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Brooks/Cole Empowerment Series and the Council on Social Work
Education’s Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards
The Council on Social Work Education’s Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards
requires all social work students to develop ten competencies and recommends
teaching and assessing 41 related practice behaviors, listed as Educational Policy
(EP) 2.1.1 – 2.1.10m below. “Helping Hands” icons throughout this text, “Competency
Notes” sections at the end of each chapter, and the supplemental Practice Behaviors Workbook
connect class work to these important standards.
Competencies and Practice Behaviors
EP 2.1.1 Identify as a professional social worker and conduct oneself accordingly:

a. Advocate for client access to the services of social work
b. Practice personal reflection and self-correction to assure continual professional
development
c. Attend to professional roles and boundaries
d. Demonstrate professional demeanor in behavior, appearance, and communication
e. Engage in career-long learning
f. Use supervision and consultation
EP 2.1.2 Apply social work ethical principles to guide professional practice:
a. Recognize and manage personal values in a way that allows professional values to guide
practice
b. Make ethical decisions by applying standards of the National Association of Social Workers
Code of Ethics and, as applicable, of the International Federation of Social Workers/
International Association of Schools of Social Work Ethics in Social Work, Statement of
Principles
c. Tolerate ambiguity in resolving ethical conflicts
d. Apply strategies of ethical reasoning to arrive at principled decisions
EP 2.1.3 Apply critical thinking to inform and communicate professional judgments:

a. Distinguish, appraise, and integrate multiple sources of knowledge, including research-
based knowledge and practice wisdom
b. Analyze models of assessment, prevention, intervention, and evaluation
c. Demonstrate effective oral and written communication in working with individuals, families,
groups, organizations, communities, and colleagues
EP 2.1.4 Engage diversity and difference in practice:

a. Recognize the extent to which a culture’s structures and values may oppress, marginalize,
alienate, or create or enhance privilege and power
b. Gain sufficient self-awareness to eliminate the influence of personal biases and values in
working with diverse groups
c. Recognize and communicate their understanding of the importance of difference in shaping
life experiences
d. View themselves as learners and engage those with whom they work as informants
Copyright 2016 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
EP 2.1.5 Advance human rights and social and economic justice:
a. Understand the forms and mechanisms of oppression and discrimination
b. Advocate for human rights and social and economic justice
c. Engage in practices that advance social and economic justice
EP 2.1.6 Engage in research-informed practice and practice-informed research:
a. Use practice experience to inform scientific inquiry
b. Use research evidence to inform practice
EP 2.1.7 Apply knowledge of human behavior and the social environment:
a. Utilize conceptual frameworks to guide the processes of assessment, intervention, and
evaluation
b. Critique and apply knowledge to understand person and environment
EP 2.1.8 Engage in policy practice to advance social and economic well-being and to deliver
effective social work services:
a. Analyze, formulate, and advocate for policies that advance social well-being
b. Collaborate with colleagues and clients for effective policy action
EP 2.1.9 Respond to contexts that shape practice:
a. Continuously discover, appraise, and attend to changing locales, populations, scientific and
technological developments, and emerging societal trends to provide relevant services
b. Provide leadership in promoting sustainable changes in service delivery and practice to
improve the quality of social services
EP 2.1.10 Engage, assess, intervene, and evaluate with individuals, families, groups, organizations
and communities:
a. Substantively and affectively prepare for action with individuals, families, groups, organiza-
tions, and communities
b. Use empathy and other interpersonal skills
c. Develop a mutually agreed-on focus of work and desired outcomes
d. Collect, organize, and interpret client data
e. Assess client strengths and limitations
f. Develop mutually agreed-on intervention goals and objectives
g. Select appropriate intervention strategies
h. Initiate actions to achieve organizational goals
i. Implement prevention interventions that enhance client capacities
j. Help clients resolve problems
k. Negotiate, mediate, and advocate for clients
l. Facilitate transitions and endings
m. Critically analyze, monitor, and evaluate interventions
For more information about the standards themselves, and for a complete policy statement,
visit the Council on Social Work Education website at www.cswe.org.
Adapted with permission from the Council on Social Work Education
Social Work and Social Welfare
An Introduction
© Paul Hakimata Photography/Shutterstock.com
Empowerment Series
Social Work and Social Welfare

An Introduction
EIGHTH EDITION
ROSALIE AMBROSINO
University of Texas at San Antonio
ROBERT AMBROSINO
University of Texas at San Antonio
JOSEPH HEFFERNAN
Emeritus, University of Texas at Austin
GUY SHUTTLESWORTH
Emeritus, University of Texas at Austin
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Social Welfare: An Introduction,
WCN: 02-200-203
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Printed in Canada
Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2015
Brief Contents
Preface .............................................................................................................................. xvi
PART 1 Understanding Social Work and Social Welfare 1

1 Social Welfare, Past and Present 3
2 Social Work and Other Helping Professions 23
3 The Ecological/Systems Perspective 53
4 Diversity and Social Justice 81
PART 2 Social Work Practice: Methods of Intervention 121
5 Social Work Practice with Individuals, Families, and Groups 123
6 Social Work Practice with Agencies and the Community 145
PART 3 Fields of Practice and Populations Served by Social

Workers 161
7 Poverty, Income Assistance, and Homelessness 164
8 Health Care 195
9 Mental Health, Substance Use, and Disability 236
10 The Needs of Children, Youth, and Families 294
11 Services to Children, Youth, and Families 334
12 Older Adults: Needs and Services 377
v
vi Brief Contents
13 Criminal Justice 409
14 Social Work Contexts: Rural and Urban Settings and Environmentalism 442
15 Social Work in the Workplace 468
16 The Globalization of Social Work 498
Appendix A Look to the Future 525

Glossary 532
Index 546
Contents
Preface . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi The Obama Years 18

Summary 20
Competency Notes 20
PART 1 Understanding Social Work
Key Terms 20
and Social Welfare Discussion Questions 20
On the Internet 21
CHAPTER 1 References 21
Social Welfare, Past and Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 Suggested Readings 22
A Definition of Social Welfare and Its Relationship
to Social Work 5 CHAPTER 2
Social Work and Other Helping Professions . . . . 23
The Value Base of Social Welfare 5
Why Do People Experience Challenges in their
Historical Influences That Shape Social Welfare
Lives? 24
Today 6
Genetics and Heredity 24
Our English Heritage 6
Socialization 25
Social Welfare in Colonial America 8
Cultural Differences 25
Changing Patterns After the Revolution 8
Environmental Factors 25
Caring for the Urban Poor 9 The Opportunity Structure 25
Caring for Specific Populations 9 Social Work Defined 26
Post–World War I and the Great Depression 11 Box 2.1 Purpose of the Social Work Profession 26
The New Deal 11 The Early Years of Social Work 27
The Social Security Act 13 Underpinnings of the Profession 29

Social Insurance 13 Values 29
Public Assistance 13 Ethics 29
Health and Welfare Services 14 Liberal Arts Base 30
Knowledge That Builds on the Liberal Arts Base 30
Social Welfare: The Post–Social Security and Welfare
Box 2.2 NASW Code of Ethics 31
Reform Eras 14
Practice Skills 32
The Great Society Programs 15
Planned Change 32
Conservatism in the Mid-1960s and Early 1970s 15
Welfare Reform in the Late 1970s 16 Social Work Methods 32
Cutbacks in the Reagan and Bush Years 16 Box 2.3 Roles Played by Generalist Social Workers 33
The Clinton Years 17 Social Work with Individuals and Families (Direct
The George W. Bush Years 18 Practice) 33
vii
viii Contents
Social work with Groups 33 Systems Theory: Perspectives and Major Concepts 58
Community Organization 34 System 58
Social Work Research 34 Synergy 58
Social Work Administration and Planning 34 Boundaries 58
Professional Issues in Social Work 34 Open and Closed Systems 59
Impact of Economic and Technological Changes 34 Interactions and Interrelations 61
Impact of Expanding Fields of Practice on the Profession’s Steady State 61
Emphasis on Social Justice 35 Equifinality 62
Increased Demands on Social Agencies 35 Incorporating an Ecological Perspective 62
Levels of the Environment 62
Education and Levels of Social Work Practice 36
Problems in Living 65
Bachelor of Social Work (BSW) 36
Developmental Niche 66
Box 2.4 The Social Work Curriculum and Professional Utility of the Ecological/Systems Framework 66
Practice 37
The Utility of Other Theories and
Master of Social Work (MSW): Advanced Practice 40
Frameworks 67
Doctorate in Social Work (DSW and PhD) 40
Psychosocial Frameworks 67
Licensure and NASW Membership 40
Cognitive Behavioral Frameworks 68
Careers in Social Work 41 Political and Ideological Frameworks 68
Box 2.5 The Power of Service 42
The Ecological/Systems Framework in Professional
Collaboration with Other Helping Professions 42 Practice 69
Other Professionals Likely to Collaborate with Social Applying the Ecological/Systems Framework 69
Workers 43 The Generalist Model 71
The Need for Professional Diversity 45 The Strengths Perspective 71
Box 2.6 The Power of Relationships 47 Empowerment 73
The Baccalaureate Social Worker and Other Social and Economic Justice 73
Professions 48 Box 3.1 Resiliency Factors That Reduce Juvenile Delinquency
and Other Problems Associated with Youth 74
The Graduate-Degreed Social Worker and Other
The Helping Process 74
Professions 48
Applications with Juan and His Family 76
The Importance of Self-Care for Social Workers and
Summary 78
Other Helping Professionals 48
Competency Notes 78
Summary 49
Key Terms 78
Competency Notes 50
Discussion Questions 79
Key Terms 50
On the Internet 79
References 79
On the Internet 51
Suggested Readings 80
References 51
CHAPTER 4
Diversity and Social Justice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
CHAPTER 3
The Ecological/Systems Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Social and Economic Justice 82
Using Theoretical Frameworks to Guide Prejudice, Discrimination, and Oppression 83
Intervention 54 Box 4.1 The Intergenerational Web of Institutional
The Difference between Causal Relationships and Discrimination 85
Association 55 Cultural Competence 86
A Conceptual Framework for Understanding Social Social and Economic Justice for People of Color and
Welfare Problems 55 the Impact of Racism 87
The Ecological/Systems Framework 57 Blacks and African Americans 88
Contents ix
Latino/Hispanic Populations 89
Asians and Pacific Islanders 90 PART 2 Social Work Practice: Methods
First (Native) Americans 91 of Intervention
Arab Americans 93
CHAPTER 5
Social and Economic Justice: Class and the Impact of
Classism 93 Social Work Practice with Individuals, Families,
and Groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .123
Social and Economic Justice for Women and the
Impact of Sexism 94 Generalist Practice: Background 124
Income and Employment 96 Generalist Practice: A Definition 125
Box 4.2 Facts About Working Women and Gender Key Components of Generalist Practice with
Equity 97 Individuals, Families, and Groups 126
Institutional Sexism 99 The Social Worker–Client Relationship 126
Issues Relating to Reproductive Rights 101 A Focus on Strengths and Empowerment 127
Social Reform: The Feminist Movement 103 Knowledge Needed for Generalist Practice 127
Box 4.3 Social Work Speaks 104 Stages of Generalist Practice 127
The Development of Practice Skills 129
Social and Economic Justice: Sexual Orientation and
the Impact of Heterosexism and Practice Theories and Skills: Individuals and
Homophobia 105 Families 130
Recent Legislation and Court Decisions: Progress and Ecological/Systems Framework 130
Uncertainty 106 Ego Psychology 131
Hate Crime and Antidiscrimination Legislation 106 Problem-Solving Approach 131
Cognitive-Behavioral Approaches 132
Same-Sex Marriage 106
Task-Centered Social Work 133
Social and Economic Justice for Persons with a
Social Work Intervention with Families 133
Disability and the Impact of Ableism 107
Other Approaches 134
Social and Economic Justice Based on Age and the
Practice Theories and Skills: Groups 134
Impact of Ageism 108
Group Focus 135
Social and Economic Justice Based on Religion and Effective Group Development 135
the Impact of Religious Oppression 108
Box 5.1 The Impact of Group Work 136
Efforts to Produce Social Justice for Populations Box 5.2 Different Types of Groups, Their Focus, and
at Risk 109 Membership 137
School Desegregation 109
Theory for Group Work Practice 138
Civil Rights Legislation 110
Uneven Progress 111 Group Work as a Practice 139
Affirmative Action 111 Group Settings 139
Group Termination 140
Law Enforcement and Profiling 112
Box 4.4 Reported Incidents of Racial Profiling in the United
Practice Effectiveness with Individuals, Families, and
States 113 Groups 140
Social Work and the Promotion of Social and Supervision of Generalist Practitioners 141
Economic Justice 113 Social Work Practice and the MSW Social
Summary 114 Worker 141
Competency Notes 115 Social Work Practice and the BSW Social Worker 142
Key Terms 115 Summary 142
Discussion Questions 115 Competency Notes 142
On the Internet 116 Key Terms 143
References 116 Discussion Questions 143
Suggested Readings 118 On the Internet 144
x Contents
References 144 Definitions of Poverty 168

