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Maratha History: A Quest for Regional Identity

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“Maratha History: A Quest for Regional Identity”

Professor (Dr.) Umesh Ashokrao Kadam,

Up to recent times lot of research regarding 18th century India

has been carried by various scholars. The „Eighteenth Century In Indian History‟ ed. by
P.J.Marshall discusses it in terms of „Evolution or Revolution‟ while that of Seema Alavi
discusses it in terms of „Continuity or Change‟ As regards to the Marathas of the 18 th century
many European scholars as well as Indian scholars are of the view that the Marathas were an
out come of the Muslim rule and its disintegration. Scholars such as….
1. Andre Wink – „Maratha Kingdom is an extension of Islamic state formation‟
2. Stewart Gordon – sets his narrative within the paradigm of a materially based state
formation without concern to its ideological and affective components and context.
3. Aligarh School historians – see the Maratha State to be a continuation of Post-Mughal
states.
4. C.A.Bayly - states it as „not merely state formation, but a creation of a patria‟.
While many other scholars still strive to reject these notions
and try to establish the „History of the Marathas‟ to be the „History of the Eighteenth
Century‟. The Maratha historiography has grown in leaps and bounds since its
commencement. It has identified many sources useful for the writing of history of the
Marathas. Its basic contribution to history is the addition of data. Most of the historian
concerned with the history of the Marathas till recent times have concentrated to themselves
to construct the political history of the Marathas, the other facets of the history of the

Marathas still remains to be explored baring some exceptions like the works of Professor
A.R.Kulkarni, who very meticulously has brought out the Socio-economic and cultural
history of the Marathas. The Maratha historiography has given more importance to the
writing of „Elitist History‟ and has avoided writing the history of the „hoi polloi‟ and the
marginalized groups, their society and culture. Some historians of Maratha history do not
accept Maratha history to be Regional History of a certain region as they view it in a larger
context of a nation. But still there is space and a lot of room to identify the regional identities
which have basically formed to be the ingredients and components of the Marathi speaking

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masses. These marginalized groups with in the frame of the „Marathi Culture‟ which have
been segregated up till now have to be incorporated into the fabric of Maratha History. It is
also very important to understand, redefine and interpret the term „Maratha‟ as a culture of
the masses before we try to justify „History of the Marathas‟ to be the „History of the
Eighteenth Century‟. This can be possible if the history of the Marathas is put into a proper
theoretical framework. Regional identification can be one such proposed hypothesis.
Regions and Regional Identities have recently received great
attention. Modern Indian Historiography, if not mistaken is mostly the burlesque of western
ideas. To some scholars the idea of the „region‟ is one conceived in opposition to the „nation‟
but to understand regional communities and their relationships, one has to research regional
histories. Most of the scholarly works brought out on Indian Nationalism are theoretically
based on regional identities.1 Regional histories make us to understand the transformations
brought in by the colonial rule, it helps us to explore regional cultural expressions at both
levels, discourse and politics.
Regional historiography in India has been motivated by the
nationalist school and its writings. In many parts of India regional history is being taught as
an important segment of the history syllabus. History as a subject cannot be isolated from

other disciplines. History now-a-days is becoming more of an interdisciplinary subject.

Moreover history has to be studied and well researched in time and space context.
Chronology and Geography are considered to be the two eyes of history. While performing
preliminary operations on a particular topic, the historian has to give proper concern to the
geographical setting of the region.
A lot of ground work towards the development of Regional
history has even been done by the Annals School. This school first made its appearance in
1929. Annalism has since, played a decisive role in dictating the agenda of 20th century
history writing. Neopositivist like Lucien Febrve and Marc Bloch are known to be the
founders of this school. Febrve, Bloch and Braudel have contributed a lot towards the
development of this school. Due to their efforts other leading historians like Francois Furet,
Emmaneul le Roy Ladurie and Jaques Rene have made major contributions. They have
constructed history mainly upon the four main pillars – geography, demography, sociology
and economics. Febrve and Bloch drew primarily upon sociology, economic history,
literature and psychology. While Braudlien‟s tapped into another rich French historical
tradition – geography. Braudel says – “that mountains, as much as money, maketh Man”.2

