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PLURILINGUALISM IN TEACHING
AND LEARNING
Assembling a rich and diverse range of research studies on the role of pluri-
lingualism across a wide variety of teaching and learning settings, this book supports
teacher reflection and action in practical ways and illustrates how researchers tease
out and analyze the complex realities of their educational environments. With a
focus on education policies, teaching practices, training, and resourcing, this
volume addresses a range of mainstream and specialized contexts and examines
the position of learners and teachers as users of plurilingual repertoires. Providing
a close look into the possibilities and constraints of plurilingual education, this
book helps researchers and educators clarify and strengthen their understandings
of the links between language and literacy and offers them new ways to think
more rigorously and critically about the language ideologies that shape their own
beliefs and approaches in language teaching and learning.
1 Introduction 1
Sue Ollerhead, Julie Choi, and Mei French
The past two decades have witnessed a plurilingual and dynamic turn in applied
linguistics. This turn is gaining increasing momentum as poststructuralism is given
a new twist by new materiality ontologies and assemblage theory (Clark, 1997;
Cowley, 2006; de Landa, 2006; Thibault, 1997) culminating in the recent
Distributed Language View (DLV) (Thibault, 2011) and post-humanist applied
linguistics, shifting the researcher’s focus from the speech/language of the
individual and the community to distributed and spatial repertoires (Canagarajah,
2017; Makoni & Pennycook, 2007; Otsuji & Pennycook, 2010; Pennycook,
2016). The DLV emphasises distributed, dynamic repertoires (including both
human bodies and non-human objects and artifacts) and disrupts the monolithic
view of language as stable, bounded codes (e.g. named languages). Plurilingualism
and translanguaging (García & Li, 2014) thus have the potential to disrupt the
hierarchy of named languages. However, the notion of plurilingualism is often
also exploited by neoliberalist discourses to uncritically celebrate and promote a
kind of elite/non-egalitarian multi/plurilingualism dominated by English or other
sociopolitically/socioeconomically powerful languages (Kubota, 2014; Lin, 2015).
Neoliberalist discourses now demand that the elites of the world will also
need English in order to participate in a globalised, neoliberalist economy. Multi/
plurilingualism then often becomes understood as another language or lang-
uages plus English—i.e., an ‘English plus’ multi/plurilingualism (García & Lin,
forthcoming). As the editors of this volume point out, educational policy still
privileges ‘elite’ foreign language learning over maintenance and development of
home languages and literacies (Choi and Ollerhead, this volume). Kubota (2014)
also makes a strong critique of the trans-, multi-, pluri-, super-diversity discourses
pointing out that these theoretical discourses often have little to offer when it
x Foreword
Genre theory without creativity runs the risk of reifying existing genres;
deconstruction without reconstruction or design reduces human agency;
diversity without access ghettoises students. Domination without difference
and diversity loses the ruptures that produce contestations and change. . . .
We need to find ways of holding all of these elements in productive tension
to achieve what is a shared goal of all critical literacy work: equity and
social justice. We need to weave them together in complex moves from
deconstruction to reconstruction to deconstruction, from access to
deconstruction to redesign, from diversity to deconstruction to new forms
of access. These different moves need to control and balance one another.
( Janks, 2010, p. 27; italics added)
What I’d like to highlight is Janks’ use of ‘productive tension’. The plurilingual,
dynamic turn has highlighted tension as an inescapable condition of our existence
now. We need to provide students with access to the powerful dominant ‘named
languages’ or genres/conventions through plurilingual pedagogies (Lin, 2013;
Lin & Lo, 2017; Lin & He, 2017) and yet we also need to raise students’ critical
awareness of the domination of these (institutionally stabilised) conventions,
registers and named languages while encouraging and validating students’ diverse,
creative translanguaging acts in the direction of expanding their distributed,
emplaced repertoires (Turner & Lin, forthcoming). It is a difficult yet interesting
time because there is no easy stipulation of pedagogies but only a constant, reflexive
Foreword xi
Angel M. Y. Lin
The University of Hong Kong
References
Bailey, B. (2012). Heteroglossia. In M. Martin-Jones, A. Blackledge, & A. Creese (Eds.),
The Routledge handbook of multilingualism (pp. 499–507). London, UK: Routledge.
Canagarajah, S. A. (2017). The smartest person in the room is the room: Emplacement as language
competence. Keynote speech delivered in the Annual Conference of the American Associ-
ation for Applied Linguistics (AAAL), 18–21 March 2017, Portland, OR.
Clark, A. (1997). Being there: Putting brain, body, and world together again. Cambridge, MA:
MIT Press.
Cowley, S. J. (2006). Language and biosemiosis: A necessary unity? Semiotica, 162 (1/4),
417–444.
De Landa, M. (2006). A new philosophy of society: Assemblage theory and social complexity.
London, UK: Continum.
García, O., & Li, W. (2014). Translanguaging: Language, bilingualism and education.
Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave.
García, O., & Lin, A. M. Y. (forthcoming). English and multilingualism: A contested history.
To appear in P. Seargeant (Ed.), Routledge handbook of English language studies. London,
UK: Routledge.
Janks, H. (2004). The access paradox. English in Australia, 139(1), 33–42.
Janks, H. (2010). Literacy and power. New York: Routledge.
Kubota, R. (2014). The multi/plural turn, postcolonial theory, and neoliberal multi-
culturalism: Complicities and implications for applied linguistics. Applied Linguistics, 37(4),
474–494.
Lin, A. M. Y. (2013). Towards paradigmatic change in TESOL methodologies: Building
plurilingual pedagogies from the ground up. TESOL Quarterly, 47(3), 521–545.
Lin, A. M. Y. (2015). Egalitarian bi/multilingualism and trans-semiotizing in a global world.
In W. E. Wright, S. Boun, & O. García (Eds.), The handbook of bilingual and multilingual
education (pp. 19–37). Chichester, UK: Wiley Blackwell.
Lin, A. M. Y., & He, P. (2017). Translanguaging as dynamic activity flows in CLIL
Classrooms. Journal of Language, Identity and Education, 16(4), 228–244.
Lin, A. M. Y., & Lo, Y. Y. (2017) Trans/languaging and the triadic dialogue in Content
and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) Classrooms. Language and Education, 31(1):
26–45.
Makoni, S. and Pennycook, A. (2007). Disinventing and Reconstituting Languages. Clevedon,
UK: Multilingual Matters.