Suggested Readings 144 Who Are America’s Poor? 169
Box 7.1 Jamie’s Story 171
CHAPTER 6
Welfare Reform—An End to Welfare as We
Social Work Practice with Agencies and the Knew It 172
Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .145 Relevant Legislation 172
Social Work with Communities 146 Revisions to the Law 173
Community: Definition and Social Work Roles 146 Current Strategies for Addressing Poverty 174
Box 6.1 Making a Difference at the Community Level 146 A Strong Market and Family System 174
Roles of Social Workers in Communities 147 Social Insurance Programs 174
Community Practice Models and Approaches 148 Public Assistance Programs 175
Profile of an Effective Community Organizer 149 In-Kind Benefits and Tax Credits 175
Policy Practice 149 Other Antipoverty Programs 177
The Development of Social Welfare Policy 149 Basic Political Perspectives 177
Models of Policy Analysis 150 2014 and Beyond 178
The Practitioner’s Role in Social Welfare Policy 150 Homelessness 179
Composition of the Homeless Population 180
Administration and Delivery of Social Welfare
Services 151 Box 7.2 Street Crazy—America’s Mental Health Tragedy 183
Meeting the Challenge 151 Policies and Programs That Address Homelessness 186
Weighing the Client’s Best Interests 152 The Roles of Social Workers in the Fight against
Social Welfare Agencies 152 Poverty 189
A Historical Perspective 152 Summary 190
Contemporary Structures 153 Competency Notes 190
Key Terms 191
Research Practice 153
Disciplinary Research 154
On the Internet 191
Policy Research 154
References 192
Evaluative Research 155
Demonstrating a Causal Connection 155
The Status of Macro Social Work Practice 155 CHAPTER 8
Career Opportunities in Macro Social Work Health Care . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .195
Practice 156 The State of Health in the United States 196
Summary 157 Moral and Ethical Issues 198
Competency Notes 158
Key Terms 159
An Ecological/Systems Approach to Health
Care 198
Factors Affecting Health 199
On the Internet 159
Applying an Ecological/Systems Perspective 202
References 160
Suggested Readings 160 The Evolution of Health Care in America 203
Critical Issues in Current Health-Care Delivery 204
Funding and Costs of Health Care 204
PART 3 Fields of Practice and Health Insurance Plans and Managed Care 205
Populations Served by Social Comparing Health-Care Costs to Outcomes 206
Workers Reasons for Rising Health-Care Costs 206
Current Major Health Problems 210
CHAPTER 7 HIV and AIDS 210
Poverty, Income Assistance, and Homelessness . .164
Box 8.1 Humane Treatment for Persons with AIDS:
Views on Poverty and How to Help 166 National Association of Social Workers Policy Statement
Conceptualizations of Poverty 167 on AIDS 212
Contents xi
Other Illnesses and Health Problems 214 Box 9.1 Does Labeling Shape Our Expectations of How People
Catastrophic Illness 214 Will Function? 244
Teen Pregnancy 215 Types of Mental Health Problems 245
Environmental Factors 215 Mood Disorders 245
Prevention and Wellness Programs 216 Bipolar Disorder 245
Anxiety Disorders 247
Ethical Issues 216
Baby Doe Cases 217 Schizophrenia 247
Right-to-Die Cases 218 Impacts of Mental Health Status on At-Risk
Bioethics 219 Populations 247
Alternative Medicine 219 Suicide 249
Alcoholism and Substance Use 250
Health Planning 219
Commonly Misused Substances 252
Hill–Burton Act 219
Social and Economic Costs of Substance Misuse 254
Medicare and Medicaid 220
At-Risk Populations and Substance Misuse 255
Maternal and Child Health Act 221
Healthy Steps for Young Children Program 221 Box 9.2 A Young Adult’s Story 256
Other Child Health Provisions Under the Balanced Persons with Disabilities 259
Budget Act of 1997 222 Factors Associated with Developmental Disabilities 261
Comprehensive Health Planning Act 222 Changing Views Toward Individuals with Mental
Health Maintenance Organization Legislation 222 Health Problems, Substance Use, and
CARE Act 222 Disabilities 261
Health-Care Reform 223 The First Revolution: From Inhumane to Moral
Social Work Roles in the Delivery of Health Treatment 262
Services 227 The Second Revolution: The Introduction of
Historical Background 227 Psychoanalysis 263
Contemporary Roles in Health-Care Settings 227 The Third Revolution: A Shift to Community Mental
Hospital Settings 228 Health Programs 263
Long-Term Care Facilities and Nursing Homes 228 The Fourth Revolution: Legal Rights of Clients and
Community-Based Health-Care Programs 229 Consumer Advocacy 265
Home Health Care 229 Box 9.3 Bill of Rights for Persons Who Need Mental Health and
State Department of Health and Health-Planning Substance Use Treatment 266
Agencies 230 Neurobiology and Implications for Mental Health,
Other Health-Care Settings 230 Addiction, and Disabilities 267
Summary 231 Availability of Resources and Responsibility for
Competency Notes 231 Care 268
Key Terms 232 Deinstitutionalization 269
Discussion Questions 232 Wide-Ranging Program Alternatives 270
On the Internet 232 Intervention for Persons with Mental Illness 270
References 233
Specialized Interventions for Persons with Substance
Use Disorder and Their Families 271
CHAPTER 9 Specialized Interventions for Persons with
Mental Health, Substance Use, and Disabilities and Their Families 272
Disability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .236 The Americans with Disabilities Act 273
Other Disabilities Legislation 275
Mental Health and Mental Illness 238
Box 9.4 Looking Back on 20 Years of Disability Rights 276
Mental Health 238
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act and the No
Mental Health and Mental Illness: Definitions 239
Child Left Behind Act 276
Categorizing Mental Illness 240
Mental Health: A Matter of Viewpoint 241 Prevention Versus Treatment 277
The Development of Mental Health Problems 242 Trends in Services and Treatment 278
xii Contents
Funding 278 Runaways 323

Managed Care 278 Academic and Employment Problems 325
Legislation Promoting Access to Health Care 279 Teen Pregnancy 325
Evolving Therapies 280 Youth Crime and Violence 325
Other Trends 282 Gangs 327
Roles and Opportunities for Social Workers 282 Children’s Mental Health and Suicide 328
Historical Background 282 Summary 329
Career Opportunities in Mental Health, Substance Use, Competency Notes 329
and Disability Services 283 Key Terms 329
Summary 285 Discussion Questions 329
Competency Notes 285 On the Internet 330
Key Terms 286 References 330
Discussion Questions 286 Suggested Readings 333
On the Internet 287
References 287 CHAPTER 11
Suggested Readings 292 Services to Children, Youth, and Families . .. . . . .334
Current Philosophical Issues 335
CHAPTER 10 The Right to a Permanent, Nurturing Family 335
The Needs of Children, Youth, and Families . . . .294 Best Interests of the Child 336
What Is a Family? 296 Considerations Before State Intervention 336
How Are Families of Today Viewed? 297 Preventing Family Disruption and Dysfunction 336
What Is a Healthy Family? 297 Box 11.1 Lottie Wants the Best for Her Children 337
How Are Family Problems Defined? 297 How Accountable Are Parents? 338
What Causes Families to Have Problems? 298
Defining Services to Children, Youth, and
Box 10.1 Overview of the State of America’s Families 338
Children 2014 299
How Do Cultural and Gender Differences Affect Family
The History of Services to Children, Youth, and
Families 339
Problems? 299
Colonial Times 339
Box 10.2 Indicators of Child Well-Being by Race/Ethnicity 300
The 19th Century 339
Changing Family Situations 302 The Early 20th Century 340
Divorce and Separation 302 The 1960s and 1970s 340
Single Parenting 304 The 1980s and 1990s 341
Gay and Lesbian Parenting 306 Moving into the 21st Century 343
Stepparenting and Blended Families 308 2000–2010 345
Family Problems Affecting Children 309 Child Welfare After 2010: Mixed Results 346
Addiction and Substance Misuse 309 Preventive Services for Children 347
Family and Intimate Partner Violence 311 Natural Support Systems 347
Forms of IPV 312 In-Home Services 347
Characteristics of Abusers and Those Who Are Abused 313 Parent Education 348
Box 10.3 Environmental Risk Factors for Intimate Partner Child Development and Child Care Programs 349
Violence 314 Recreational, Religious, and Social Programs 349
Relevant Legislation 314 Health and Family-Planning Programs 349
Child Maltreatment 315 Educational Opportunities 350
Categories of Child Maltreatment 315 Services to Children and Families at Risk 350
Box 10.4 Factors That Contribute to Child Abuse and Health and Hospital Outreach Programs 351
Neglect 319 Box 11.2 Support Service Options for Families at Risk 351
Problems Associated with Adolescents 323 Child Care 352
The Juvenile Justice System 323 Home Management Services 352
Contents xiii
Crisis Intervention Programs 353 Social Emotional Selectivity Theory 381

Counseling 353 Exchange Theory 381
Support and Self-Help Groups 353 Mental Health and Adaptation to Old Age 381
Box 11.3 Impact of Social Work Intervention 354
Attitudes Toward Growing Old 382
Volunteer and Outreach Programs 355
Needs of Older Adults 383
School Social Work 355 Income, Work, and Retirement 383
Box 11.4 A Day in the Life of a School Social
Income Security and Employment 383
Worker 356
Retirement 387
Child Protective Services 358
Health and Health Care 389
Investigations of Child Maltreatment 358
Determination of Intervention 359 Housing 391
Typical Services Provided 360 Transportation 392
Family Preservation Services 360 Long-Term Care 392
Substitute Care 362 Protection from Abuse and Neglect 394
Foster Care 362 Understanding Death and Dying 395
Residential Treatment 363
The Families of Older Adults 396
Adoption 364
Diversity of Older Adults: Resilience and
Adoption Issues 364
Oppression 397
Adoption of Children with Special Needs 365
Older Adults of Color 397
Child Welfare and Cultural Diversity 367 Older Adults Who Are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, or
Child Welfare and the Future 368 Transgender 399
The Role of Social Workers in Providing Services to Older Adults and Gender 399
Children, Youth, and Families 369 Older Adults with Disabilities 400
Box 11.5 Do You Have the Characteristics to Be a Competent Services for Older Adults 400
Social Worker? 370 Social Work with Older Adults 402
Summary 371 Summary 403
Competency Notes 371 Competency Notes 404
Key Terms 372 Key Terms 404
Discussion Questions 372 Discussion Questions 404
On the Internet 372 On the Internet 405
References 372 References 405
Suggested Readings 375 Suggested Readings 407
CHAPTER 12 CHAPTER 13
Older Adults: Needs and Services . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .377 Criminal Justice . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .409
An Increasingly Aging Population with Many The Criminal Justice System 410
Implications 378 Legislative Component 411
Physiological Aging 379 Law Enforcement Component 412
Theories About Why We Age 379 Judicial Component 412
Physiological Characteristics of Aging 379 Corrections Component 414
Emotional and Psychological Adaptation to Mental Health Issues in Adult Correctional
Old Age 379 Facilities 418
Psychosocial Theories of Aging 380 Controversy Over the Death Penalty 420
Continuity Theory 380 The Juvenile Justice System 421
Activity Theory 380 The Gault Decision 421
Developmental Theory 380 Juvenile Justice Agencies 422
xiv Contents
Juvenile Courts 422 Limitations of Rural and Urban Classification