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The oxford dictionary defines region as a continuous part of a
surface, space, or body; administrative division of a country. „History‟ means investigation. If
we combine these two words to understand as one „Concept‟, then the meaning changes
altogether. Regional history can mean investigation of a region or investigation of the
administrative division of a country. If such a meaning of regional history is formulated then
it will limit the scope of research. Both history as well as region does constitute many factors
to form their own identity. This means region not only constitutes the geography, natural
elements and the demography, but also constitutes the society, its relations with the

environment. The interaction thus forms socio-economic and political identities. These
identities are broadly named as „Cultural units‟.
Culture is a very ambiguous concept. Some anthropologists
consider culture to be social behavior. For others, it is not behavior at all, but an abstraction
from behavior. To some, stone axes and pottery, dance and music, fashion and style
constitute culture, while no material object can be culture to others, for some it only exists in
the mind. One of the oldest definitions of culture was given by the British anthropologist, Sir
E.B.Tylor (1832-1917) in the opening lines of his book, Primitive Cultures, (1871). He says –
“Culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs,
and other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society”.3 Margaret Mead,
(1901-1978) defines – “Culture is the learned behavior of a society or a subgroup”.4
Raymond Williams, (1921-1988) one of the founders of cultural studies defines – “Culture
includes the organization of production, the structure of the family, the structure of
institutions which express or govern social relationships, the characteristic forms through
which members of the society communicate”.5 Clifford Geertz, (b.1926), Professor of social
Science at Princeton University defines – “Culture is simply the ensemble of stories well tell
ourselves about ourselves”.6 On the basis of these definitions, Culture seems to be (almost)
everything and cultural studies the study of (almost) everything.
The world has witnessed from times inmemorable, the
existence of such cultural units, there interaction with one another and also the quest for
keeping up there identities and tried to surmount all the challenges for existence. Regional
history is thus, an important instrument by which it will always be possible for us to measure
the progress made by mankind. Regional history is becoming more and more popular, for it
has inherit potential of taping varied kinds of sources for studying the various aspects of

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history. Due to this it merits the attention not only of the specialists in the region but also of
historians working on other aspects of Indian history.
The scope of regional history is too vast; it cannot be studied at
a single instance. This paper limits itself towards understanding the development of regional
history in India in general and of Maharashtra in particular. When one works on the history of
a region the substance of problems he/she faces do remain the same in most of the case
studies i.e. when a researcher is formulating the hypotheses. The hypotheses do helps the
scholar towards having a clear understanding of the region and its history.
Indian history has been studied by various schools viz. Anglican,
Nationalist, Economist, Marxist, Subaltern and Professional etc. These various schools of
history have brought out different dimensions of understanding Indian history; more over
their largest contribution is the mass of the sources they have been able to tap. All these
schools in their conventional form of presenting history have brought out varied and very
important information of the various regions in India. The painstaking efforts of these schools
have produced political, economical, social, and cultural and many more dimensions of the
regional aspect. In other sense these schools have contributed indirectly to the development
of regional histories and their importance in India. So to have a proper understanding of the
development of regional history it must also be studied with reference to the various schools
of history in India.
The interests which grew towards Indian history especially regional
history has motivated to some extent by a search for new source materials. This search has
resulted in an abundance of sources archaeological, epigraphical, historical literature,
religious literature, archival records and family paper all of which have added to the body of
information available on the history of many regions of the sub-continent. It is however at the

interpretational level that the interest in regional history assumes greater historiographic
potential, a potential with which we are perhaps as yet not altogether fully familiar.
The historical interest in regions such as South-India, Bengal and
Maharashtra coincided with the new sources providing information particularly on what came
to be regarded as the inter-empire periods of Indian history or alternatively complementing
the information available from the records outside the region. It began to be seen that the