Otsuji, E. and Pennycook, A. (2010). Metrolingualism: Fixity, fluidity and language in flux.
International Journal of Multilingualism, 7(3), 240–254.
Pennycook, A. (2016). Posthumanist applied linguistics. Applied Linguistics, amw016.
Thibault, P. J. (1997). Re-reading Saussure: The dynamics of signs in social life. London, UK:
Routledge.
xii Foreword
The past three decades have seen monumental political and economic changes
taking place around the world, resulting in a marked increase in cross cultural
contact. Rapid increases in mobility and migration have given rise to a proliferation
of terminologies to capture the cultural and linguistic integration that has ensued
across communities on a large scale, including terms such as translanguaging
(García, 2009), code-meshing (Canagarajah, 2006) polylingualism ( Jørgensen,
2008), third spaces (Gutierrez, 2008) and metrolingualism (Otsuji & Pennycook,
2010). This profusion of terms calls for a reconceptualisation of language as system
to one of language as an inherently social practice, in which grammars are
emergent, performative, mixed and distinctly multimodal (Pennycook, 2012).
The term “plurilingualism” emerged from the Common European Framework
of Reference for Language Learning and Teaching (Council of Europe, 2001),
which characterised plurilingual competence as the ability to use several different
languages for communication. Within this view, people are seen as social actors
who have varying degrees of proficiency across a number of languages. These
competencies do not sit discretely alongside each other. Instead, together they
form a “composite” repertoire of competencies (Coste, Moore & Zarate, 2009,
p. 10) that people can draw upon during communication. Plurilingualism has
thus come to be seen by most language educators, policy makers, curriculum
designers and learners as an essential feature of communities and classrooms.
Plurilingualism in Teaching and Learning: Complexities across Contexts assembles
a rich and diverse range of research studies on the role of plurilingualism across a
wide variety of teaching and learning settings. It addresses a range of mainstream
and specialised contexts, examining the position of learners and teachers as users
of plurilingual repertoires, and the opportunities and challenges posed by the
different policies, teaching practices, training and resourcing in these environments.
xiv Preface
the book provides an invaluable contribution to the study of cultural and linguistic
diversity in teaching and learning contexts around the globe, providing situated
accounts of linguistic, social, political and pedagogical practice.
References
Canagarajah, S. (2006). Towards a writing pedagogy of shuttling between languages:
Learning from multilingual writers. College English, 68, 589–604.
Coste, D., Moore, D., & Zarate, G. (2009). Plurilingual and pluricultural competence.
Strasbourg, France: Council of Europe. Retrieved from www.coe.int/t/dg4/linguistic/
publications_en.asp?toprint=yes&-40
Council of Europe. (2001).Common European Framework of Reference for Languages: Learning,
teaching, assessment. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
García, O. (2009). Bilingual education in the 21st century: A global perspective. Malden, MA:
Blackwell.
Guiterrez, K. (2008). Developing a sociocritical literacy in the third space. Reading Research
Quarterly, 43, 148–164.
Jørgensen, J. N. (2008). Polylingual languaging around and among children and adolescents.
International Journal of Multilingualism, 5(3), 161–176.
Kumaravadivelu, B. (2001). Toward a post-method pedagogy. TESOL Quarterly, 35,
537–560.
Otsuji, E., & Pennycook, A. (2010). Metrolingualism: Fixity, fluidity and language in flux,
International Journal of Multilingualism, 7(3), 240–54.
Pennycook, A. (2012). Language and Mobility: Unexpected Places. Bristol, UK: Multilingual
Matters.
1
INTRODUCTION
Sue Ollerhead, Julie Choi, and Mei French
into effective multilingual literacy practices include building upon students’ funds
of knowledge (Gonzalez, Moll, & Amanti, 2005), and the use of collective
pedagogical inquiry frameworks that use teachers/school based researchers and
university-based educators/researchers to work together to observe and document
pedagogical strategies being made in particular contexts. The case studies serve
to document the feasibility of using specific multilingual pedagogical strategies
that use students’ home languages as valuable resources for learning and teaching.
Theoretical Lenses
A number of theoretical lenses inform research into multilingual literacy practices.
The concept of multiliteracies, introduced by the New London Group in 1996
and developed by numerous researchers such as Cope and Kalantzis (2000;
2009), Hull and Schultz (2001), and Pahl and Rowsell (2005), emphasises multi-
modality as a discerning feature, focusing on the multiple semiotic resources avail-
able to students involved in meaning making, including audio, visual, linguistic,
spatial and performative. This allows students to extend and adapt their literacy
learning by responding to cultural and linguistic diversity and promoting the use
of home languages within the classroom.
Another useful framework is that of post-structural theories of identity and
the concepts of identity positioning (Toohey, 2000) and identity investment
(Norton, 2000). McKinney and Norton (2008) propose that “foregrounding
identity and the issues that this raises are central in responding critically to diver-
sity in language and education” (McKinney & Norton, 2008, p.195). Drawing
on the notion of identities as temporal, fluctuating, shaped by social context
and coming about as a result of membership of specific communities, teaching
strategies that harness students’ funds of knowledge and draw upon their linguistic
and social capital help students to develop a positive learning identity.
Complementing these theoretical frameworks are pedagogies such as the
Literacy Engagement Framework (Cummins & Early, 2011), which emphasises
engagement in literacy tasks as a necessary condition for literacy achievement.
Reinforcing and affirming students’ identity positions is crucial in this regard.
Thus, activities such as identity texts, which include elements of creativity and
cultural expression through multiple modes (e.g. art, drama, animation) allow
students to articulate, shape and account for their identities in front of various
audiences and engage in feedback and dialog which allows for intercultural sharing.
According to Ntelioglou, Fannin, Montanera, and Cummins (2014), classrooms
that facilitate students’ use of multiple languages through multimodal texts allow
students to select their own multiple linguistic repertories. In other words, they
are able to make meaning through their own choice of medium. Such an ap-
proach, or “stance”, cultivates learner autonomy, identity investment and literacy
engagement (p. 12). When teachers open up instructional spaces for multilingual
and multimodal forms of pedagogy, languages other than English are legitimised
Introduction 5
barriers to learning. “It takes one barrier away and it makes them, gives them
one less thing to worry about.” Gerta, a teacher of Italian language, humanities
and English, valued her students’ plurilingual repertoires for learning: “Well really,
we should be encouraging students to learn the best way that they can learn.