Juvenile Corrections 422 Systems 445
Dual System of Justice 423 Defining What Is Rural 445
Box 13.1 How a Youth Ends Up in the Adult Justice Characteristics of Rural and Urban
System 424 Populations 446
The Texas 40-Year Rule 424 Life in Rural Communities 446
Box 13.2 Quotes Taken from Testimony Provided by Youth and Life in Urban Communities 448
Relatives Before the House Committee on Education and Labor Support Services in Rural and Urban Communities 449
Healthy Families and Communities Subcommittee in 2012 425
Social Problems and Needs in Rural and Urban
Differential Treatment of Nonwhite Youth in the Justice
Areas 451
System 426
Mental Health 451
Box 13.3 National Resolution Regarding Trying and Sentencing Health Care 453
Youth Offenders in Adult Criminal Court 427
Poverty 454
Reform of the Juvenile Justice System 427 Older Adults 454
The Role of the Federal Government in Juvenile Ethnic Composition 454
Justice Reform 428 The Rural Family 455
Needed Changes in Policy Outlook 428 The Crisis of the Small Farmer 456
The Role of State and Local Governments in Juvenile Social Welfare in Rural and Urban
Justice Reform 428 Communities 456
Alternatives to Get-Tough Policies 429
Social Work, the Natural Environment, and
Strategies for Preventing Juvenile Crime and Violence or
Its Re-Occurrence 429
Environmental Justice 457
Box 13.4 Strategic Action Areas for Reducing Juvenile Crime Social Work in Rural and Urban Settings and
and Violence in the United States 430 Environmentalism 459
Box 14.1 NASW Professional Policy Statement in Rural
Rehabilitation 431
Social Work 460
Issues in Rehabilitation 432
Crime Prevention 432 Rural, Urban, and Environmental Social Work as
Generalist Practice 461
Box 13.5 Characteristics of Successful Offender Rehabilitation
Programs 432 Box 14.2 Some Characteristics of Effective Rural Social
Workers 462
Views of Criminal Behavior 433 Summary 463
Psychological Views of the Criminal Personality 434 Competency Notes 463
Social Views of Criminal Behavior 434 Key Terms 464
Economic Rationale of Crime 435 Discussion Questions 464
Program Alternatives 435 On the Internet 465
The Role of Social Work in the Criminal Justice References 465
System 436 Suggested Readings 467
Summary 436
Competency Notes 437 CHAPTER 15
Key Terms 437 Social Work in the Workplace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .468
Discussion Questions 438 A Historical Perspective on Work and Family
On the Internet 438 Relationships 470
References 438 The Current Workforce 470
Suggested Readings 440 More Women in the Workforce 471
An Older Workforce 472
CHAPTER 14 Greater Ethnic Diversity within the Workforce 472
Social Work Contexts: Rural and Urban Settings Types of Jobs Available 473
and Environmentalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .442 The Changing Nature of Work and the
Operational Definitions 443 Workplace 473
Contents xv
Unemployment and Underemployment 474 CHAPTER 16

Changing Attitudes and Values Toward Work 474 The Globalization of Social Work . . . . . . . . . . . . . .498
Box 15.1 The Changing Work Paradigm 475 A Changed World 500
The Impact of Changes on Employees and Their International Social Welfare and Globalization 500
Families 477 Box 16.1 Universal Declaration of Human Rights 502
Balancing Work and Family Life 477
Responding to the Challenge of Globalization 505
Increased Stress 478
Relocation 479 Children and Human Rights 505
Financial Problems 479 Poverty 506
Family and Medical Leave Act 480 Armed Conflict 506
Accidents and Other Occupational Hazards 480 HIV/AIDS 506
Violence in the Workplace 480 Other Risks Faced by Children 506
Sexual Harassment 481 International Efforts to Alleviate the Plight of Children 507
Child Care for Working Parents 482 Box 16.2 Values and Principles of the United Nations
Family Caregiving 482 Millennium Declaration 508
Changing Expectations About Work and Family The Plight of World Refugees 508
Life 483 Box 16.3 Myths and Facts About the Refugee Population in the
Implications for the Mental Health of Employees and United States 510
Their Families 483 Immigration in the United States 510
Implications for the Workplace 484 Lawful Entry 511
Increased Demands on Employers 484 Unlawful Entry 512
Affiliation Needs 485 A Brief History of U.S. Immigration Policy and
Legislation 512
Addressing Work and Family Problems 485
Myths and Facts About Immigrants 515
Employee Assistance Programs 486
Dependent-Care Programs 486 Box 16.4 How Immigrants Contribute to the U.S. Economy 516
Surge in Unaccompanied Minors Coming into the
Social Work in the Workplace 489
United States 516
Industrial Social Work 489
Occupational Social Work 490
The International Federation of Social
Workers 517
Box 15.2 The Occupational Social Worker 491
International Social Work Organizations and
Social Work in the Changing Workplace 491
Agencies 519
Applying an Ecological/Systems Perspective 491
Summary 520
Box 15.3 Client Assessment Incorporating Work and Family Competency Notes 521
Domains 492
Key Terms 521
Service Models 493 Discussion Questions 521
Summary 493 On the Internet 522
Competency Notes 493 References 522
Key Terms 494 Suggested Readings 524
On the Internet 494 Appendix A Look to the Future . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525
References 494 Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 532
Suggested Readings 497 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 546
Preface
The eighth edition of this book is written at a critical At the dawn of the 20th century, the roots of social
time for the United States and the entire world. The work were just beginning to take hold. It was one of the
United States faces many challenges both at home most prolific eras for social and economic justice in the
and abroad. An often-debated topic is what the role history of the social work profession. The settlement
of the United States should be in fostering relationships house movement was in full force. Social workers
around the world as a means of promoting the social (mainly women) were making significant contributions
well-being of world citizens. Civil wars stemming from to the development of social welfare policy that affected
ethnic conflicts and the human rights violations they the lives of immigrants, the poor, the homeless, delin-
bring about, coupled with famines and other natural quent youth, the medically indigent, individuals in
disasters, impact the United States daily. These global need of mental health services, and many others. It
challenges raise critical issues regarding how to balance was a time of massive social and economic change.
our need to address important domestic issues against Social workers sought to bring order out of chaos, to
our leadership role in an increasingly complex world. connect private troubles to public causes, and to help
Current domestic policy issues that cannot be the disenfranchised create better lives for themselves.
ignored or swept under the rug include the state of Most of all, it was a period of hope—hope for a better
the economy and the increasing national debt, how to future for all of humanity.
successfully implement reforms in health care to best The 21st century has gotten off to a rocky start. The
help the millions of Americans who are either unin- time is more critical now than ever before for social
sured or underinsured to meet their health care workers to advocate for policies and programs they
needs, how to reduce poverty, how to address the believe will address these issues most effectively, as
growing homeless population, what to do about the well as to provide services and support to the vulnera-
increasing lack of support for those who need mental ble populations most likely to be affected by world
health care, how to guarantee the fair and equitable events. This book is about the many social welfare
treatment of the country’s rapidly growing immigrant issues facing the United States and the world today
population, what commitment should be made to and the many roles that social work professionals
keeping the nation’s children free from harm, how to play in responding to those issues.
implement and sustain juvenile and criminal justice Although approaches to social welfare have changed
reforms, and how to create a civil society in which all over the decades, the needs to which the social work
persons are appreciated and valued. Should we devote profession responds remain much the same—not
considerable resources to helping those who are strug- because the social work profession has been ineffective
gling throughout the world when we can’t provide well in addressing these needs but, rather, because the
for those within our own country? What should the response to social welfare needs is tied closely to the
balance be? prevailing social values. It can be argued that there is
xvi
Preface xvii
a rhythm of social responses to social welfare problems. In Part 2, Social Work Practice, you will develop a
This rhythm is affected by the events of history, the beginning understanding of micro- and macro-levels of
state of the economy, the prevailing political ideology, practice and learn intervention methods that social
and the will of the people. workers use. In Chapter 5, you will learn about meth-
At this time in history, the social welfare needs of the ods that social workers use in working with individuals,
United States have taken a back seat to other issues, such families, and groups. Chapter 6 focuses on social work
as waging a global war on terrorism, the spread of life- at the macro-level, including work in the community
threatening infectious diseases, natural disasters across and in policy, administration, and research.
the globe, and a worldwide economic downturn. Yet In Part 3, Fields of Practice and Populations Served
the problems of poverty, homelessness, AIDS, addiction by Social Workers, you will study a number of fields of
to alcohol and other drugs, child abuse and neglect, teen practice and populations with which social workers are
pregnancy, youth violence, immigration, and an inade- involved. You will be considering the issues discussed
quate and unjust health-care system remain and will not within each chapter from the broad perspective of
simply disappear by ignoring or trying to eliminate pro- social welfare, the nature of the social work profession,
grams that try to address them. Because these problems the ecological/systems framework, and the impact of
tear at the very fabric of our society, they once again will oppression and social and economic injustice on at-
stand high on the country’s social agenda and receive risk populations. Chapter 7 focuses on poverty and
the bulk of public attention. income assistance. Because homelessness is primarily
a result of poverty and economic conditions, a discus-
sion of homelessness is also included. Chapter 8
Approach explores health care, including a discussion of who is
This text takes a generalist practice perspective in more likely to be in good health and why and critical
addressing social welfare issues within the context of issues in current health care delivery, including imple-
the ecological/systems framework, the overarching mentation of the Affordable Care Act.
framework used by social workers as they intervene In Chapter 9, you will learn about mental health,
to address social welfare needs at the individual, family, alcoholism and other substance misuse, and disabilities
group, organization, community, and societal levels. and policies and programs intended to address
Part 1 of the text, Understanding Social Work and impacted individuals and their families. Chapters 10
Social Welfare, provides an introduction to the nature and 11 focus on needs of and services to children,
of social welfare and the profession of social work. In youth, and families, focusing on family issues such as
Chapter 1, we focus on the historical context of social divorce, child maltreatment, and problems associated
welfare to show how the past has shaped present-day with adolescence, and policy and program responses
social welfare problems, the evolution of society’s views to address these concerns. In Chapter 12, you will
of people in need, and the roles of social workers in learn about the needs of and services to older adults
responding to those needs. Chapter 2 explores the and the critical need for social workers as our popula-
social work profession, contrasting social work with tion continues to age. Chapter 13 explores the criminal
other helping professions and showing the importance justice system, including differences in the adult and
of collaboration in working with individuals, families, juvenile justice systems. Chapter 14 focuses on social
groups, and communities. In Chapter 3, we introduce work in different environmental contexts, with a
key underpinnings of the social work profession, focus on rural and urban settings as well as the impact
including the ecological/systems framework, the con- of the natural environment on vulnerable populations
cept of generalist practice, and the strengths perspec- and the role of social workers in protecting the natural
tive, all used by social workers in assessing client needs environment. Social workers increasingly must con-
and working with clients and other helping profes- sider the impact of work on their clients, as discussed
sionals to develop appropriate strategies of interven- in Chapter 15. In this chapter you will also learn about
tion. In Chapter 4, we highlight key social justice social work opportunities in the workplace.
issues such as the impact of racism, sexism, homopho- In addition, because social workers must incorpo-
bia, and other forms of oppression on individuals and rate a global worldview into their interventions wher-
the ways the allocation of resources reinforces these ever they practice, and because social workers are
forms of oppression and injustice. playing ever more important roles in international
xviii Preface
circles, discussion of international social work has been Features