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th
supposed „Dark Ages‟ stressed by the historiography of the 19 century were far from dark
and that the lacunae could be eliminated by using local source material. It is in these inter-
imperial periods that the nature of historical change at the regional level can be seen more
clearly.
Regional history has thus become a corrective to the earlier tendency
to generalize about the sub-continent from the perspective of the Ganges Valley. Due to the
spread of nationalism in various states it increased the interest in regional history. This
interest has brought its own perspective of the emergence of professional groups who
participated in the national movement and at the same time sought for an identity from the
past. This process has since continued into the post-independence period. It can be argued
that historical writing often takes the form of a desire to establish an identity on the part of
the social group to which the historian belongs.
Historical invocations of a range of figures and themes relating
to Maratha rule are not only a feature of post-colonial Maharashtra; they have deeply
informed cultural practice and political rhetoric in the region for over a hundred years.
The important question is why was Maratha History introduced
in the late 19th century? It is important to remember that „Maratha History‟ itself was
constituted as discursive field in the late 19th century in the context of, and in response to, an
emerging colonial modernity.

Y.D.Phadke in his book Visavya Shatakatila Maharashtra

(Maharashtra in the 20th century) writes: “Maharashtrians are crazy about history, but only
the period from the birth of Shivaji to the fall of the Peshwai” he has concluded that the
ordinary Marathi speaker, although physically resident of the 20th century, mentally inhabits
in this „medieval‟ period with considerable enjoyment.7
The practice of engaging with the past has not been foreign to
the Marathas. The practice of history in the form of biography, genealogy and heroic
commemoration, was an important instrument of expressing power and allegiance in the 17th
and 18th century Maharashtra firmament. Prose chronicles (bakhars) and oral ballads
(powadas and lavanis) extolled a complex of qualities, ideals and values that contributed
contested visions of warrior peasant Maratha identities.8
The histories related to the Maratha State in general and relating to the
various elite factions of the Maratha State have projected the form of legitimization of
hegemonic status of the Chhtrapatis, Peshwas, Karbharis and the aristocracies such as

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Shinde‟s, Holkar‟s, Gaikwad‟s, Patwardhan‟s, Nagpurkar Bhosale‟s etc respectively.
Groups in power, therefore, sometimes tend to see the history of the region or even of the
nation. For e.g. the history of the Gaikwad‟s of Gujarat, Shinde‟s of Gwailor, Holkar‟s of
Indore, Peshwa‟s at Pune and Bhosale‟s of Nagpur are studied as regional histories at micro
level in particular in the sense of cultural units representing certain peculiar culture of the
region. On the other hand all these histories are termed to be a single history of the Marathas
in the context of „Maharashtra Dharma‟, which represents the regional identity of all Marathi
speaking people mostly having many common cultural customs practiced all over
Maharashtra.
To some scholars of Maratha history the history of Marathas is not
only restricted to be the history of a certain cultural group or a certain linguistic group or a

certain aristocratic group of the region. They also do not restrict it to be the history of the
Deccan; instead they say that the 18th century history of India is mostly dominated by the
Marathas. Hence the 18th century history of India is nothing but the history of Marathas. Thus
considering Maratha history to be a „National History‟, in a macro sense.
Groups in power, therefore, sometimes tend to see the history of their
community as the history of the region or even of the nation. This is further emphasized in
contemporary historical writing by the equating of the present day state boundary as the
boundary of the region and this is held to be viable for all periods of history. A lot of
attention has to be given to the three trends cited by Professor Romila Thapar in her address
to the Punjab History Conference, at Patiala in 1976. Professor Romila Thapar in her address
on „The Scope and Significance of Regional History‟ has used Punjab as a case study for
understanding and constructing a regional history. She has drawn attention to three trends.
Firstly, acceptance of the conventional periodization of Ancient, Medieval and Modern.
Periodization does merely imply time-brackets; it also involves historical assumptions. The
acceptance of this periodization imposes assumptions on the historical data from regional
sources. Periodization must not be used as a convenience to suit the purpose nor should it be
allowed to become an intellectual truth. Secondly, theories in vogue believed to be almost
axiomatic must not be endorsed for understanding regional history. Thirdly, inevitable search
for a golden age traced by a dominant group which is described in glowing tints of cultural
resurgence.9
Regional history if applied to Indian history can play a catalytic role. It
must not be subjected to mere generalizations of Indian ideology. On the contrary analysis of