So if that is the multilingual way, then that’s what we should be encouraging.”
However, the counterpoint to this positive disposition was the lack of knowledge
of how to support plurilingual repertoires in the classroom, also articulated by
Gerta. “I think languages are so valuable but we don’t, we don’t use them as
much as we should, so I don’t know what the role should be.” Comments such
as these point us to the fact that, although teachers may take on a plurilingual
stance, the curriculum they must work within, or the dominant practices of the
institution, may not be set up to encourage or support such a stance.
At the same time as they espoused the value of students’ plurilingual resources,
teachers rued their inability to enact strategies to engage students’ linguistic
resources in the classroom. Mary showed a keen awareness of opportunities for
students to draw on multilingual resources in her classroom, although she
recognised implementing these strategies was not always as straightforward for
other teachers as for herself. “Because I think a lot would just think it’s too hard
or I don’t know how . . . I don’t even know how, it’s just trying to give that
opportunity”. With plurilingual teaching strategies outside of the expertise and
experience of these teachers, some placed responsibility back onto the students.
The difficulty for John, a physics and maths teacher and a speaker of Russian as
his first language, was that he would not be able to assist his students if they chose
to do this:
I don’t mind if one girl talks to another using a different language to help
her understand. It’s fine. It’s perfectly fine and fine, but my problem is that
it’s like beyond my control. I cannot interfere or cannot influence this
process. I don’t mind if they do it, I am more than happy to accept this
process. I don’t say like, ‘don’t do it,’ now, they can do this, fine. Well if
they for example in addition to English physics book, they also read the
same physics in Japanese to understand ideas better, then more than
welcome. Problem is that I cannot do it myself.
In situations such as these, we might begin to think about the changing roles
of teachers when students can draw on multiple resources to find the information
they need. What is the job of the teacher in providing such resources, and how
can the teacher assess the contribution of these resources to students’ learning?
The questions of researchers in this field must mirror those of teachers. What
is the role of students’ home languages in the classroom? How can teachers engage
these plurilingual resources? It is clear there is a place for more teacher education,
knowledge, and support in helping teachers to think through what it means to
take up certain positions in pedagogical terms (see also Ellis, 2013 on the need
8 Sue Ollerhead, Julie Choi, and Mei French
or is it still more equitable for individual teachers to adopt such a stance even
without full understanding of their linguistic setting?
As a language teacher educator, over the years I ( Julie) have collected students’
comments voiced in class while I observe my teachers in their teaching practicums.
Adult learners have expressed that they appreciate teachers who allow them to
use all of the resources they have available to them but, outside of their safe class-
rooms, they realise their resources are either not appreciated, accepted or not
helping them to achieve their goals in crucial moments such as finding jobs. Inter-
national students recognise there is a more welcoming attitude towards World
English accents and pronunciations as they learn English in English medium
countries. But they do not know how to deal with their own impatience with
those they cannot understand nor what to do about the deeper desires that have
been instilled in them that make them feel their pronunciation is shameful.
Teachers who don’t have much understanding of the politics behind certain
dialects, varieties, registers and styles of particular languages and ways of dealing
with sensitive cultural issues also run into trouble when asking their students to
draw on words they know from their other languages to complete classroom tasks.
I have seen heated classroom scenarios where students from Hong Kong, main-
land China, Taiwan and who are Chinese residents of Korean descent, have
had to work together while each of them disagreed passionately on the other’s
interpretation causing tension-filled silence and hostility in the classroom. In a
high school setting, French and de Courcy (2016) note the implications of
a curriculum and system that does not account for social and linguistic distinc-
tions between users of Farsi, Dari and Hazaragi languages. The provision of ‘home
language’ lessons in a single variety, Persian, is an example of educational policy
that falsely homogenises the ethnic, linguistic, religious, academic and individual
characteristics of students, advantaging some, but disadvantaging many. Blanket
statements that usually have good intentions at their core, such as ‘don’t worry
about XYZ’ or ‘be yourself’, ‘just be confident’, or ‘it doesn’t matter if you get
it wrong’, ultimately cause more irritation and silence in learners, and are not
always productive in helping learners to develop their ‘whole self’ in and outside
of the classroom where real problems exist. Teachers’ primary place of concern
is understandably the context of classroom spaces. However, following Kubota,
we believe “increased attention to places where real problems exist can make our
professional activities more socially meaningful and transformative” (p. 18).
We are now asking questions such as, what do these explosions of terminologies
and ideas in the ‘multi/plural turn’ mean in terms of pedagogy and teacher and
learner practices in and out of spaces of language teaching and learning? To what
extent can/should teachers take up a plurilingual stance? Is it all or nothing, or
is a partial adoption still of value? What are the strengths and weaknesses, threats
and opportunities, possibilities and constraints in taking up a plurilingual stance
in teachers’ local teaching spaces where politics, policies, curriculums, cultural
discourses and practices, ideologies and desires differ? What alternative views,
10 Sue Ollerhead, Julie Choi, and Mei French
knowledge, and approaches might come to light if we pay more serious attention
to, as Kubota suggests, “asymmetrical relations of power and inequalities that
privilege or stigmatise individuals and groups due to their plurilingualism,
cosmopolitanism, and hybridity on the one hand, or their monolingualism and
monoculturalism on the other” (p. 17)? What new or different possibilities,
constraints, or consequences emerge when we critically explore the unique
assemblages, “the literal bringing together of a range of heterogeneous elements
in different modalities to offer different perspectives on a phenomenon” (Denshire
& Lee, 2013, p. 221), that constitute different spaces of language teaching and
learning? And what might our findings tell us about the kinds of skills, knowledge,
and understandings teachers need in continuing to teach in increasingly hetero-
geneous but unequal and uncertain times? Importantly, we are not only asking
these questions, but by examining pockets of current plurilingual practices, we
propose strategies that can be adopted by teachers.
focus but where English is used as a vehicle for teaching content. Most books
on multilingualism overlook content focused contexts, neglecting the significant
proportion of teachers whose daily work is being reshaped by increasing pluri-
linguality of students and the multilingual world for which teachers prepare them.
By showing readers (whom we assume will be mostly teachers and students
interested in multilingual educational studies) how a rich and insightful analysis
is done, teachers will gain direct insight into how to examine their own beliefs
and practices, and will be able to explore what language ideologies sit at the heart
of their contexts and practices.