incorporated into Chapter 16. Finally, content on
We also have included a number of additional features to
immigration is also included in this chapter because
help students and instructors get the most out of the book.
immigration issues are central to the social and eco-
At the end of each chapter is a list of key terms and discus-
nomic future of the United States and because the
sion questions that can be used in the classroom or indi-
2,000-mile border shared with Mexico is a major
vidually to help students strengthen their critical-thinking
entry point into the United States for immigrants
skills. We also include a list of Internet sites by which to
from Mexico and Central and South America.
locate additional information on subjects of interest.
In keeping with the current Council on Social Work
Education’s Educational Policy and Accreditation Stan-
dards, the text focuses on competencies and practice Joining a Collaborative
behaviors needed to be an effective social worker.
“Helping hands” icons within the chapters and end- Venture
of-chapter competency notes spotlight text coverage This text is a collaborative effort among colleagues.
of the required core competencies and recommended Where consensus was possible, we sought it; where it
practice behaviors detailed by the Council on Social was not possible, we sought to identify the diverse views
Work Education’s (CSWE) new (2008; revised 2010) about the established wisdom of social work. Each of us
Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards. Social contributed to the book from the perspectives of our own
work graduates are expected to master these competen- education and professional experience in addition to
cies and practice behaviors upon completion of their social work: educational psychology, policy, and adminis-
bachelor of social work (BSW) degrees or foundation tration in the case of Robert Ambrosino; child develop-
coursework at the master’s of social work (MSW) level. ment, education, human behavior, and psychology in the
In addition, case examples throughout the text help case of Rosalie Ambrosino; political science and econom-
readers understand how chapter concepts are put into ics in the case of Joe Heffernan; and sociology and history
action by social work practitioners. in the case of Guy Shuttlesworth. We also want to
acknowledge our newest collaborator, recent BSW gradu-
ate Caitlyn Counihan, who gave us invaluable feedback
New to the Eighth Edition throughout the revision process and served as a co-author
In this text we hope to help students develop a frame of for Chapter 9. Although the text reflects our diverse inter-
reference to understand social welfare and an approach disciplinary perspectives, it is disciplined by the continuity
to address social issues that will serve them well in and the certainty of unresolved social issues to which
times of commitment as well as retrenchment. We social work skills are relevant.
have reworked much of this eighth edition to reflect We hope that a number of you using this text will be
changes in the social work profession, as well as in persuaded, or have your choices reinforced, to join the
the social welfare policy arena. Content on race, gen- social work profession. We urge those of you consider-
der, and sexual orientation in the chapter on social jus- ing a career in social work to talk with your course
tice has been updated, and additional content added instructors about getting a BSW and/or an MSW
that focuses on classism, ageism, ability, and religious degree. We also recommend that you visit social agen-
discrimination. The chapter on health care has been cies and undertake some volunteer experiences in con-
moved to an earlier place in the text to highlight the junction with your course. Most important, however,
importance of the Affordable Care Act, and the chapter we hope this book in some way contributes to your
on mental health, substance use, and disability has been social conscience no matter what career you choose
updated with new content on biological implications and encourages you to recognize social work as a
for understanding these issues. The chapter on rural dynamic, challenging profession whose values, princi-
social work has been expanded to include content on ples, and practices intersect with a wide variety of other
urban social work as well as the natural environment professions.
and environmental racism. Finally, content on looking As we continue to struggle with social welfare issues
to the future has been moved from the global chapter that have existed in various forms for centuries, we urge
to an epilogue at the end of the text. you to look back on the early roots of social work—to
Preface xix
remember the profession’s significant contributions to Carlson, University of Nebraska at Omaha; Michel
making the world a better place to live. We urge you Coconis, Wright State University-Dayton; Wilma
to build on the many accomplishments of the social Cordova, Stephen F. Austin State University; Rosalyn
work profession that took root at the turn of the last Deckerhoff, Florida State University; Christy Fisher,
century and to translate what was learned there into Iowa Western Community College; Roy Fowles, Purdue
the very different and ever-changing world of today. North Central; Darron Garner, Prairie View A & M
We urge you to rekindle the flame of hope that burned University; Gail Grabczynski, Malcolm X College;
so brightly in those early days of the profession. We urge Andrea Horigan, Ventura College; Diane Loeffler, Uni-
you to seek to advance what the social work profession versity of Kentucky; Donna McElory, Atlantic Cape
stands for in everything you do. Finally, regardless of Community College; Thomas Oles, Skidmore College;
what profession you choose, we urge you to leave a leg- Yolanda Padilla, University of Texas at Austin; Joan
acy, no matter how large or small, for others who will Pendergast, Concord University; Becky Scott, Baylor
follow you into the future to build on to continue to University; Jeanne Sokolec, Loyola University-Chicago;
make the world a better place to live. Allen Stata, Judson College; Susan Vorsanger, Mount
Saint Mary College; Linda Wells-Glover, University of
Rosalie Ambrosino Missouri-St. Louis; and Lisa Zerden, University of North
Robert Ambrosino Carolina-Chapel Hill.
Joe Heffernan We very much appreciate the thoughtful guidance
Guy Shuttlesworth they provided in our making revisions for the eighth
edition.
The referent group of greatest relevance has been our
Acknowledgements students. We owe special appreciation to them for helping
Four “referent” groups played an important role in us frame the issues in the text by asking the “hard ques-
strengthening this book: our families, our students tions” and challenging us to remember that social welfare
and faculty colleagues in Austin and San Antonio, issues are timeless and complex. Their comments in clas-
and our colleagues in the profession. We owe our grat- ses over our collective years of teaching have helped to
itude to our families—Megan, Will A., Chris, Will C., shape our views of what they want and need to know to
Catie, Coleman, and Jimmy for their support and become better social workers and citizens in our complex
understanding when the book took priority over society. The most rewarding part of teaching is watching
them. A special note of thanks goes to our children our students begin to see connections between the past
and grandchildren who have enriched our lives immea- and the present, as well as the many complex factors that
surably with their open minds and zest for life—and shape social welfare issues and their impact on the diverse
ultimately for whom this book was written, as they populations within the United States. We have incorpo-
are the inheritors of the world we leave behind. rated many of their ideas into this eighth edition.
We also thank the diverse group of reviewers whose Last but not least, we express our gratitude to our acqui-
comments contributed significantly to the quality of sition editor, Gordon Lee, for his persistence and encour-
this eighth edition: agement in the book preparation and publication. Also, a
Donna Aguiniga, Western Illinois University; Paul special thanks to the production guidance and abilities—
Baggett, East Tennessee State University; Sheli and the patience—of Ted Knight, Sharib Asrar, and all
Bernstein-Goff, West Liberty University; Patricia others who helped with this publication along the way.
PART 1
Understanding Social Work
and Social Welfare
Key Concepts and Perspectives
Part 1 of this book is an introduction to the nature of social welfare and social work— AP Photo/The Times Argus, Jeb Wallace-Brodeur
what social welfare encompasses and what social workers who function in social wel-
fare settings do. The information in these four chapters constitutes an historical and
theoretical framework for understanding subsequent chapters.
Chapter 1, Social Welfare, Past and Present, provides the historical context of social
welfare—how the past has shaped present-day social welfare problems and society’s
views toward people in need. The chapter begins with a discussion of early welfare
policies and legislation and traces these influences to contemporary social welfare
institutions.
Chapter 2, Social Work and Other Helping Professions, explores the relationships
between social welfare as a broad system intended to maintain the well-being of indi-
viduals within a society and the profession of social work. The discussion covers the
diverse roles and functions of social work professionals, contrasting the profession of
social work with other helping professions and examining ways in which they can
work together. For those who are interested in careers in one of the helping
1
2 Part 1: Understanding Social Work and Social Welfare
professions, the chapter indicates educational pathways and credentialing for various
roles.
Chapter 3, The Ecological/Systems Perspective, suggests a theoretical framework for
understanding subsequent chapters. An ecological/systems perspective is the basis for
considering individuals within the broader environment. This framework encompasses
a broad societal perspective, a community perspective, a family perspective, and an
individual perspective. Examples are provided to show how social work practitioners
apply the framework and its concepts. The chapter also covers generalist social work
practice and the strengths perspective, explaining how these perspectives fit within an
ecological/systems context.
Chapter 4, Diversity and Social Justice, addresses the ways in which racism, class-
ism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of oppression and discrimination disen-
franchise vulnerable groups in our society. Specific examples illustrate the long-range
effects of social injustice at the individual, family, group, organizational, community,
and societal levels related to color, gender, class, age, sexual orientation, ability, and
religion. The promotion of social and economic justice and work toward eliminating
oppression at all levels of the environment are implicit roles of the social work
profession.
Together, these chapters comprise an overview of the major concepts upon which
the profession of social work is based, and they lay the groundwork for the remaining
chapters. Concepts introduced in these chapters also provide the foundation for under-
standing content in later chapters. For those majoring in social work, these concepts
and their application will become second nature. You will use them daily, probably
without even realizing it.
The focus of these chapters is on those competencies and practice behaviors needed
to become a social worker that relate to: (1) identifying as a professional social worker,
(2) developing a beginning understanding of the ethical principles that guide social
work practice, (3) becoming aware of the links between diversity and social and eco-
nomic justice, and (4) understanding how history has shaped U.S. social welfare policy
and services provided by social workers.
As you read the chapters in this section and engage in classroom discussions about
the material, note that from the beginning of time, our society has been shaped by the
discussion of conflicting ideas. These initial chapters present multiple perspectives
about many social welfare issues—for example, poverty and welfare reform, diversity,
reproductive rights of women, and same-sex marriage. You also will find that social
workers have multiple perspectives about these issues. Social work is a diverse profes-
sion, and like members of the broader society, social workers do not always agree on
the ways these issues are framed and the best approaches to address them. We hope
that you will consider the ideas presented in this text and those of your student col-
leagues and your professor—and listen to these different voices with an open mind.
More important, we hope that you will treat clients you serve with dignity and respect,
even though their values and other perspectives may differ from yours.
CHAPTER 1
Social Welfare, Past and Present
Consider what your life would be like if you were living in an earlier
time or at a future time. What would be the same? What would be
different? Why? How would personal and religious values and
EP 2.1.8a
beliefs of the time, the economy, and the group in power shape
your life and the choices available to you? Have you ever thought about
how the personal and religious values and beliefs, the economy, and groups
in power in earlier years of the United States impact your life now and the
choices available to you?
Social welfare policy in the United States has undergone tremendous
change since the time of the early settlers. Yet, much of social welfare as
we know it today reflects the mainstream belief system in place during
colonial American times—a system borrowed from Elizabethan England—
which in turn largely reflects the English Poor Laws of the early 1600s. Many
of the provisions of the English Poor Laws—such as an emphasis on per-
sonal responsibility, local control over decision making, promotion of family
values, limited government involvement in social welfare programs, the
equating of work to religious salvation, and a distinction between the
“deserving” poor and the “undeserving” poor—are embedded in contempo-
rary social welfare policies.
The landmark welfare reform legislation passed in 1996 and reauthor-
ized as part of the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005 with even more stringent
provisions created a burgeoning underclass of working poor. In spite of the
fact that many Americans still cannot find sustainable employment since
the economic downturn of 2007, it is unlikely that Congress will ease up
on welfare eligibility requirements or increase funding to states for welfare
benefits, which have been flat for 16 years (Shott & Pavetti, 2013). Imple-
mentation of the Affordable Care Act, stabilizing the economy, extending
unemployment benefits for millions of Americans who are unable to find
employment following the economic downturn of 2007, and reducing
the federal debt have taken priority over further welfare reform in recent
years.
For many, working at a job, even two jobs, no longer guarantees a life free
from poverty and even a small share of the American dream. Can this trend be
reversed, or is the fundamental belief system about social welfare in the United
States so entrenched that limited incremental change is the best we can expect?
What lessons can be learned from the American social welfare experience?
What are the implications of failing to meet the basic needs of a large segment
3
of the population? Resolving these and similar questions is central to the social
work profession. Failing to resolve them is simply not an option.
There is no consensus regarding the nature, focus, and development of
social policy or the responsibility—if any—of government in developing pro-
grams to assist those in need. In the following discussion, we identify some of
the more salient factors involved in developing a comprehensive approach to
social welfare in the United States. But first, a few basic questions are in order:
What is social welfare? Who gets it? Who pays for it? Does it create depen-
dency? Why is our social welfare system organized as it is?
Social welfare in our society has long been a matter of dispute and
controversy. Often, the controversy results from a misunderstanding of the
policies that govern social welfare, as well as misinformation about people
who should receive social welfare benefits. Many people view those who
receive public assistance (commonly called “welfare”) as lazy, unwilling to
work, and content to live off government aid. This perspective presumes that
poverty, mental illness, and unemployment signify personal failure. Others
view recipients of public assistance as victims of a rapidly changing society
that provides little help in enabling people to become self-sufficient. It is
understandable, then, that people with divergent views would have different
opinions about the nature and scope of social welfare programs and the
people they serve.
Determining who is in need represents one of the fundamental decisions
involved in developing any public social welfare program. This judgment is
almost always based, at least in part, on how much we think a person
deserves help. Frequently, a distinction is made between the deserving
poor and the undeserving poor. Many people are more accepting of the
needs of older people and those with disabilities and chronic illnesses
(deserving poor) than of the needs of seemingly able-bodied persons (unde-
serving poor).
Today, the term “deserving” is defined more often than not by whether
the person is able to work. Many times, we assume that people who are poor
have chosen that lifestyle, are lazy, or lack motivation to rise out of poverty.
Stereotypes such as these fail to consider how changing social systems con-
tribute to outcomes that result in poverty for a substantial portion of the
population. Increasingly, even those who work at two or more jobs can be
poor.
Why does poverty in the United States persist? What can and should be
done about it, and who should be responsible for addressing the problem? What
resources should be brought to bear, and who should pay for them?
Chapter 1: Social Welfare, Past and Present 5
A Definition of Social Welfare Social work is the primary profession that