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the historical patterns of the region must be studied. When a researcher begins with a region
having a history he tries to analyze the roots i.e. administrative or political urges or a
combination of many factors. While analyzing it is equally imperative to consider which

preceded it and which came subsequently. The next important problem the researcher faces in
fixing the geographical boundaries of the region. This fixing of boundaries is a complex task
in itself, for man made boundaries change frequently and rapidly with political change. The
only stable boundaries are geographical and even these are liable to be substantially modified
by ecological changes. The definition of a region requires the correlation of many facets in
the study of historical evolution.
The important question is Do the Marathas constitute a defined
identity with a corresponding territoriality within the larger discourse of nation and
civilization? This can be demonstrated in the case of the Medieval Maratha country. Maratha
country broadly is a part of the „Deccan‟. Like wise demarcation of the region can be traced
from the development of the „Bhakti movement‟ from Dyaneshwar to Tukaram on the basis
of linguistic interaction and socio-religious, cultural patterns. It can also be defined as a
geographical region comprising of three units viz – „Konkan‟ (sea-shore, ports and its
hinterlands), „Ghat-matha‟ (mountain region above sea level) and „Desh‟ (plains). On
administrative level the regional history can be formed in two units – Firstly, „Swaraj‟ i.e. the
Maratha country and secondly, land (region) outside „Swaraj‟. The Marathas used to collect
„Sardeshmukhi‟ (1/10 of land revenue in Swaraj) while Chauth (1/4 of total revenue) was
collected from the adjoining or outside Swaraj. The research for identifying regional
identities can be further elaborated with the re-framing of Maratha history, like Anglican
School and Regional History, Nationalist School and Regional History, Role of Language in
writing Regional History and Maharashtra Dharma and its application to write Regional
History.

Anglican School and Regional History:

The end of the Maratha rule in 1818 did bring to a certain
extent, the practice of engagement with the past. The British officials came to look on
Marathi chronicles as entertaining at best and farcical at worst; the political subjugation of the

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Marathas was followed by full scale English narratives that sought to understand and
“know” western India through the lens of “histories of the Marathas.”
„The History of the Marattas‟ of Grant Duff, first published in
1826 was one such narrative that was not challenged for nearly a century. Grant Duff‟s,
„History of the Marattas‟ not only symbolized the English triumph over the Marathas but also
depicted Maratha polity and society and was seen to be the final word on the subject. Grant
Duff‟s work is the first complete text on the political and social upheaval in the Deccan of the
preceding centuries into an academic narrative. He made his central focus the category
“Marattas”, who had a vague and uncertain beginning in the remote ancient period, were
conquered by the Muslims from the north by 1000 A.D., and who rose in sudden revolt under
Shivaji in the 17th century, only to be eventually subdued by the British power. His narrative
drew generalizations on this category, wove all his characters as being either within it or
without and all the events of western Indian politics and society that he described, dovetailed
into a history of this overarching category. Also despite its extensive use of Persian and
Marathi chronicles and documents, Duff‟s work laid claim to being the first modern, rational
history of the Marathas, His ordering and tidying up of the pre-colonial Marathi historical
materials exemplified the argument in the colonial discourses on the apparent lack of a
reliable historical method and consciousness in the Indian intellectual past.10

Nationalist School and Regional History:

Due to the introduction of western education, there came a
change in the perception of production of history in Maharashtrian society. On one hand an
interest grew in regional consciousness through writing of history and on the other
Nationalist histories on the Marathas was written to challenge the Anglican view of Grant
Duff. Trying to trace the development of regional consciousness and its writing through
history becomes a complex task when linked with development of western education,
modernity and nationalist history. The question which arises here is, whether the reaction to
the Anglican Historical writing created proper historical awareness in the people who now
challenged their works and that too with western education? Rather the outcome of the
process was not an objective understanding of the regional history, but using the popularity of
the regional history subjectively on a large scale primarily to fight colonization of the British.

