, and his success
person sees, that in my two upper with the Bedouin tribes is said to have
arms there were two golden followed his triumph over the Quraysh.
armbands. I disliked them so I In contrast, al-Tabari reports that the
blew on them and they flew away dream of the two armbands took place
[in the air]. I interpreted the just prior to Muhammad’s death (c. 632),
armbands to mean these two arch foreshadowing the wars of “apostasy.”
liars, the possessor of al- In Tabari’s version, Muhammad had
Yamamah and the possessor of
125
al-Tabari, The Last Years of the
Prophet, trans. Ismail K. Poonawala (Albany:
123
Ibn Ishaq, p. 648, text 964. To date State University of New York Press, 1990), p.
this hadith remains a very popular way of 165-66, text 1796.
126
slandering Abd al-Wahab – the founder of Petersen, 78-83. Sayf B. ‘Umar
Wahabbi religious doctrine. notoriously fabricated the hadith record. The
124
Muhammad Buhkari, Sahih al- chronology of the events described in this hadith
Bukhari, vol. 4:56, no. 817. report clearly represents a late addition.
reached the pinnacle of power and his ill accompanied the delegation, but did not
health had provided the opportunity for speak to Muhammad, and later claimed
“apostate” movements to surface. that Muhammad recognized him as an
Based on the numerous times equal in their prophetic gift. In addition,
that Tabari cites Ibn Ishaq as a credible the second reports mentions that
source, one can only conclude that Musaylima apostatized after returning to
Tabari chose not to include Ibn Ishaq’s Yamamah, and “…began to utter rhymes
narrative concerning the dream of the in saj’ and speak in imitation of the style
armbands, because Ibn Ishaq’s of the Quran.” The second report also
chronology did not fit into Tabari’s claims that Musaylima “…permitted
interpretation of the sequence of them to drink wine and fornicate, and let
Musaylima’s activities. The earliest them dispense with prayer, yet he was
written scholarly consensus (i.e. Ibn acknowledging the apostle as a prophet,
Ishaq and al-Waqidi) on the and Hanifa agreed with him on that.” Ibn
chronological position of Musaylima’s Ishaq probably doubted the veracity of
movement reflected the application of both reports since he added the phrase
hadith reports to specific occasions of “But God knows what the truth was.”127
Qur’anic revelation. By the time Tabari Concerning the same delegation,
wrote his universal history, scholarly Baladhuri repeats the same report
consensus no longer supported the early provided by the shaykh from the Banu
dating of Musaylima’s movement. The Hanifa, but in his account, a certain man
evolution of the Musaylima legend was named al-Rajjal bears witness to
shorn of its original chronological Musaylima’s claim to prophecy, and
context, and was placed into the context Muhammad’s authorization of that
of a new paradigm. The new paradigm claim. Without providing an isnad,
chronologically positioned the formation Baladhuri reports that,
of Muhammad’s model society first, and when the delegation of the banu-
the schismatic example of apostasy Hanifah returned to al-Yamamah,
followed the illness and death of Musailimah, the false Prophet,
Muhammad. asserted his claim as a prophet,
The Year of the Delegations (c. and al-Rajjal ibn-‘Unfuwah
631) as recorded by Ibn Ishaq, testified that the Prophet gave
Baladhuri, and Tabari provide evidence him [Musailimah] a share in the
for the “continuing growth” theory. Ibn authority with him. Banu-
Ishaq includes two reports in his Hanifah and others in al-
compilation. In the first report, Ibn Ishaq Yamamah followed him.
cites a Medinese scholar as the source of
his information. According this report Baladhuri’s explanatory detail
Musaylima accompanied the delegation probably served as a warning to Muslim
of the Banu Hanifa to Medina, and asked scholars who supported the claims of
Muhammad for a “gift” (i.e. a claim to “false prophets” (i.e. ‘Alid rivals).
land by the authority of Muhammad), Tabari quotes both of Ibn Ishaq’s
which Muhammad promptly rejected. In accounts verbatim concerning the Banu
the second report, Ibn Ishaq cites a
shaykh of the Banu Hanifa of Yamama.
According to this report Musaylima
127
Ibn Ishaq, p. 636-37, text 945-46.
Hanifa delegation to Medina.128 Thus, attempted to put the empire on an
Ibn Ishaq seemed uncertain about the Islamic footing would have had to take
details of the Banu Hanifa delegation to into account the ways in which
Medina, and included two contradictory territories such as Yamamah were
reports, one from a Medinese scholar, originally incorporated into the empire.
and one from a shaykh of Musaylima’s These types of details were not likely to
tribe. On the other hand, Baladhuri be forgotten by tribal genealogists, or
confidently passes along the report from perhaps they were remembered in a way
the Banu Hanifa shaykh, and he even favorable to the tribe’s contemporary
adds the detail of al-Rajjal’s support for economic interests.