works within the social welfare system and
and Its Relationship to Social with those the system serves. Social workers
EP 2.1.1a implement planned social change activities
Work prescribed by social welfare institutions.
What is social welfare? Although social wel- They facilitate change by working with individuals,
fare is viewed by many as services provided families, groups, organizations, and communities and
to the poor, government expenditures and at the societal level to improve social functioning. Social
EP 2.1.3a tax breaks for members of the upper workers advocate for social and economic justice within
and middle classes could also be included the social welfare system, making needed resources
(Gilbert & Terrell, 2012; Jansson, 2012). In fact, the available to members of vulnerable populations—
term welfare is derived from the phrase “getting fare- children, elderly people, those with disabilities, and
well,” which means to travel, to go, and to be well those living in poverty (Dubois & Miley, 2013).
(Midgley & Livermore, 2008). A broad definition of Social workers within the social welfare system
social welfare could incorporate all organized societal assist abused and neglected children and their fami-
responses that promote the social well-being of a pop- lies, pregnant and parenting teens, the homeless and
ulation: education, health, rehabilitation, protective others living in poverty, individuals with health and
services for adults and children, public assistance, mental health problems, youth and adults within the
social insurance, services for those with physical and criminal justice system, employees in the workplace,
mental disabilities, job-training programs, marriage refugees across the world, and individuals with a
counseling, psychotherapy, pregnancy counseling, multitude of other needs. They organize neighbor-
adoption, and numerous other related activities hoods and communities to strengthen or create pro-
designed to promote social well-being. In short, social grams and policies to better meet human needs and
welfare incorporates what is needed to provide people advocate for change in a variety of roles at state,
with resources to lead satisfying and productive lives national, and global levels. Individuals involved in
(Day & Schiele, 2012; Karger & Stoesz, 2013; Stern & other helping professions work closely with social
Axinn, 2012). workers in planned change at all levels. The roles of
The term social welfare, then, refers to the full range social work professionals and other helping profes-
of organized activities of public and voluntary agencies sions in the social welfare system are discussed in
that seek to prevent, alleviate or contribute to solving a Chapter 2.
selected set of social problems. For some who view social
welfare broadly—from the concept that a society pools
its resources for the general welfare of all—it encom- The Value Base of Social
passes public facilities such as libraries, public parks,
and hospitals. Others include social support to corpora- Welfare
tions, sometimes called “corporate welfare,” or the Values are assumptions, convictions, or beliefs
extensive investment that some countries such as the about what is good and desirable or the way
United States make in businesses in addition to invest- things ought to be. A person’s values are
ment in people in need. Still others view social welfare EP 2.1.3a shaped by her or his socialization experiences.
more narrowly, to consist of programs that address EP 2.1.8a Many values are dominant and supported by
issues such as poverty and child maltreatment. the majority of the population (Reamer, 2013).
The length and breadth of the list of social problems For example, most people agree that life is sacred. Nearly
typically depend on the values perspective of the person everyone believes that killing another person with wan-
compiling the list, the historical time in which the list is ton disregard for that person’s life is a criminal offense.
developed, and the perceived economic resources avail- Other values related to the sanctity of life, however, are
able to meet the social welfare problems listed. As you not shared so readily. For example, our society differs on
read on, consider how individual and professional values issues such as abortion, physician-assisted suicide, and
shape one’s views about what constitutes social welfare. capital punishment.
The development of social welfare over time reflects themselves, with little or no government intervention.
differences in values as they relate to social responsibil- This perspective suggests that government should pro-
ity for those in need. Values alone, however, do not vide a safety net only for those with the greatest need.
determine social policy. Availability of resources, cou- From the liberal perspective, government is responsible
pled with economic, religious, and political influences, for ensuring the availability of social and economic
results in ever-evolving policies of social responsibility structures, including equitable access to support for
for vulnerable members of a society. those who cannot meet their own needs (Karger &
One dominant value that has guided the develop- Stoesz, 2013).
ment of our social welfare system is humanitarianism, Another perspective contrasts residual and institu-
derived largely from Judeo-Christian philosophy and tional social welfare. The residual perspective views
teachings (Day & Schiele, 2012). Our society also is social welfare as serving only those with the most pro-
influenced by the economic doctrine of laissez-faire, blems or greatest needs. This perspective often is asso-
based on limited government involvement, individual- ciated with a values system that supports individualism
ism, and personal responsibility (Stern & Axinn, 2012). and an expectation that people can, and should, take
From a laissez-faire perspective, care of themselves and that those who are unable to
care for themselves are deficient in some way. In con-
1. problems of the poor and the disenfranchised
trast, an institutional perspective holds that everyone
are perceived as a matter of personal failure that
has needs throughout the life cycle and that society is
government welfare programs would only
responsible for supporting those needs by providing
perpetuate,
services and benefits (Dinitto & Johnson, 2012).
2. work is considered to be the only justifiable means
Thus, perspectives regarding societal responsibility
of survival because it contributes to the productive
for vulnerable members of society vary widely. As
effort of society, and
you follow the discussion of historical influences that
3. social responsibility for vulnerable members of
have converged to shape our present social welfare
society would be carried out through volunteerism
structure, see whether you can identify the values posi-
aimed at encouraging personal responsibility and
tions that have contributed to the formulation of social
self-sufficiency rather than formal government
policy.
intervention.
A different perspective maintains that we all are
members of society and, by virtue of that member- Historical Influences That
ship, are entitled to share in its productive effort.
Those who hold this belief argue that people become Shape Social Welfare Today
poor or needy as a result of changing social institu- Our English Heritage
tions such as economic globalization or the shift from In England, before mercantilism, care for the poor was
a manufacturing economy to a service-based econ- a function primarily of the Church. By extending them-
omy. Individuals are not the cause of these conditions selves through charitable efforts to those in need, par-
but, rather, are swept along and victimized by them. ishioners fulfilled a required sacred function. The
For example, members of some ethnic groups face Church’s resources usually were sufficient to provide
barriers such as inferior educational resources, lim- the relief that was made available to the poor.
ited (and usually menial) job opportunities, poor The feudal system itself provided a structure that
housing, and inadequate health resources. An analysis met the needs of most of the population. The only sig-
from this perspective would not blame these condi- nificant government legislation during this time was
tions on individual group members but, instead, iden- passed as a result of the Black Death—bubonic
tify factors such as institutional discrimination and plague—which began in 1348 and killed approximately
oppression. two-thirds of the English population within 2 years. In
Those who conceptualize social welfare have differ- 1351, King Edward III mandated the Statute of
ing values perspectives. Some focus on whether one’s Laborers Act, which required all able-bodied indivi-
view is liberal or conservative or on a continuum duals to accept any type of employment within their
somewhere in between. From a conservative pers- parish. Furthermore, it laid the groundwork for resi-
pective, individuals are responsible for taking care of dency requirements by forbidding able-bodied persons
from leaving their parish. (This later became an intrin- able-bodied were placed in prisons, others were
sic part of American social welfare legislation.) sent to workhouses, and still others served as
Some 150 years later, with the breakdown of the indentured servants in local factories or as slave
feudal system and the division of the Church during laborers on local farms. Unlike the worthy poor,
the Reformation, organized religious efforts could the able-bodied poor were assumed to be malin-
no longer cope with the increasing needs of the poor. gerers who lacked the motivation to secure gain-
Without the Church or the feudal manor to rely on in ful employment. The treatment they received was
times of need, the poor were left to fend for themselves. designed to deter others from following in their
This change frequently led to malnutrition, transience, footsteps, as well as to punish them for their
poor health, broken families, and even death. transience and idleness.
As Europe struggled with the transition from an
The Elizabethan Poor Law was enacted primarily to
agricultural society to an industrial one, the numbers
standardize the way the poor were to be managed, not
of dislodged persons increased. Many of the poor
because of altruism and concern for them (Lees, 2007).
found their way into cities, lured by the prospect of
This law is significant because it established the guiding
work in manufacturing facilities. The Industrial
philosophy of public assistance legislation in England
Revolution, however, was still in its early stages, and
until 1834 and in the United States until the Social
the number of jobs was insufficient to accommodate
Security Act was passed in 1935 (Jansson, 2012). Its
the growing population. Further, most of those who
influence also can be seen in the Personal Responsibil-
were seeking jobs were illiterate and lacked the skills
ity and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 (commonly
necessary to work in a manufacturing environment.
called “welfare reform”). The important components
Turned away by the cities, large bands of poor, unem-
of the Elizabethan Poor Law (Day & Schiele, 2012) in
ployed people wandered the countryside begging for
relation to U.S. policies toward the poor are the estab-
whatever meager assistance they could get. A sense of
lishment of:
lawlessness often accompanied them. Local officials
were pressed to find suitable solutions for the homeless, • clear (but limited) government responsibility for
the poor, and dependent children. Unable to address those in need,
the problems on their own, local officials turned to • government authority to force people to work,
Parliament for a solution (Stern & Axinn, 2012). • government enforcement of family responsibility,
Parliament responded by passing the Elizabethan • the principle of local responsibility, and
Poor Law (Elizabeth 43) in 1601. This legislation is • strict residence requirements.
significant because it attempted to codify earlier leg-
More than 200 years after the passage of the
islation as well as establish a national policy regarding
Elizabethan Poor Law, the Poor Law Reform Act of
the poor (Lees, 2007). The Elizabethan Poor Law
1834 was passed in reaction to concerns that the
delineated “categories” of assistance, a practice
earlier law was not being implemented as intended.
retained in our current social welfare legislation.
The prevailing belief then was that liberalized super-
1. Individuals considered to be “worthy.” These were vision of the programs for the poor had served as a
individuals for whom impoverishment was not disincentive for work and, in effect, had created
viewed as a fraudulent attempt to secure assis- dependency on the program. The Poor Law Reform
tance. They included the aged, the chronically ill, Act mandated that all forms of outdoor relief (assis-
individuals with disabilities, and orphaned chil- tance to people in their homes) be abolished and
dren. The worthy poor typically were placed in that the full intention of the provisions of the Poor
almshouses (poorhouses), where they received Law of 1601 be rigidly enforced. Furthermore, the
minimal care. This practice was called “indoor act established the “principle of least eligibility,”
relief” because it provided services to the poor which prescribed that no assistance be provided in
within institutions. In some instances, children an amount that left the recipient better off than
were placed with families and often were required the lowest-paid worker (Lees, 2007). This principle
to work for their keep. also served as a basic tenet of early American social
2. The able-bodied poor. For those classified in this welfare legislation and public welfare programs
way, programs were less humane. Some of the today.
The social welfare system in the United States has in survival needs of servants and slaves. Ironically, in the
many cases actually harmed rather than improved the transition from a plantation to a pre-industrial econ-
lives of the people it was intended to serve (e.g., omy, economic uncertainty also increased. Conse-
women, people of color, the elderly, persons who are quently, public relief was the largest expenditure in
mentally ill, persons who are homeless, immigrants, the public budgets of most major cities at the time of
and other populations that are not part of the dominant the American Revolution (Stern & Axinn, 2012).
group). In addition, because the focus is often exclu- The rigid restraint of the Poor Law philosophy was
sively on the problems these groups face, the assets consistent with the extreme scarcity in the colonial
they could contribute are often ignored (Jansson, economy. Colonial law stressed indoor relief, placing
2012). those who could not care for themselves in settings
other than their own homes. Although the intent
Social Welfare in Colonial America may have been to provide care in the homes of others,
Early American settlers brought a religious heritage that usually in exchange for work as in the case of inden-
emphasized charity and the mutual interdependence of tured servants, in effect, the truly poor (paupers) often
people. They also brought with them the heritage of the were segregated within almshouses as punishment for
Elizabethan Poor Law. America in colonial times was an being poor and were given tasks that at least paid for
undeveloped and often hostile land that required early their meager keep. The apprenticeship of children
settlers to work hard to survive. The country had no reflected a belief in family controls for children and
formal government network for providing any signifi- emphasized work and training for productive employ-
cant assistance. Those in need were aided by their neigh- ment. Also, the deification of the work ethic and the
bors or by members of religious organizations. As the belief that pauperism was a visible symbol of sin per-
population increased, many colonies passed laws requir- mitted a harsh response to those in need as a means of
ing new arrivals to demonstrate their ability to sustain saving their souls.
themselves or, in the absence of such ability, locate spon-
sors who were willing to pledge their support for them. Changing Patterns After the Revolution
For the most part, transients were “warned out” and Between the time of the American Revolution and the
returned to their place of residence or back to England Civil War, several broad patterns of welfare emerged,