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The western education gives importance to history as a
positivist science which depends on facts, sources and evidence. This was particularly
neglected in the next phase of writing regional history of the Marathas which came out with a
Nationalistic approach. The modernization of the Marathi language, emergence of new
classes and political communities and their aspirations too has altered the writing of regional
history in Maharashtra.
The colonial education system to a large extent altered the
importance and reach of history. History became a powerful instrument of emphasizing
western superiority and triumph over the orient and an integral part of colonial discourse on
Indian society, but also became a means of refuting this discourse and expressing collective
identities of different kinds.11
History now was not only restricted only to the scribes but due
to the introduction of civil services by the colonial administration many more aspiring a job

underwent the process of learning history. Although history which was taught in the
government colleges and schools was entirely European in material and method, it laid great
emphasis on chronology and political history. History of India was taught in every school and
college but it was only in 1870 that Maratha History was introduced into college curricula, as
an optional subject for the B.A. level.12
The first generation of English educated Marathi intellectuals,
accordingly, comprehended history as a subject essential to the advancement of mankind,
along with other “sciences” such as logic, mathematics, grammar and ethics and part of a
wider genre of “useful subjects”13 Some early writings such as those by „Lokahitawadi‟ and
of M.G.Ranade soon took on some patriotic stirring but these were still a far cry from the
later identification of history as a useful plank against colonial rule and for generating
nationalist pride.14
The scholars from the Marathi middle class who rose to
prominence during this time took deep interest in the field of Indology; this was due to their
knowledge of Sanskrit. The colonial government and its administrators who were greatly
interested in the fields of Sanskrit literature and comparative philology patronaged these
scholars. All these scholars were Brahmans, but were not traditional Shastris; they were
Western educated men well versed in the rationalist-scientific tradition. Sir Ramkrishna
Gopal Bhandarkar in attempting to establish civilization parity between the West and India,
with the help of his scientific research and comparative philology tried to emphasize

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15
linguistic connections between classical languages like Greek and Sanskrit. The study
drifted him away from the research in history and he mainly worked on literature and
religion. Indological research explored the Sanskrit corpus through the framework of
„literature‟ and „religion‟ rather than history.

The Social Reformer, low caste thinker and activist Mahatma

Jyotirao Phule also presented his views of history and has written at length on different
aspects of Indian history. While turning the tables on the Brahmins on their classical
classification of ancient Indian history of affirmation of Brahman leadership over Hindu
society, the Brahmans being seen as the creators and inheritors of this „Aryan‟ heritage, he
wrote in his celebrated book „Gulamgiri‟ (Slavery): “Recent researches have demonstrated
beyond a shadow of doubt that the Brahmans were not the aborigines of India. At some
remote period in antiquity probably more than 3000 years ago, the Aryan progenitors of the
present Brahmin Race descended upon the plain of Hindoostan from regions lying beyond the
Indus… The affinity existing between the Zend, the Persian and the Sanskrit languages,
unmistakably points to a common source or origin… the proverbial wealth of (India)…
which has more recently tempted the cupidity of the Western nations, no doubt attracted the
Aryans who came … as conquerors… The aborigines whom the Aryans subjugated … appear
to have been a hardy and brave people from the determined front which they offered to these
interlopers.15
He was among the pioneers who recognized the emotive power
of the legend of Shivaji and its potential, with all the ingredients of heroism and
determination, for a politics of resistance. He depicted, Shivaji as „Kulvadi Bhushan‟ the
leader and pride of the toiling peasants and of the aboriginal masses, in his ballad on Shivaji
in 1869. His interpretation of Shivaji gives a different version of understanding Maratha
history, especially in terms of Regional history. He wrote: “Shivaji protected the Maratha
lands from the Yavanas (foreigners), who managed to conquer it due to Brahmin misrule and
mismanagement.16

Role of Language in writing Regional History:

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Under the colonial rule, the English no doubt played an
important role for the regional administration. But in Maharashtra the vernacular Marathi
which by the time had been suitably modernized, played a greater role in generating public
opinion or political debate with the use and application of history. As it was a language of the
common people the literature produced in vernacular had mass applause. It was the role
played by the vernaculars between 12th to 18th century of fusing and amalgamating regions
and communities. The Maharastrian devotional saints forged a flexible, popular language,
Marathi, from regional vernacular languages (prakrits).17