Chapter Organisation
This edited volume comprises 12 chapters and casts a wide lens on plurilingual
learning and teaching practices in diverse contexts. Among the authors are
researchers who are well established in the field, as well as emerging scholars whose
research is contemporary and topical. Collectively, the chapters examine key issues
related to plurilingual approaches and resources in varied locations around the
globe, ranging from highly urbanised to rural settings, from formal education
to out of school contexts, and within policy environments that serve to either
reinforce plurilingual approaches or to constrain them. The chapters are divided
into four broad themes: 1) Plurilingual language-in-education policies 2)
Plurilingual student repertoires 3) Plurilingual classroom practices and teacher
perspectives and 4) Plurilingualism in higher education contexts.
Part 1 begins with predominant issues of language-in-education policies and
the ways in which they address plurilingual teaching and learning. Joseph Lo Bianco
begins the discussion with a helpful contextualisation of the ways in which
globalisation and migration have forced language policies that have previously
privileged official, dominant languages to “make space” for sub-national languages.
He provides a taxonomy of categories of pluralism in language education,
covering a broad range of international settings from North America, Europe,
Australia, Pacific Island nationals and Southeast Asia, and makes a strong case for
those involved in plurilingual teaching and learning to be viewed as legitimate
shapers of language policy.
With Chapter 3, Priscilla Cruz and Ahmar Mahboob move the discussion to
the Philippines, where they offer a critical analysis of the country’s language policy
shift towards mother-tongue based multilingual education (MTB-MLE). Drawing
on the perspectives of a range of stakeholders, the chapter discusses the ways in
which MTBL-MLE helps to develop and maintain the use of local languages in
school settings, where teachers use them to address classroom content rather than
merely for regulative and interpersonal purposes.
Rebecca Hetherington’s Chapter 4 makes a valuable contribution to the
literature on Australian language in education policy, which has a crucial role to
play in the maintenance and revival of indigenous languages. In her analysis,
12 Sue Ollerhead, Julie Choi, and Mei French
In Chapter 9, Enrico Piccardo and Angelica Galante move the focus on teacher
perspectives to North America, where plurilingual approaches are embraced in
theory, yet remain challenging to implement in school classrooms. In this chap-
ter, the authors advocate for plurilingual pedagogies that appeal to authentic and
personal learning experiences for students. As an example, they illustrate how the
dramatic arts can facilitate learners’ semiotic agency, through the use of meaningful
language development through interactional and situational authenticity.
Teachers are also the focus of Brian Davy and Mei French’s Chapter 10, which
examines teachers’ responses to student plurilingualism in two culturally and
linguistically diverse schools, in New Zealand and Australia. Documenting a range
of teacher responses to their students’ plurilingual practices, Davy and French
conclude that in order for teachers to harness their students’ multilingual resources
effectively, they need to be cognizant of the numerous and often contradictory
factors students face in negotiating their plurilingualism.
Part 4 concludes this volume with a collection of perspectives related to
plurilingualism in higher education contexts, including cases from Timor-Leste
and South Africa. To begin with, Trent Newman explores in Chapter 11 the
strategic ways in which Timorese university lecturers translate and explain key
disciplinary terms to their students. Drawing upon research conducted in three
Timorese higher education institutions, Newman shows how the plurilingual
practices of lecturers are closely aligned with their conceptualisations of work-
place language use.
In Chapter 12, Monica Hendricks and Ntombekhaya Fulani move the
discussion to the higher education context of South Africa, in which the issue
of language, specifically as the medium of instruction, has played a significant
role in recent student protests calling for institutional and cultural reform at South
African universities. In this study, the authors examine the ways in which
university lecturers shift their language practices between English and isiXhosa
in both oral and written modes in a teacher education program. In doing so, they
illustrate how translanguaging can be both pedagogically and politically trans-
formative: Not only does it serve to increase bilingual students’ access to epistemic
knowledge, but it also acts to disrupt the current hegemonic position of English
in South African tertiary education.
Richard Fay, Jane Andrews and Ross White conclude the volume with
Chapter 13, by examining the ways in which “linguistic preparation” and
a “translingual mindset” can contribute to the field of researcher education. The
authors make a strong case for foregrounding the role of language in researcher
education and praxis across diverse disciplines, not only those that are language-
oriented. They point to the potential of translanguaging and translingual insights
to offer valuable insights into “researching multilingually” in linguistically diverse
contexts, thereby informing and shaping all aspects of the research process, from
design to literature review to fieldwork, analysis and presentation of results.
14 Sue Ollerhead, Julie Choi, and Mei French
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Introduction 17
Plurilingual Language-in-
Education Policies
2
PROVISION, POLICY AND
REASONING
The Pluralisation of the Language
Education Endeavor
Joseph Lo Bianco
An (Academic) Turn?
In 2014, two prominent publishers issued edited volumes with near identical titles
(The Multilingual Turn, edited by Stephen May for Routledge, and The Multilingual
Turn in Languages Education, edited by Jean Conteh and Gabriela Meier for
Multilingual Matters). In that same year, Ryuko Kubota (2014) also identified a
turn, a “multi/plural” shift in applied linguistics linked to postcolonial theory and
neoliberal multiculturalism. This turn, however, is not unidirectional, and in
Kubota’s depiction, neither is it singular.
Nevertheless, this phase of newly productive thinking about language diversity
imposes new demands on the discipline of applied linguistics in general, since
much of this new writing deliberately sets out to challenge the discipline in vari-
ous ways. Because applied linguistics is acknowledged as an autonomous field of
inquiry, investigating language issues based in ‘real world’ situations (Brumfit,
1997), all this is healthy for the growth and sophistication of applied language
studies. This chapter poses questions about the relationship between language
education and provision, policy and reasoning. Although my discussion focuses
largely on Australian experiences, some links are made to global consequences
of these new ways to conceive multilingual communication environments. A key
question explored in the chapter is how teachers and researchers can productively
connect the insights, new directions and concepts of new disciplinary thinking
in practical language education contexts, especially language policy.
This challenge is substantial if we take into account how circumscribed under-
standings of multilingualism are in practical reality. In most societies, a multilingual
22 Joseph Lo Bianco
making circles. A brief survey shows instead strong moves towards limiting
diversity, by foregrounding either monolingual or prestige biased choices.