(Stern & Axinn, 2012). Times were difficult, the Puritan all of which were consistent with the basic tenets of
work ethic was embedded deeply, and little surplus was the Elizabethan Poor Law. The American doctrine of
available to distribute to those in need. The names of separation of church and state forced the connection
habitual paupers were posted routinely at the townhouse between parish and local welfare office to be severed.
in many towns and villages. Women during this time Nevertheless, most states retained a religious connec-
were considered to be the property of their husbands, tion, with the requirement that at least one member
and were accorded few legal protections against cruelty, of the welfare board be a “licensed preacher.” Local
lack of support, or desertion. They were largely unedu- governments accepted grudgingly the role of welfare
cated and had limited social and economic roles. They caretaker and adopted rigid residency requirements.
could not own land and were not allowed to work out- The most important shift in this period was from
side the home unless they were poor, in which case they indoor relief to outdoor relief—providing cash assis-
were forced to work in almshouses or workhouses to tance that allowed individuals to remain in their own
obtain the meager resources provided to them (Shiele homes. Outdoor aid, with its reliance on in-kind aid and
& Day, 2012). work-relief projects, was more adaptable to the volatile
Because much of colonial America was based on a economics of the first half of the 19th century.
feudal system, with indentured servants in the mid- Another significant movement during this period
colonies (more than half of all colonists came to this was the shift away from public-sector to private-
country as indentured servants) and slavery in the sector welfare. The responsibility for welfare, therefore,
southern colonies, the pauper class clearly lacked free- was left to charitable institutions rather than remaining
dom. Often overlooked, however, was a set of harsh a public concern.
laws—reasonably enforced up until the time of It is interesting to note that references to women
independence—requiring masters to meet the basic were conspicuously absent from the Declaration of
Independence. The rights and protections guaranteed needs of the poor (Stern & Axinn, 2012). In 1843, the
by the Constitution were considered by most to be Association for Improving the Conditions of the Poor
exclusively the purview of males. Women’s right to was established in New York City to coordinate relief
vote would not be incorporated into the Constitution efforts for the unemployed. One significant technique
until a much later time. Also, the seeds for the enslave- the association introduced—and which the social work
ment of nearly one million Africans were sown during profession widely practices today—was the require-
early colonial times, due in large part to the need to ment that relief could not be dispensed until the indi-
support the burgeoning agrarian economy of the vidual’s needs were assessed so that agencies providing
south. While the Emancipation Proclamation officially relief could do so more effectively.
ended the practice of slavery, one could argue that the Perhaps the most effective relief organiza-
legacy of those dark days has lingered throughout tion for the poor was the Charity Organiza-
American history, as evidenced by the continued tion Society (COS) of Buffalo, New York, a
oppression of African Americans and the roles that EP 2.1.8b private organization modeled after the COS
they play in society. EP 2.1.9b in London. The COS sought to infuse effi-
ciency and economy into programs serving
the poor, as well as to organize charities in an effort to
Caring for the Urban Poor prevent duplication of services and reduce dependency
As the new nation grew, cities began to appear on the on charitable efforts (Stern & Axinn, 2012). Like the
Eastern Seaboard. The immigrants who arrived regu- Association for Improving the Conditions of the Poor
larly often had difficulty finding jobs that paid a living that preceded it, the COS emphasized the necessity of
wage, and a large population of displaced poor began to assessing the conditions of the poor and added the
emerge. People who were interested in the welfare of dimension of engaging “friendly visitors” with clients
these individuals sought avenues for meeting their in an effort to guide, rehabilitate, and help prepare for
needs. Attaching the poor to subsistence-level employ- self-sufficiency. The COS had little sympathy for chronic
ment usually was the goal, but concern arose over beggars, viewing them essentially as hopeless derelicts.
meeting their basic needs until they could derive Some would argue that this practice spelled the begin-
income through employment. While almshouses often nings of the marginalization of homeless individuals that
were used to care for the chronic poor, outdoor relief has permeated American history to the present time
was increasingly accepted as a suitable way to care for (Jansson, 2012).
the poor.
Before moving to a discussion of early organizations
that emerged to address the needs of the rapidly- Caring for Specific Populations
growing urban poor, it is important to point out that Many other private charities emerged during the 1800s
the majority of those efforts were funded by wealthy to address special problem areas such as care of orphan
philanthropists and well-to-do workers (mostly children, and those who were mentally ill or had visual
women) who imposed their values on those they or hearing impairments (referred to as “blind” or
served, with little attention to their cultural norms, “deaf ” at that time). For the most part, these services
practices, and traditions. The informal, and often intri- were sponsored by state or local governments and pro-
cate, support networks that once flourished among the vided largely in institutional settings that were physi-
struggling immigrants gave way to formal services, cally removed from the community. A growing number
albeit limited in supply, and thus, a “we know best” of socially active citizens expressed grave concern over
philosophy of services was born (Katz, 2013). the treatment that residents of these institutions
One of the earliest organizations to seek a formal received (Stern & Axinn, 2012).
solution to the problems of poverty was the New Dorothea Dix, a philanthropist and social reformer,
York Society for the Prevention of Pauperism, estab- traveled throughout the United States observing the
lished in 1817. Following the precedent established by care given to the “insane” and was appalled by what
Thomas Chalmers in England, the society divided the she saw. She sought to convince President Franklin
city into districts and assigned “friendly visitors” to Pierce to allocate federal and land-grant monies for
work in each district to assess and respond to the establishing federal institutions to care for individuals
with mental illness. Although she initially was unsuc- the “unworthy” poor. The emphasis was on providing
cessful in changing the system, Dix was successful neighborhood services and community development.
in raising public awareness about the problems of The settlement house movement embraced a philoso-
people with mental illness, and her work set the tone phy that combined individual achievement with satis-
for an era of significant reform during the mid- to fying social relations and social responsibility.
late 1800s. Settlement house workers took a holistic perspective
Toward the latter part of the 19th century, several of the person in society. The overall mission of the
states developed centralized agencies to oversee the settlement house movement was social reform (Day &
activities of charitable institutions. State charity agen- Schiele, 2012; Slavicek, 2011; Stern & Axinn, 2012).
cies sought better quality of care for those who were Both the COS and the settlement house movements
institutionalized, as well as greater efficiency and left an indelible mark on contemporary social work
economy in providing relief to the poor. With the practice. The COS movement was the forerunner of
federal government assuming only limited responsi- clinical social work, with its concentration on indivi-
bility for selected groups (veterans, for example), duals and families, scientific methods to determine
state agencies became the primary public resource need, and specialized training of social service provi-
for addressing the problems of the poor and debili- ders. The settlement house movement was the forerun-
tated (Day & Schiele, 2012). ner of nonclinical social work, with a primary emphasis
A new wave of immigrants from southern Europe on individuals as part of their community, social needs
entering the United States in the late 1800s and early assessment, community organizing, social reform and
1900s added to the burden of unemployment, home- political action, understanding and appreciating the
lessness, and poverty. Jane Addams, a social worker, strengths of cultural diversity, and research on the
was instrumental in creating the settlement house community (Day & Schiele, 2012).
movement as a resource for preparing immigrants to The current debate in social work circles about
live in a new society. Patterned after Toynbee Hall in whether nonclinical social work is legitimate social
London, Addams established Hull House in 1889 in work has its roots in the ideological differences inher-
one of the worst slum neighborhoods of Chicago. By ent in these two early approaches to social welfare (see
addressing the problems of deficient housing, low for example, Specht & Courtney, 1995). You should be
wages, child labor, juvenile delinquency, and disease, aware of these differences because of their direct
Hull House and other settlement houses became impact on how social welfare policy is formulated and
major social action agencies (Day & Schiele, 2012). carried out.
Here we must point out the ideological conflict The period of time between the mid- to late 1800s
between the COS movement and the settlement house when the COS and settlement houses flourished is
movement, as well as the contributions of each to con- commonly referred to as the Progressive Era (Day &
temporary social work practice. COS proponents Schiele, 2012). Major trends that occurred during this
believed that urban poverty was rooted in moral and time period included:
character deficiencies and that poverty could be abol-
• economic growth, industrialization, and large-scale
ished by helping poor people recognize and correct
immigration;
their flawed characters. The COS movement embraced
• continued population growth in urban areas;
social Darwinism as its theoretical underpinning for
• wealth concentrated in the hands of a few;
helping (or not helping) the poor, and labeled this pro-
• wide disparity between the “haves” and “have-
cess “scientific charity.” The focus of COS workers was
nots”; and
on clients’ self-support, but only after a thorough inves-
• poverty prevalent among industrial workers, immi-
tigation and determination of their worthiness. The pri-
grants, and rural southern African Americans.
mary emphasis of COS agencies was on helping the poor
find social and economic salvation through work (Day & Change was rapid and dramatic. Middle-class, white
Schiele, 2012). married women during this time did not work outside
The settlement house movement was guided by a of the home. Those women who did work outside the
completely different set of principles. Clients of settle- home were primarily young and single, widows or
ment houses were viewed as able, “normal” individuals. divorcees, poor married women, women of color, or
No effort was made to separate the “worthy” poor from some combination thereof, who worked in deplorable
conditions for little pay (Day & Schiele, 2012). Many of became grave. Businesses that had been considered sta-
those at the forefront of Progressive Era reforms were ble ceased production, banks declared bankruptcy, and
middle- and upper-class women like Jane Addams and millions of workers lost their jobs. Savings were
Mary Richmond. Although they worked tirelessly and depleted as banks collapsed and businesses failed, and
passionately with immigrants and the poor, they incor- a large portion of the American population was left
porated their values and worldview in their efforts, penniless, homeless, and without resources as levels of
focusing on assimilating those with whom they unemployment increased.
worked. As jobs became scarce, the unemployed had
Another social welfare policy issue debated in the nowhere to turn. Organized charities quickly
1800s—and still debated today—is whether social exhausted their limited resources. Pessimism and
welfare services should be provided by public or by despair were rampant, and many felt hopeless. Unem-
private entities. During the 1800s, the parameters of ployment insurance was nonexistent, and no federal
public versus private welfare programs were defined guarantees existed for monies lost in bank failures.
more clearly. Public welfare benefit programs relied The economic disaster resulted in a state of chaos
on taxation for funding. Private welfare programs never experienced before on American soil. As condi-
were funded through the voluntary contributions of tions worsened, homes were lost through foreclosed
individuals or philanthropic organizations. No clearly mortgages.
defined limits determined what types of benefits
either public or private (voluntary) agencies would
offer. As a result, services often overlapped. Public The New Deal
agencies were administered by local or state govern- Although state and local governments
ments. Private agencies often had religious or philan- attempted to respond to the fallout from
thropic sponsorship or received contributions from the Great Depression, many of the poorer
citizens. Public and private agencies alike provided a EP 2.1.8a states lacked the resources to provide
diverse range of services throughout the 1800s and EP 2.1.8b even temporary relief. In New York, an
into the 1900s. EP2.1.9b Emergency Relief Act passed, providing
Because these agencies focused almost exclusively on public employment, in-kind relief (food,
immigrants and other urban poor who were most often clothing, and shelter), and limited cash benefits. This
white, African Americans created their own agencies act later served as a model for federal relief programs.
and services, including settlement houses and orpha- Although he sympathized with those victimized by
nages, in addition to well-organized informal support the Depression, President Herbert Hoover was con-
systems in both rural and urban areas. Native Americans vinced that the most effective solution to the Depres-
were also left to fend for themselves, primarily in sion and its consequences would be to offer incentives
poverty-stricken rural areas, as were Mexican Americans for business to regain its footing, expand, and provide
in the southwest as the United States expanded its terri- jobs for the jobless. In 1932, Hoover was swept from
tory for the benefit of its white citizens (Jansson, 2012). office by public discontent over his policies and was
The roots of disparities in education and health and replaced by Franklin Delano Roosevelt, former gover-
human services for these groups began during the colo- nor of New York.
nization of the United States, with the marginalization One of President Roosevelt’s first actions was to
continuing today. institute emergency legislation that provided assistance
for the jobless and poor. This legislation, coined the
New Deal, marked the first time in history that the
federal government became engaged directly in provid-
Post–World War I and the ing relief. It also provided an interpretation of the
health and welfare provisions of the Constitution that
Great Depression established a historical precedent in mandating the fed-
Following World War I, the nation entered a period of eral government to assume health and welfare respon-
significant social change and prosperity which ended sibility for its citizens (Hiltzik, 2011). The statement
abruptly in 1929 with the economic downturn that was clear: Citizens were, first and foremost, citizens of
led to the Great Depression. In short order, conditions the United States and, second, residents of specific
Courtesy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library and Museum, #53227