“Maharashtra Dharma” It’s application to write Regional History:

In broad sense Maharashtra Dharma is seen to be a deep rooted
movement of the Marathi speaking folk, since the 13th to 17th century. Many scholars of great
repute have traced the definition, development and achievements of the Maharashtra Dharma.
The question of Maharashtra Dharma still is a very sentimental and emotional affair. The
connection between Bhakti and Maratha nationalism has brought out the concept of
Maharashtra Dharma. During the Maratha rule, Maharashtra Dharma was often used as the
„Maratha way‟ of living and doing things. The couplet…
“Maratha tituka melavava, Maharashtra Dharma vadhavava” (Bring all the Marathas together
and spread the Maharashtra Dharma) itself demonstrates the importance of regional identity
among the Marathas.
It must be re-emphasized that the „Bhakti‟ movement provided
a social energy and brought in a new social integration. It was only due the influence of the
movement that a social transformation emerged in the Maratha society and the idea of

„Swarajya‟ of Chhatrapati Shivaji of self rule could be achieved in the later 17 th and
throughout the 18th century.
Regional history has to be understood with high level of objectivity.
The element of subjectivity can reduce regional history to be a hypocritical affair. Regional
history must be researched in proper context to the existing cultural patterns, also great care
must be taken while comparing regions and formulating their analysis. Comparative studies
would suggest the similarities within the two regions, thereby enabling a wider
generalization. Dissimilarities would indicate the particular regional factors and would lead to
the modification of the broader generalization.

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Regional histories are histories of great significant value. It is
essentially due to them new sources are added to the existent ones. Regional history sheds
new light on the unknown sections of the society and there culture, there by enriching our
knowledge of the subaltern aspects of our society‟s. It strengthens the bonds between varied
regions, by doing comparative and statistical analysis. Moreover it also helps in
understanding the modes of administration and urbanization. Hence the scope and
significance of Regional history is ever extending and broadening the horizons of historical
knowledge.

FOOTNOTES & REFRENCES

1. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative

Discourse? , Delhi, 1986.
2. Historians and Historiography, pp.36-37.
3. Zainuddin Sardar and Borin Van Loon, Introducing Cultural Studies, Totem Books,
United States, 1998, page.4.
4. Ibid., page.4-5.
5. Ibid., page.5.
6. Ibid., page.5.
7. Y.D.Phadke, Visavya Shatakatila Maharashtra (Maharashtra in the Twentieth
Century), 5Volumes, Vol.1, Saswad, Pune, 1989, page.v.
8. Prachi Deshpande, “Narratives of Pride: History and Regional Identity in
Maharashtra, c.1870-1960”, Tufts University, 2002, pp.15-55.
9. Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History Some Interpretations, Orient Longman,
New Delhi, 1979, pp.316-330.

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10. James Grant Duff, History of the Mahrattas, 3 Volumes., Indian Reprint Edition,
Bombay, 1863.
11. Sumit Sarkar, “The Many Worlds of Indian History”, Writing Social History, Delhi,
1997, page.13.
12. “Syllabus of Studies for the School Department”, R.V.Parulekar and C.L.Bakshi eds.
Selections from the Records of the Government of Bombay, 2 Volumes., Vol.1,
Bombay, 1953, pp.176-177.

13. G.G.Jambhekar, Memoires and Writings of Acharya Bal Gangadhar Shahtri

Jambhekar, 1812-1846: Pioneer of the Renaissance in Western India and Father of
Modern Maharashtra, 4 Volumes, Vol.2, Poona, 1950, page.192.
14. S.R.Tikekar, Lokahitavadinchi Shatapatre (The Hundred Letters of Lokahitawadi),
Aundh, 1940.
15. Y.D.Phadke, ed. Mahatma Phule Samagra Vanmaya (Collected Works of Mahatma
Phule), Revised 5th ed., Mumbai, 1991, pp.117-118.
16. Ibid., page.42.
17. G.S.Sardesai, New History of theMarathas, I, pp.20-22.

Professor Umesh Ashok Kadam Page 13

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