Across Asia there is almost complete domination of standard ‘inner circle’
English as the first foreign language of instruction (Cha & Ham, 2008), even in
societies with large domestic second languages, and always in preference to other
Asian languages of neighbour societies. Globally, the first few decades of the 21st
century have been marked by the largest attrition of indigenous languages in
history, especially in North America and Australasia (Lo Bianco, 2014). This is
despite important progress in declarations of and legal-academic theorisation about
language rights (Skutnabb-Kangas & Phillipson, 2016). There are few settings in
the world where violation of language rights is banned in law or contested in
education and employment practices. In many immigrant-receiving nations edu-
cation, employment, citizenship and public participation are marked by major
language inequalities and prejudices (Piller, 2016).
The main focus of language education planning in many parts of the world
is for cultural assimilation, with occasional weak acknowledgment of diversity.
Most minority languages in societies that do gesture towards multilingual edu-
cation remain positioned in intellectually inferior diglossic relationship with
official languages, inevitable given that most minority language support tends
to be limited in duration and delivered through transition pedagogies. Extreme
limitations on mother tongue education are evident in Southeast Asia for
indigenous and ethnic languages (Lo Bianco, 2016) and in colonial, post-colonial
and globalised sub-Saharan Africa (Kamwangamalu, 2016). In these settings
African languages continue to be minoritised in upper schooling, and in all eco-
nomic domains, and therefore denied the chance to develop the social and
economic prestige that might assure them intergenerational vitality, even in states
that make liberal declarations favouring multilingualism (Kamwangamalu, 2016).
In the Americas, researchers have noted many bright spots where progress and
development have been achieved such as promising examples where new speakers
of endangered languages are being identified and innovative projects of
revitalisation are underway, yet the great majority of languages shed users and
uses and remain intergenerationally endangered (Coronel-Molina & McCarty,
2016).
Perversely, as Schalley, Guillemin, and Eisenchlas (2015) show in a recent
examination of 30 years of “government policies and prominent initiatives”, a
pattern of public restriction has coincided with academic expansion. These writers
call this a “distinct negative correlation” (p. 162) so that “the more multilingual
Australia has become, the more assimilationist the policies, and the more mono-
lingual the orientation of the society” (p. 162). Ominously for future developments
they cite a significant speech by Australian Minister for Social Services, Scott
Morrison, delivered in London in January 2013, in which he argued for a “post
multiculturalism agenda” premised on “the supremacy of Australian values, [and]
the primacy of the English language” (cited in Schalley et al., 2015, p. 173).
24 Joseph Lo Bianco
In light of these restrictions and reversals what lessons can applied linguists
and ‘multilingual turn’ researchers gain from the reflections and research of
specialists who analyse policy production? One aim of the present volume is to
illuminate some possibilities and constraints related to how particular ideas
generated in research can be implanted in policy and practice. This will be the
focus of my discussion here, although I will not address the pedagogy implications
of ‘new multilingualism studies’, but focus instead on language education
provision, policy and reasoning in superdiverse multilingual contexts. Provision,
policy and reasoning can be seen as barometers of how the wider evaluation of
multilingualism is faring in practice, at a time when diversity and pluralisation of
language education in research, teaching and teacher education, are generating
such a rich and powerful account of multiplicity and fluidity of language in society.
The present discussion, therefore, addresses how we are to think about the task
of influencing the decision-making, resource-dispersing, curriculum-formulating,
and assessment-imposing political sphere. This space of power, resources and
decision-making structures public education, and while teaching does provide a
space of semi-autonomous activity, pedagogy is not immune from public policy.
Poor Performance
On 6 December 2016, Australia’s multilingual public radio and television network,
the Special Broadcasting Service, sent a program to air and online entitled: “Our
languages, a national resource, in ‘terminal decline’ (SBS, 2016).” The by-line
accompanying this sensational claim reads: “Australia is losing the riches of its
many languages. Even school children from immigrant families are abandoning
the study of their mother tongues. In the nation’s most multicultural state,
researchers claim students are being ‘punished’ with the scaling down of their
HSC marks” (Feneley & Calixto, 2016).
These three sentences encapsulate recurring issues of administrative unrespon-
siveness, intergenerational attrition and policy crisis, collectively presented as an
overall linguistic calamity. Ominously announced as “. . . the collapse of Australia’s
multi-lingual ambitions”, the Special Report sets out “the grand failure of that
vision for multicultural Australia” which is turning bilingual students into
monolingual ones.
The SBS itself has a substantial investment in this vision. Beginning full
time transmission in 1980 (McLean, 2014), it has long been the most visible
element of national multicultural policy ( Jupp, 2007), the ‘meta-policy’ on
which the pluralisation of Australian language education commenced in the
mid 1970s. The vitality of Australia’s demographic multilingualism and its
cultivation in formal education owes its origin to debates and experimentation
with language rights, cultural diversity and ethnic participation in the era of the
reformist Whitlam government (1972–1975), widely recognised as the most
energetic phase in Australian language politics (Ozolins, 1993).
Provision, Policy and Reasoning 25
[I]n 1992 in NSW, 42 per cent of students from a Greek background studied
their language for the Higher School Certificate. By 2011, only 7 per cent
took Greek for the HSC. In the same period, Arabic study has plummeted
26 Joseph Lo Bianco
from 21.7 per cent to 9 per cent of students of Arabic background. And
as Australia embarks on the so-called Asian Century, only one in six NSW
students who start school as bilingual will further develop their language
skills. Just 8 per cent of the state’s students study a language for their Higher
School certificate, less than half the result achieved by Victoria.
Commenting on this data, Dr. Ken Cruikshank (Cruickshank & Wright, 2016)
remarked that while Australia has “an international reputation for its development
of language policy and programs”, in reality “young people . . . spend less time
studying languages than young people in all other OECD countries” (p. 73). He
shows that language study in NSW is concentrated in Years 7 and 8, where 70
per cent of students are offered language programs, but that this falls dramatically
in Year 9 with the onset of elective options of languages. By contrast, in the
State of Victoria language learning opportunities are more extensive, though
not always of greater depth or duration. In 2015, 92.4 per cent of Victorian
government schools offered language programs, accounting for 63 per cent of all
students, with further large enrolments in ‘taster’ programs, making a total of
354,326 students. Additionally, 16,956 students were taking languages through
special provision arrangements of the Victorian School of Languages, bringing
total language enrolments to 374,961 (DET, 2016; Table 1.1).