The Great Depression created immense hardship for millions of Americans. Families who became homeless formed tent cities
in many areas of the country, supporting each other to survive.
states. This policy opened the door for later federal were out of work. The Works Progress Administration
legislation in the areas of civil rights, fair employment (WPA), created in 1935 to provide public service jobs,
practices, school busing, public assistance, and a variety ultimately employed approximately 8 million workers
of other social programs. over the duration of the Depression. States and local
One of the first attempts to supply relief for depres- governments identified needed projects and supplied
sion victims was the Federal Emergency Relief necessary materials for laborers, who were paid by the
Administration (FERA). Modeled after New York’s WPA. Many public schools, streets, parks, post office
Emergency Relief Act, FERA provided food, clothing, buildings, state college buildings, and related public
and shelter allowances for the homeless and displaced. projects were constructed under the auspices of the
In a cooperative relationship with states, the federal WPA.
government made monies available to states to admin- Youth programs also were established. Perhaps the
ister the relief programs. States were responsible for most noteworthy was the Civilian Conservation Corps
establishing agencies for that purpose and also were (CCC), designed to protect natural resources and to
required to contribute state funds, when possible, to improve and develop public recreational areas. Primar-
broaden the resource base available to those in need ily a forest camp activity, the CCC provided young
(Stern & Axinn, 2012). This established the precedent men between the ages of 17 and 23 with jobs, food,
for “matching grants,” which later became an integral clothing, and shelter. Wages were nominal (about
requirement of public assistance programs. $25 per month), and the major portion of the wages
Additional federal emergency legislation was ($20 per month) was sent home to help support fami-
enacted to provide public employment for those who lies. CCC workers improved and developed many
national parks. The National Youth Administration Social insurance under the Social Security Act
(NYA), gave work-study assistance to high school and initially included two important benefit programs
college youths as an incentive to remain in school and (American Bar Association, 2013):
provided part-time jobs for out-of-school students
1. Old Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance (see
to learn job skills and increase their employability
Chapter 7); these three programs were based on
(Hiltzik, 2012). Also, FERA programs extended
taxes deducted from employees’ wages and
low-interest loans to farmers and small business opera-
matched by employer contributions, and eligibility
tors. These programs enabled those activities to survive
was based on participation earned through
and become sources of employment for the jobless.
employment.
The New Deal legislation offered a temporary
2. Unemployment insurance, in which employers
solution to the crisis generated by the Great Depres-
contributed the funds, with the purpose of provid-
sion. The jobless found jobs, the hungry were fed, and
ing a source of income security for covered workers
the homeless received shelter. Perhaps of more
who had lost their jobs.
importance, the nation felt the full impact of system
changes. The issue of blaming poverty on idleness Benefits derived from these programs were consid-
and laziness was put to rest—at least temporarily ered to be a matter of right in that the recipients and
(Hiltzik, 2011). their employers had paid “premiums” for the benefits
they would receive. In many ways, social insurance was
similar to private insurance, for which entitlement to
The Social Security Act benefits is directly related to beneficiary participation
Congress passed, and President Roosevelt through contributions.
signed into law, the Social Security Act
on August 4, 1935. This act remains the
EP 2.1.8a most significant piece of social legislation Public Assistance
EP2.1.9b ever enacted in the United States. It also The category of public assistance was based on “need”
paved the way for greater federal involve- and was not established as a right earned through
ment in health and welfare (American Bar Associa- employment. It was administered by states with mon-
tion, 2013). ies made available by states and matched by the federal
The act reflected a realization that our economic government (matching grants). When the Social Secu-
system was subject to vacillations that invariably rity Act was first passed, public assistance incorporated
would leave many people without resources because three components (American Bar Association, 2013):
of unemployment. It also acknowledged that older
1. Old Age Assistance,
adults needed income security as an incentive to retire.
2. Aid to Dependent Children, and
This act was designed to be a permanent resource sys-
3. Aid to the Blind.
tem administered by the federal government. Its provi-
sions were outlined under three major categories In 1955, the Permanently and Totally Disabled
(covered in more depth in Chapter 7): social insurance, component was added. Benefits under each of these
public assistance, and health and welfare services programs were invariably limited and varied among
(American Bar Association, 2013). the states according to each state’s willingness to
match federal funds.
Eligibility requirements were rigid and enforced
Social Insurance rigorously. Participation was based on a “means test,”
Social insurance, commonly referred to as Social Secu- requiring applicants to demonstrate that they were
rity, is based on the premise that individuals and their hopelessly without resources. Recipients’ private lives
families cannot always provide the financial resources were opened to the scrutiny of welfare workers in an
necessary to meet their needs. Social insurance became attempt to minimize fraud and to ensure that benefit
the basis for financial support to the elderly, persons in levels did not exceed budgeted needs.
poor health or with serious disabilities, individuals Perhaps the most controversial assistance program
injured on the job, and dependents whose primary was Aid to Dependent Children (ADC) (Day & Schiele,
breadwinners were deceased. 2012). This program made limited funds available to
mothers with dependent children when no man was Social Welfare: The Post–Social
present in the home. Because benefit levels were
adjusted for family size (to a maximum of four chil- Security and Welfare
dren), concern arose that promiscuity and illegitimacy
would be rewarded by increasing benefits as family size
Reform Eras
increased. Rigid cohabitation policies were instituted, The time since passage of the Social Security Act has
mandating that mothers who were guilty of cohabita- been tumultuous, with significant U.S. military involve-
tion would lose their grant funds entirely. Because most ment in several major wars, a longstanding cold war
ADC recipients were able-bodied, there was added con- followed by the fall of communism, periods of increas-
cern that welfare payments would be a disincentive for ingly persistent inflation and recession, the emergence
meeting financial needs through gainful employment. of a global economy, an unprecedented terrorist attack
In many ways, ADC recipients were treated as the on the United States, and increasing civil unrest
“unworthy” poor of the time and, as a consequence, throughout the world that has resulted in the displace-
often were dealt with in a punitive manner. It has ment of millions of individuals who have been forced
been argued that ADC was the precursor to the femi- to live in overcrowded, unsafe refugee camps in coun-
nization of poverty (a term used to emphasize the fact tries that are ill-prepared or politically unmotivated to
that families living in poverty are most often headed by receive them (U.N. High Command on Refugees,
single mothers because of income disparities for 2013). The economic downturn in the United States
women) that has played out since the implementation that began in 2007 has resulted in persistent unemploy-
of this program and its variants until the present (Day ment for all age groups, especially older workers. Many
& Schiele, 2012). individuals have simply given up on looking for a job
The public usually refers to public assistance as and face a life of hardship and uncertainty (U.S. Bureau
“welfare.” Because benefits are based on impoverish- of Labor Statistics, 2013). Nearly half of marriages
ment and not earned through employment, participa- today end in divorce. Single-parent families, typically
tion in the program carries a stigma of personal headed by females, have become a prominent family
imprudence, ineptness, or failure. constellation. The general population is growing older
at a rapid rate, fueled by a longer life span and aging
“baby boomers.” The country is woefully short of
Health and Welfare Services affordable housing, and incentives (financial or other-
Programs authorized under health and welfare services wise) to create such housing have been limited or non-
provided for maternal and child-care services, vocational existent. Also, the country has become increasingly
rehabilitation, public health, and services for children polarized over the merits of the Patient Protection
with physical disabilities. These services are discussed and Affordable Care Act of 2010, and the early rollout
more fully in later chapters. of the provisions of that legislation has been fraught
In the ensuing years, amendments to the Social with problems. Meanwhile, the health care needs of
Security Act extended each of these titles to cover many individuals continue to be unmet (Kaiser Family
more people (American Bar Association, 2013). Social Foundation, 2014).
insurance later added health insurance for the elderly While the Social Security Act is viewed by many as
(Medicare), and a health assistance program (Medic- the most significant piece of social welfare legislation
aid) was instituted for recipients of public assistance. ever passed in the United States, many believe that
The ADC assistance category was redefined as Aid to changing demographics, needs, and economic factors
Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), and an require a reevaluation of what is needed to best meet
AFDC-Unemployed Parent (AFDC-UP) provision today’s social welfare needs. We now turn to a discussion
was added so states could assist families under limited of some of the more significant social welfare programs
circumstances when an employable unemployed male that have been instituted since the Social Security Act
was in the home. Only a few states opted to implement was passed in 1935. As you read about them, ask yourself
the AFDC-UP provisions. As requirements for partici- if they are still relevant and if not, what changes need to
pating in these programs became less stringent in the be made so they can adequately meet the needs of those
1960s and 1970s, welfare rolls increased dramatically. living in the United States today.
The Great Society Programs but, rather, through modifying institutions within a
Attempts to broaden the activities of govern- person’s environment that produced the problems in
ment in securing the rights of citizens and the first place. Hence, programs under the Economic
providing for personal, social, and economic Opportunities Act were structured to offer the poor a
EP 2.1.8a development were introduced through social
greater likelihood of success by creating opportunities
EP 2.1.8b reform measures enacted during the Lyndon for their decision making and participation. Educa-
EP 2.1.9b Johnson administration (1963–1968). This tional programs such as Head Start sought to extend
administration based many of its social programs on relevant learning experiences to educationally disad-
the premise that the environment in which an individ- vantaged children. Community Action Agencies
ual lives significantly influences personal outcomes. encouraged the poor to become more vocal in commu-
The so-called Great Society legislation promoted max- nity affairs and to organize efforts for community
imum opportunities for those in need, extending ben- betterment.
efits of many existing programs and services designed Special employment incentives were generated to
to help the poor, the disabled, and the aged (Day & teach job skills. Youth Job Corps programs provided
Schiele, 2012). public service jobs contingent on youths remaining in
The Social Security Act was amended to provide for school, thereby offering greater potential for employ-
health-care benefits to the aged under the Health ment upon graduation. Job Corps centers taught
Insurance Program (Medicare) and to public assistance employment skills to teenage dropouts. Small-business
recipients through the Health Assistance Program loans were made to individuals with potential for
(Medicaid). Several pieces of new legislation designed developing businesses. Rural programs extended health
to meet needs not specifically addressed through exist- and social services for the poor in rural areas.
ing resources also were passed. The Older Americans In a nation boasting the highest standard of living in
Act (1965) established a legal base for developing lun- the world, it was believed that the scourge of poverty
cheon programs, health screening, transportation, could be eliminated forever. The euphemism “war on
meals-on-wheels programs, and recreational activities poverty” was selected to rally the population to a full-
for older Americans. The Civil Rights Act (1964) scale commitment to overcome the enemy—poverty.
sought to end discrimination in employment, the use Social action advocates found the climate produced
of business facilities, and extension of credit. Education by the Economic Opportunities Act favorable for
bills were passed that sought to rectify many of the their efforts. It was a heyday for the expansion of social
educational disadvantages experienced by children of programs. But social legislation is invariably affected by
the poor. the political climate. As government resources and
Perhaps the most significant—and controversial— attention were diverted to the Vietnam War, the
effort to achieve social reform came through the domestic “war” soon was neglected and terminated
Economic Opportunities Act of 1964, commonly before its benefits could be fully realized (Bailey &
referred to as the War on Poverty (Bailey & Danziger, Danziger, 2013).
2013). The objective of this act was to eliminate poverty
through institutional change. Poverty traditionally was Conservatism in the Mid-1960s
viewed as an individual matter, and its causes generally and Early 1970s
were thought to be the result of personal failure, lack of The period from the mid-1960s through the mid-1970s
motivation, or personal choice. Those who designed was one of both domestic and foreign conflict. The
the War on Poverty program came to a different con- antiestablishment movement in the United States was
clusion. They considered poverty to be the result of galvanized by the highly unpopular Vietnam War; riot-
inadequate social institutions that failed to provide ing was occurring in the Watts section of Los Angeles; in
opportunities for all citizens, and they concluded that Detroit, Martin Luther King, Jr., was championing the
traditional approaches to solving the problems of pov- cause of disenfranchised Americans; and inflation was
erty were unsuccessful. depleting the buying power of those who were working,
Changing the status of the poor would come not especially the working poor (households with combined
through working with them on an individual basis incomes of 200% or less of the federal poverty level).
In reaction to these disconcerting changes, a wave of Welfare Reform in the Late 1970s
conservatism emerged in the American public, leading Social welfare policymakers of the mid-1970s inherited a
to an effort to dismantle many of the social programs welfare system that had no positive constituency. Reci-
enacted during the New Deal and expanded through pients, social workers, public officials, and tax-conscious
the Great Society programs. The welfare “establish- groups agreed only on the inadequacy of the existing
ment” was viewed as costly, ineffective, and counter- system. Each of the four constituencies had initiated a
productive. The conservatives maintained that the welfare reform effort, and each constituency had failed
federal government was much too large and cumber- to achieve its reform, largely because of the others’
some and that states could, and should, assume many opposition (Schram, Soss, & Fording, 2013). The pro-
functions (Sanderman, 2014). blems that had drawn such negative attention in earlier
Although federal involvement in public welfare pro- decades persisted. The rapidly expanding welfare costs
grams had emerged largely because states lacked suffi- in the years of Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald
cient resources to provide needed supports, Ford, in juxtaposition to the intractability of poverty,
conservatives were convinced that states and localities made welfare reform an urgent but unpleasant
were better suited to determine social welfare policies necessity.
and administer social programs. One result was the Welfare reform continued to be an issue during
reorganization—and eventual termination—of the fed- the Jimmy Carter administration, which proposed
eral antipoverty program. Several popular programs, that $8.8 billion be appropriated to create as many as
such as Head Start and job training, were transferred 1.4 million public service jobs (Caputo, 2011). It was
to other government agencies. Under the Richard expected that 2 million persons would hold the jobs in
Nixon administration, a major welfare reform measure, a given year, as individuals were processed through
the Family Assistance Program (FAP), was submitted these jobs on their way to regular employment.
for congressional approval. This measure, which was Carter’s proposal, however, was not adopted, and
not enacted into law, would have eliminated the public debate about the most effective way to overhaul the
assistance program and substituted workfare, a pro- welfare system continued.
gram designed to provide incentives for recipients to
work without losing all of their government benefits.
The expectation is that activities, such as job training, Cutbacks in the Reagan and Bush Years
coaching, and work experience either as a volunteer or The 1980s were characterized by welfare devolution, or
for limited pay, will improve job prospects and reten- relentless efforts to reduce and eliminate government
tion once a person is hired, leading to reductions in social entitlement programs (Beland & Wadden, 2012).
welfare rolls. Although many variations of “workfare” Public expenditures for welfare were viewed as antithet-
have been tried, few have worked well because full-time ical to economic progress. Mounting inflation was con-
jobs that pay a living wage and provide health-care sidered to be the result of federal domestic spending.
benefits are limited, even if a recipient completes all The precarious state of the U.S. economy was thought
of the required work-related programs (Brodkin & to be the work of social progressives who had engineered
Marston, 2013). The proposed legislation did not pass the expansion of welfare programs and, as a result,
because the level of defined need was far below the caused the economy to falter. Many social support pro-
benefit levels already in place in the higher-paying grams were either reduced dramatically or eliminated
states but higher than the benefits in more than half the altogether (Jansson, 2012).
states. As part of his State of the Union message in 1982,
Countering this conservative trend, public assistance President Reagan proposed his version of welfare reform,
programs for the aged, disabled, and blind were com- “New Federalism” (Obinger, Leibfried, & Castles, 2005).
bined by enactment of the Supplemental Security The centerpiece was a plan whereby the states would
Income (SSI) Act in 1974. SSI increased benefit levels assume financial and administrative responsibility for
for millions of recipients. AFDC continued to be food stamps and AFDC, while the federal government
funded and implemented under the federal–state would assume responsibility for the Medicaid program.
arrangements already in effect. This reform was dubbed the “welfare swap.” The plan
went through a number of variations before the admin- programs. More significantly, as a “political centrist,” he
istration dropped it as politically infeasible. aimed to distance himself from “liberal Democratic
Following his reelection in 1984, President Reagan reform” that also had been instrumental in passing the
again began to push for reshaping welfare responsibili- 1988 legislation. Clinton promised to “end welfare as we
ties among the various layers of government. A presi- know it.” The goal of the reform was to make welfare “a
dential task force was appointed, which was to issue its second chance, not a way of life” (Clinton, 1997). The
report after the congressional elections in 1986. That cornerstones of Clinton’s reform agenda were portrayed
election resulted in a Democratic landslide, and the as employment readiness, parental responsibility, and
responsibility for welfare reform shifted from the state discretion (Caputo, 2011).
White House to Capitol Hill (Caputo, 2011). Lawmakers at all levels of government and of both
President George H.W. Bush’s administration con- parties now were demanding that welfare recipients be
tinued to be influenced by a conservative view of wel- required to take more responsibility for ending, or at
fare. As the Cold War wound down, progressives least easing, their dependence on public support. The
hoped that monies appropriated for defense spending clamor for change was being driven by a significant
would be directed toward domestic programs. Mean- shift to the right in public mood and a much-increased
while, welfare costs continued to escalate. In 1988, the effort to reduce the federal deficit (Katz, 2013).
Democratic Congress passed the Family Support Act, Republicans won both houses of Congress in the
which mandated that states provide job opportunities 1994 national elections. Various coalitions and individ-
and basic skills (JOBS) programs for most AFDC reci- ual members of Congress introduced many reform
pients (some, such as those with very young children measures in the 104th congressional session. Nearly
and those with health problems, were exempted from all reform measures proposed limiting the length of
participation). stays on welfare, restricting the right to welfare of
The act also provided as many as 12 months of unmarried mothers under the age of 18, and imposing
Medicaid (health care) and child care after recipients far more stringent work requirements (Schram, Soss, &
found jobs, to ease the transition from welfare to Fording, 2013). Perhaps most disturbing to members of
work without loss of income. The act also mandated the social work community were the efforts to end
that states provide AFDC-UP benefits for a limited AFDC as a national government entitlement program.
time to families with previously employed males who The landmark welfare reform legislation enacted
were unable to find employment. The act further in 1996 did precisely that. Under the Personal
required stronger enforcement of child support pay- Responsibility and Work Opportunity Budget
ments by absent parents. States were not required to Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWOA), each state
implement some parts of the act until 1992. was provided with a block grant from the federal gov-
The promise of the Family Support Act was never ernment and charged with administering various assis-
fulfilled, as federal funding for its programs was inade- tance programs, including AFDC, with a change in
quate, jobs that paid a living wage for former welfare name to Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
recipients failed to materialize and attempts to mobilize (TANF), at the direction of state legislatures with mini-
the private sector to support the program proved more mal federal guidelines (Karger & Stoesz, 2013). The
difficult than anticipated. In short, the program was thrust of the reform measures was to move recipients
doomed to failure before it even got off the ground off the welfare rolls by engaging in work, work training,
(Jansson, 2012). or educational programs designed to enable them to
develop skills essential for employment (Caputo, 2011).
The Clinton Years Many states, however, implemented “work first” pro-
By 1992, the political landscape of welfare reform had grams, moving recipients into jobs without training
shifted again. Bill Clinton, the Democratic presidential (Brodkin & Marston, 2013). Although these programs
candidate, was a “New Democrat” who had been instru- reduced the welfare rolls because the economy was
mental, as governor of Arkansas, in advocating for pas- strong, most recipients who moved off TANF entered
sage of the Family Support Act of 1988. Clinton sought a “dead-end,” minimum-wage jobs without health care
wider role for the states in the design of federal welfare or other benefits. Recipients were allowed a maximum
of 2 years to find employment. Those who failed to do so the terrorist attacks on America in September 2001,
faced a significant reduction in or termination of their the ensuing global war on terrorism, dissension
benefits. This approach presumes that mandatory work among world leaders about the war in Iraq, and the
requirements would reduce, if not eliminate, dependence search for a solution to peace in the Middle East
on welfare benefits. The PRWOA was reauthorized by (Webel & Arnaldi, 2011).
Congress as part of the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005, Social workers are left with the compelling question,
with even stricter work requirements for TANF recipi- “How can we operate within the framework of such an
ents. The PRWOA was scheduled for reauthorization a agenda—which is still strong today—to ensure that the
third time in 2010; however, Congress turned its atten- social welfare system in the United States is not dis-
tion to other domestic priorities such as health-care mantled to the point at which it no longer is responsive
reform and a flagging economy, and the reauthorization to the needs of the country’s citizens and incapable of
never took place. Instead, the act has been renewed being rebuilt without a huge investment in public
annually through a series of continuing resolutions funds?” (Schram, Soss, & Fording, 2013).
(the latest expiration for which is September 30, 2014),
enabling the legislation to remain in effect. As of the The Obama Years
time of this writing, reauthorization of the PRWOA The election of Barack Obama to the presi-
has yet to take place. dency of the United States in 2008 ushered in
a new sense of hope by many that the govern-
The George W. Bush Years EP 2.1.8a ment would renew its commitment to addres-
When he became President of the United States in EP 2.8.1b sing the social welfare needs of underserved
EP 2.1.9b
2000, George W. Bush ushered in a new era of social populations. President Obama expressed a
welfare policy. He argued that government cannot strong commitment to social and economic justice dur-
solve every problem, but it can encourage people and ing his campaign for the presidency. Such hopes were
communities to help themselves and to help one dashed, however, at least in the short term, by the string
another. He asserted that the truest kind of compassion of events that faced President Obama soon after he
is to help citizens build lives of their own. He termed assumed office in January 2009.
his philosophy and approach compassionate conserva- As the second decade of the 21st century began, the
tism: It is compassionate to actively help fellow citizens United States was in the throes of a major economic
in need, yet conservative to insist on responsibility and crisis caused in large part by the collapse of the home
results (Norman & Ganesh, 2014; Olasky, 2010). mortgage industry, after a period of unprecedented
Bush’s campaign of compassionate conservatism growth fueled by low mortgage-interest rates and
resonated well with a broad range of Americans who questionable lending arrangements, some of which
were strongly influenced by the antiwelfare rhetoric of bordered on the criminal (Lewis, 2010). The collapse
the late 1990s but who also believed in the need to of the home mortgage industry resulted in severe
reach out and help those less fortunate. In many liquidity problems for the country’s largest and
ways, the principle of compassionate conservatism most-venerated financial institutions, as investors
reflected the social welfare principles of colonial fled the home mortgage scene in large numbers. The
America: limited government intervention, personal economic collapse in the United States had worldwide
responsibility, family values, and the role of the faith impact, and there was concern that other countries
community and the private sector in addressing the would also face economic collapse if immediate action
social welfare needs of the citizenry. were not taken. In response, the U.S. federal govern-
Some opponents have argued that the notion of ment launched a broad-scale economic stimulus pack-
compassionate conservatism was a carefully disguised age that cost upward of $1 trillion to jump start the
cover for a much more punitive approach to addressing country’s faltering economy (Lewis, 2010). Defense
the social welfare needs of the country—driven by a expenditures related to continued U.S. military
conservative religious element, a new Puritanism, and involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan contributed to
the interests of big business (Katz, 2013). The search the federal deficit as well (Institute for International
for truth in this matter was interrupted abruptly by Studies, 2013).
President Obama officially ended American mili- 1% 1%