Musaylima. Tabari simply transmits Ibn Muhammad’s revelations
Ishaq’s two traditions. The differences in provided a finite number of solutions to
Ibn Ishaq and Baladhuri’s account of the social problems. While these solutions
Musaylima legend concerning the Year worked well for Arabian Bedouins and
of the Delegations underscores the oasis towns, Muhammad was unable to
flexibility that compilers had due to foresee the social structure needed to
constantly evolving oral traditions. The rule an empire that stretched from Spain
enormous pool of hadith material to the Indus valley. While stories about
allowed compilers like Baladhuri to the Prophet remained the domain of an
include explanatory detail that provided oral tradition, a certain built-in flexibility
practical lessons for contemporary allowed the historical paradigm of the
circumstances. Prophet to be adapted (knowingly and/or
Baladhuri’s account of the Battle unknowingly) to the changing
of Yamamah (634) provides this study’s circumstances of imperial growth. As the
final example of the utility of the tribal Arab armies absorbed the ancient
Musaylima legend. Baladhuri relates literary cultures of Persia and
several specific details about the battle, Byzantium, Islamic principles were
which regardless of their veracity clearly gradually articulated, written down, and
had a specific purpose in shaping studied as a historical phenomenon – one
Abbasid taxation policy. For instance, comparable to previous human
Baladhuri says that after Musaylima was experience. The sophisticated cultures
killed, the new leader of Yamamah, inherited by the Muslim polity provided
Mujja’ah, tricked the Muslim the intellectual construct through which
commander Khalid B. Walid into Islamic principals were articulated and
conducting peace negotiations.129 Had applied to the administrative structure
Yamamah been overcome by Muslim inherited by the state.130
arms; the women and children would From the first quarter of the
have been sold into slavery and the men eighth century onwards, pious scholars
put to the sword. Since the city entered were appointed as qadis who in turn
the umma by means of a treaty, the attempted to harmonize legal practices
residents were entitled to the economic with the teachings of the Qur’an.131 For
benefits of entering the umma
peacefully. The Abbasid tax reforms that 130
Schacht, An Introduction, 20.
131
Schacht, An Introduction, 26, 34, 40,
128
Al-Tabari, The Last Years, p. 95-96, 47. Several legal schools of thought emerged
text 1737-38. (i.e. Kufa, Basra, Mecca, Medina, Syria, etc.)
129
Al-Baladhuri, 137. which attempted to bring the administrative
most of the Umayyad dynasty’s rule, provided useful stories to illustrate
non-Arabs were not encouraged to politico-religious truths, as determined
convert to Islam. The Umayyad dynasty by compilers, and directed by their
remained an Arab oligarchy, and sponsors.
Muslims only represented a fraction of The eighth century consensus of
the population. For most of this period, the compilers of written hadith
the non-Arab subject population collections (Ibn Ishaq and Waqidi)
remained predominately Jewish and presented Muhammad and Musaylima as
Christian, who practiced their religion in contemporaneous prophets. The late
the midst of their new rulers. dating of Musaylima’s apostasy was
Throughout the course of the seventh codified in the Sahih Hadith collections,
and eighth centuries, the competing historicizing the theological consensus
worldviews of Muslims, Christians and of ninth century Baghdadi scholars, and
Jews, coupled with the political struggle obscuring the fact that Muhammad was
between Byzantium and the Umayyad part of a regional phenomenon of
Empire, provided the philosophical, localized politico-religious leadership.
political and theological framework for Later compilations like those of
the articulation of Islamic theology. Baladhuri and Tabari reflected the
However, Muhammad played the idealized view that Muhammad’s
role of statesman and prophet, and his preaching was a unique phenomenon,
revelations delivered God’s plan for a which apostate opportunists imitated.
just and divinely ordained society. The Musaylima’s movement probably had
Prophet’s precedent insured that religion much more in common with
and political organization would be Muhammad’s movement than late
inextricably linked. It is therefore no Abbasid scholars were aware of. As P.
wonder that the Abbasid revolution Crone implied, Islam, as well as the
succeeded through the use of a brilliant movements of Musaylima and the other
campaign of politico-religious “false prophets,” may have developed as
propaganda – one that promised a return a “nativist movement” in reaction to
to the pristine model of the early Muslim foreign domination” (i.e. Sasanid Persia
community. The very nature of Islamic and Byzantium).132 While it is tempting
history – oral, written and rewritten – to credit Muhammad and his
provides insights into the changing Companions with the accomplishments
politico-religious discourse of the of their Successors, it would be a
Muslim umma. Islamic history mistake to minimize the vital role that
represented an outgrowth of this hadith reports played in the invention
politico-religious discourse, and and articulation of an Islamic identity
and communal creed. Hadith reports,
prior to their crystallization into an
practices of the state into harmony with the
Qur’an, thereby creating Islamic Law. Although idealized past, provided the flexible
Islamic law was originally formulated according structure of an imperial ideology, which
to judicial precedent and scholarly consensus and evolved according to the changing
individual reasoning, traditionists claimed that construct of communal authority.
hadith reports held authority in establishing legal
precedents. By the advent of the Abbasid period,
132
traditionists claimed that hadith reports were the Patricia Crone, Meccan Trade and
proper medium for interpreting the Qur’an and the Rise of Islam (Princeton: Princeton
determining legal decisions. University Press, 1987), 247-49.
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