There has been recent improvement in Victoria so that 92.1 per cent of pri-
mary schools now offer languages, accounting for 77 per cent of government
primary school students engaged in language learning. At the secondary level,
87.9 per cent of Victorian students have access to language learning. This figure
declined at the Year 12 level when only 17.4 per cent of government school
students completed a language, through various assessable official modes of
provision, though this figure is far higher than for NSW.
The concrete problems revealed in this overview of design and delivery,
persistence and performance, are classic issues for language provision policy.
An unresolved sociological tension with direct policy consequences is how
community-based and school-supported languages are connected, what choices
are made by systems and by speakers, and what kinds of program design are
implemented in practice. One upshot of the SBS report is that much more robust
policy input is needed from applied linguistic research to design an adequate formal
language-teaching regime that is appropriate for a hugely multilingual society, a
design in which national priorities and community preferences are so badly
misaligned.
The next section discusses interaction between the worlds of research and
practice that could lead to this more substantive involvement of research
knowledge in policy design, through conversations between applied linguistics
researchers and policy makers, to build more socially responsive language
education arrangements.
Provision, Policy and Reasoning 27
traditional focus on efficient technical procedures that policy analysis has utilised.
The main way to do policy had traditionally been understood to be an exclusive
activity between public servants and elected officials, the former supplying the
latter with costed options, with the possible mediation of political advisers, and
occasionally supplemented by technical demonstrations. Close analysis of real world
actually occurring policy revealed instead that it contains many emotional,
narrative-centred, interest based and other ‘non-technical’ elements, essentially
politics infused with value judgements and political interests. Majone’s project
was to repudiate the technical/managerial paradigm and offer an argumentative/
persuasive alternative, injecting a specific focus on ‘rhetorical skills’ for intending
policy analysts and practitioners, also relevant for those seeking to influence policy
processes. Even explicitly evidence-based policy contains strong elements of
rhetorical skill, because there is often contestation around what counts as evidence,
how it is defined, collected and interpreted. In these ways, public discourse is
central to effective policy processes.
In Majone’s approach, policy analysis “has less to do with formal techniques
of problem solving than with the process of argument” (1989, p. 7). His aim is
to install persuasion and advocacy within the professional preparation of public
officials, policy analysts and the general public, but also to extend the under-
standing of policy processes beyond cost and administrative efficiency operating
through formal ‘objective’ procedures of evaluating options.
Carol Weiss, like Majone, was both a policy practitioner (adviser) and
theoretician with a long focus of analysing major US and international policies
to isolate the effects of and influence from ‘knowledge’, especially knowledge
produced by researchers and research studies. Her work confirms the cultural
hypothesis that policy makers and researchers inhabit different conceptual and
reasoning domains, and that they often do not link well. During the 1960s Weiss
evaluated the US “War on Poverty”, expecting but not finding traction from
her detailed, long term analysis (Dale, 2003). Reflecting on the failed ‘take
up’ by government of expert advice her academic focus shifted to the role of
evaluation, decision-making processes and politics, and especially the limits and
impact of research on the essentially political processes of governmental calcula-
tions. According to Weiss, policy makers, community advocates and academic
researchers all bring unique and often mis-aligned stocks of ‘information’,
‘ideology’ and ‘interests’ to their interactions (Weiss, 1983). Realistically, many
researchers and most research can only expect to have indirect and therefore long-
term impact on the social and political dynamic of public decision making. The
marketplace of knowledge generation is crowded. A multitude of agencies,
interest groups, think tanks, university based academics, management consultants,
investigative journalists etc. produce and peddle knowledge to influence decision-
making. Prospects for success must be assessed against the existing stocks
of information that policy holders have, the persuasiveness and rhetorical skill of
researchers and the power of their interests, and those of policy makers and the
30 Joseph Lo Bianco
perceived, if undeclared interests of academics. Yet, there are some areas where
research information is clearly the source of policy change and influence, such
as the slow-acting origin of changed interpretational frameworks for difficult social
problems. Studies of how research knowledge is used have shown its relevance
to exposing myths, but only after the long percolating effects of introducing new
knowledge into societies play out. New knowledge also builds policy maker
capacity, such as Majone’s stress on teaching public officials rhetorical skill, and
new knowledge is tracked as the source for disconfirming long held assumptions,
setting new agendas. In these ways, research and knowledge generally contribute
to policy ‘enlightenment’ (Weiss, 1977).
There are many insights here of relevance to multilingualism research, such
as how new ways to name and group the phenomenon of language in super-
diverse societies that suggest long term traction for the ‘turn’ are possible. The
flow of new notions percolating into conversations beyond researchers and
multilingual communities can be tracked. In recent work, I reflected on the related
‘turn’ in English studies, especially the efforts of teachers and researchers working
in the paradigm of English as a Lingua Franca who want to influence publishers,
education systems and assessment agencies to dismantle the privilege bias accorded
to ‘inner circle’ Englishes (Lo Bianco, 2014).
In more recent work, policy analysts are building on these foundations of
Majone and Weiss, producing frameworks to account for radically different policy
practices in different societies and in the same societies over time and under
different political regimes. As a result, current frameworks attempt to incorporate
multiple influences on policy, the ambiguity and contradictions of the process
and the roles of information, as knowledge, research, data or wisdom, at different
stages of agenda-setting, decision-making, and the carrying out of decided policies
into action (Weible & Sabatier, 2014).
Three streams of influence, the events and ideas circulating around the topic,
are strong and invariably struggled over in what becomes enacted as policy: The
problems stream (focusing on the names of problems, their representation and how
they come to the attention of policy makers); the politics stream (which addresses
both the formal political process and pressure, persuasion, media and other ways
to enter the formal political stream); and a policies stream (the existing policy settings,
the evaluations and critiques of these, past policy attempts and related ideas linked
to the ‘values acceptability’ of new proposals and their ‘technical feasibility and cost’).
Individuals or groups might exploit a propitious position they hold, whether
crafted by them through skill, rhetorical mastery or because of good fortune, and
become ‘policy entrepreneurs’, exploiting a ‘policy window’ (Kingdon, 1995).
The flow of ideas, events and discourse varies greatly according to the traction
that policy entrepreneurs are able to gain on different issues, or if there is media-
tion from think tanks, media promotion, strategically well placed individual
champions, civil society groups or political alliances of citizens making collective
demands and achieving political traction. The Multiple Streams Framework is
Provision, Policy and Reasoning 31
able to accommodate knowledge processes and new ideas, such as the new term-
inology and concepts generated by research making multilingualism normal
rather than exceptional. Multilingual studies can generate a new rationality of
policy analysis and action, for single actors and ethnic groups or professional
associations, or discipline groupings, but what is currently missing is effort from
applied linguistics associations, journals or conferences, to develop convincing or
persuasive representations of social problems in language, in interaction with policy
makers, public officials or opinion-influencing media.
The question arises, to what extent do applied linguists, researchers and
practitioners desire such interactions? What mechanisms are there to facilitate
interaction with policy? What will be the costs and rewards, consequences and
repercussions, of such engagement?
Wickert’s analysis traces the role of statistically presented information, her own
national assessment of the incidence, distribution and characteristics of English
language literacy difficulties among adults in this context of intense public
attention to a field previously dismissed as marginal to policy and primarily the
responsibility of welfare or charity-oriented private tutoring. As a key researcher,
transformed into a policy entrepreneur, unanticipated complications emerged, such
as the relationship with immigrant and Aboriginal people receiving ESL education
and the preferences and politics of the field. Engagement in policy production,
described by some academics as ‘getting your hands dirty’, proved to be successful,
yet also risky, demanding and problematical. The key professional associations
became enmeshed with a major expansion of adult literacy provision, provoking
both celebration and concern. While significant resource increases achieved
greater provision of adult literacy programs and research, and other progress, new
administration imposed tight and intrusive accountability requirements, diverted
attention from and even silenced critical voices and led to prioritisation and curric-
ulum models that proved problematical for many practitioners and researchers.
Some groups of past client groups, those not directly linked to the labour market,
saw provision weaken and worsen, and radical changes to the nature of the field
resulted.
Wickert and other scholars1 report on the coalition building, policy struggles
and terminological changes implicated in this repositioning of adult literacy away
from welfarist charity towards a second chance education right, documenting the
many unforeseen effects among the success and later reversals. Lamented by some
was a generalised loss of professional autonomy, compromise of position and radical
intrusion of bureaucracy into measurement, curriculum, and student selection,
in a process Wickert labels ‘appropriation’.
Conclusion
The Australian language education enterprise today is beset by a crisis of under-
performance in provision, weakness in policy conception and reasoning bound
to obsolete notions of languages linked to relatively homogenous bounded
nations. Linguistic human rights are largely denied, unrecognised and denigrated,
and the general reasoning of contemporary policy has lost its decades old
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him than the favour of a Prime Minister. Wallace[127] has totally
failed in speaking, and his principles out-Herod Herod, for the
Ministers could not support him in some assertion he made as to the
King’s power of landing foreign troops without the consent of
Parliament. This heresy to the British Constitution was in
consequence of some Hessians landing from the Isle of Wight.
During my stay at Naples I went, as I was told,
at the peril of my life, to see Baron d’Armfeldt, who SOCIETY AT
it seems is pursued by the Regent of Sweden, the NAPLES
Duke of Sudermania. He is accused of having
formed a conspiracy to murder him, and obtain the keeping of the
minor King’s person. Be this as it may, he has been demanded of the
Court of Naples by that of Sweden formally to be delivered up as a
fugitive rebel, but the Queen is interested about him, and has him
concealed. The Swedish emissaries are active in their search, and
have several times fired at him, and once at a person getting out of
his carriage, whom they mistook for this supposed delinquent. The
accusation is black, but the truth of it uncertain. Ld. Henry laughs at
me for calling him ‘The Victim’: he is at Stockholm, and can judge of
the story. I passed a pleasant day at Cumæ with the Palmerstons. I
took Italinski, Mr. Marsh, and Ld. Holland in my carriage. We were
joined by Count Rumford, etc.
At Rome, which I reached early in May, or, I believe, towards the
middle of April, I lived in the Villa di Matta, a charming situation
upon the Pincian Hill overlooking the city, and commanding a grand
view of the distant hills and Campagna. Almost the whole of our
Neapolitan set was there, with the exception of Lords Digby,
Boringdon, G. Leveson, who for reasons best known to themselves
fled the enjoyments of Italy to fulfil some dull, unimportant duties in
England, where nothing short of compulsion shall ever drag me.
We all made an excursion to Tivoli,
Bessboroughs, Ld. Grandison, and the young men. ‘SAL VOLATILE’
I conveyed Ld. Holland, Mr. Marsh, and Beauclerk.
We lodged at a nobleman’s villa, took our own provisions and cook,
and passed our time with jollity. Lord Bessborough grew very cross,
and from a fit of jealousy about Mr. Beauclerk, compelled us all to
return to Rome, and disquieted our mirth. We got back late at night.
I had seen Tivoli the year before: a charming group of cedars in the
garden of the family d’Este. In the course of our evenings Ld. H.
resolved to make me admire a poet, of whom I had heard but little,
Cowper: he is excellent, and amply repaid the labour of reading
many hundred lines in blank verse, many of which are inharmonious.
Mr. Marsh used to read to me Murphy’s translation of Tacitus. A
sharp fit of gout, brought on by drinking Orvieto wine, did not
increase the good temper of my companion; decorum, not
inclination, made me keep at home. My evenings were agreeable;
he, however, did not mar my comfort by partaking of my tranquil
society. Went out every morning with Ly. B. Ld. Holland’s delightful
spirits cheered us so much that we called him sal volatile, and used
to spare him to one another for half an hour to enliven when either
were melancholy.
I saw the Pope[128] give his benediction to a kneeling and
believing multitude. The sight was imposing. He is an excellent
actor; Garrick could not have represented the part with more
theatrical effect than his present Holiness. I was grievously
disappointed at the Miserere, the composition of Pergolesi, sung by
differently modulated voices in the Sixtine Chapel. The illumination
of the great cross inside St. Peter’s was very striking: the effect of
the light upon the monumental effigies raised the painful recollection
of death, the sombre of the objects and the locality inspired
melancholy. We went about to various chapels, where we found
many a debauched fair one in the comely attire of matronly humility,
expiating in penance and prayer many a dear sin, for the sole
purpose of beginning a fresh catalogue of the cherished crimes. I
saw occasionally the old Santa Croce, Cardinal Bernis, etc., etc., but
Ly. Bessborough, Ld. Holland, Messrs. Marsh, Brand, etc., were those
I lived habitually with.
I became very eager to get to Florence, as I received an account
from Mrs. Wyndham of her arrival, and her being installed in her
diplomatic functions. I parted with regret from Ly. Bessborough, who
is to return by Loreto to England. I went the Perugia road to
Florence, and arrived late in the night at Florence.
My first impulse was to seek with eagerness my little friend, but
to my surprise I found her in a state of despondency that checked
my joy. She abhors the prospect of residing here, and looks back
with regret to England, and even to Bignor, which, whilst there, she
detested. With some difficulty I contrived to make my house
tolerably comfortable. It is a palace belonging to the family of Ginori,
but not calculated for English habits, as it contains only three
fireplaces, and I have not one of the three; my tormentor has one,
the nursery and a sitting-room the others. Lord Holland and Mr.
Beauclerk passed a few days here on their way to Venice. Ld. H.
assured me he came merely to make me a visit. The Palmerstons
and Ly. Spencer came for a few days. Sir G. Elliot came over from
Corsica to pass a few days.
On the twelfth of June I was brought to bed of
a little girl, christened by Mr. Penrose at LORD
Wyndham’s: her name is Harriet Frances.[129] Lady WYCOMBE
Bessborough, Mrs. Wyndham, and Wyndham were the sponsors. A
few days before her christening Ld. Holland returned from Venice;
he came to await the arrival of Lord Wycombe,[130] who joined him
a few days after. Lord Wycombe is a very eccentric person. For the
welfare of himself and family it is to be hoped that his actions are
directly opposite to his sentiments; if not, he must be a scourge. Ld.
H. tells me that the ladies who live with Ld. Lansdown, Miss
Vernon[131] and Miss Fox, call him, ‘A Lovelace without his polish.’
His style of conversation is grand and declamatory, his humour
excellent. He is very gallant: he began by making love equally to me
and Mrs. Wyndham. We half thought of a project of playing him a
trick, and treating him as Mrs. Ford and Mrs. Page did the humorous
knight, but Ld. H. said it was playing with an edged tool.
The months of July, August, and September were passed very
pleasantly. Early in September I set off on a solitary expedition to
see Lucca Baths. I went through the town of Lucca, and arrived at
the Baths in time for dinner. I dined with Ly. Rivers: I got up early in
the morning, and went in a portantine to see the hills, etc. The Prato
Fiorito was too distant for a morning excursion; I went from thence
to ——, where I lodged in the house of a Marchese; they gave me a
very good supper, good bed, and received me with cordiality. I spoke
no Italian, and knew none of the party, which was very numerous;
however, I got through the evening tolerably. They must have
thought me a strange person, young, pretty, and alone, travelling
merely to see the quarries of Carrara! It was perhaps an odd freak.
I dined the next day at Massa. I had a letter to a descendant of
the Greek Emperor Paleologus, his name is Paleologo. He is a single
man; to avoid a tête-à-tête with a perfect stranger, the visit to whom
was whimsical in itself, I admitted my maid en tiers. I was in high
spirits and very jolly. I went in a chaise-à-porteurs into the quarries
at Carrara. They produce the finest marble after that found at Paros.
My royal Greek was very careful of me. He escorted me through all
difficulties, torrents, chasms, precipices, etc. Upon the whole I
expect he took me for an aventurière; indeed, he well might, though
my suite rather imposed upon him, for I went in my own chaise, my
maid with me, and on the seat my cook and a footman, and André
was on horseback. I am sure he thought there was something
mysterious, at least, about me.
I went from Massa to Pisa, where to my surprise I found Lords
Wycombe and Holland, and my farouche companion; they had not
found a favourable wind to cross to the Isle of Elba, and were on
their return to Florence. I walked about Pisa in the morning. It is a
beautiful town, and the quay has perhaps the advantage of Florence
in beauty. The Campo Santo, the Campanile, and the church are
very beautiful. The leaning tower is still a problem among the
curious, whether its deviation from the perpendicular was accidental
or intentional. Monsieur de la Condamine measured it with a plumb
line, and found that when let down from the top it touched the
ground at the distance of thirteen feet from the bottom of the tower.
Lord Wycombe read us a sonnet he had just
composed; it was very ingeniously written. I went VALLOMBROSA
to the famous Vallombrosa, a Benedictine convent,
about sixteen miles from Florence. The road for the last six miles is
through a thick forest of chestnut; the ascent is steep. The
monastery is placed on a verdant lawn round which the mountains
form an amphitheatre; the darkest pines surround the whole
building, and hanging woods of that tree only decorate the steep
sides of the hills. No woman is admitted within the convent walls; I
dined at the Mill House close to it. After dinner the Padre Abate and
many of the monks came out and joined us. He is a lively, middle-
aged man, with apparently little love of devotion and a strong love
of pleasure.
In the month of October Lds. Wycombe and Holland went to
Rome and Naples; the latter was unwell, and wanted to consult with
Dr. Thompson. My tormentor went to Milan and Turin for some
months. Mr. Amherst[132] and Mr. Cornewall[133] stayed some time
at Florence. The first is a quiet, sedate young man, full of proprieties
and all sorts of good things. The latter is good-humoured and weak.
Mr. A. fell in love with me and Mrs. W.; he was most in love with the
one he saw last. We went to balls, and were very gay. I quitted my
house in the Via Maggio, as it was too cold for winter, and took a
delicious residence within the walls of the town, but in the midst of
gardens called the Mattonaia or Shuileries.[134] The fitting up of the
house was magnificent; one room cost four thousand sequins. It was
made of rich japan, fine black and gold, and the ornaments were
appropriate and superb.
I read as usual a good deal. About that time, October, I began to
relish the Italian poets, particularly Ariosto. Read the Pucelle in a
castrated edition. Voltaire evidently imitates the Orlando, especially
in the beginning of his cantos; there are some poetical descriptive
passages quite good. Targioni gave me a course of experimental
chemical lectures.
I rode about the environs of Florence; nothing can be more
lovely than the villas. My children lived on Fiesole till about October.
... like the moon, whose orb
Through optic glass the Tuscan artist views
At evening, from the top of Fesolè.[135]