tary involvement in Iraq in December, 2011; however,
the ability of the Iraqi government to ensure the safety
of its people against a renewal of insurgency in that
country is in serious question. President Obama has 6%
also made a commitment to end U.S. military involve- 11%
22%
ment in Afghanistan by the end of 2014, although like
3%
Iraq, there is growing pessimism among American
military leaders that the government of Afghanistan 1%
will be able to protect its citizens from a renewal of 3%
insurgency in that country. It is projected that costs
associated with U.S. military involvement in Iraq and 27%
Afghanistan alone will amount to $4 trillion through 25%
federal fiscal year 2014. Billions of additional dollars
will be required to provide treatment for the health
and mental health needs of American soldiers who
were deployed to war zones in these two conflicts
(Institute for International Studies, 2013).
General government
The economic downturn of 2007 has resulted in sig- National defense
nificant cuts in education, transportation, and social Protection
and other public services (Sorkin, 2010). As will be dis- Transportation
cussed in detail in the chapter on health care, the coun- Pensions
try’s health-care system is at a tipping point, as Health care
businesses, medical providers, and the insurance indus- Education
try struggle to implement the complex, and by some Welfare
reports, onerous provisions of the Affordable Care Interest
Act of 2010. While this legislation will enable millions F I G 1. 1 Federal Government Expenditures, Fiscal Year 2014
of Americans previously not covered by health insur- SOURCE: Government Consumption Expenditures and Gross
ance to have access to comprehensive and affordable Investment by Function. (Washington, DC: Bureau of Economic
Analysis, 2014).
health care, the program still falls short of the original
goal of providing affordable health care to all Ameri-
cans. Also, the political fallout from early implementa- confronted, as well as conflicts among political parties
tion problems, coupled with a relentless attack on the about what our domestic agenda should be and how it
philosophical underpinnings of the legislation by con- should be implemented. The question remains: At
servative politicians and special interest groups, threa- what point will the government turn its attention to
tens the very future of the legislation. other domestic social welfare problems?
With the economic downturn in recent There is another important side to this story when
years and attention—and funds—devoted considering what our U.S. domestic priorities should
to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, govern- be. A rapidly growing underclass of individuals in the
EP 2.1.3a ment spending for domestic social welfare United States, even though they work at one and often
programs has taken a back seat (see two jobs, are unable to lift themselves and their fami-
Figure 1.1). Because President Obama and his admin- lies out of poverty. These families no longer qualify
istration believed that health care was a critical factor for government assistance, yet they are unable to
for many U.S. citizens that also impacted other social move out of poverty. Children born into these families
problems, they made health care reform a top priority. are at high risk for repeating this pattern for them-
The rest of the country’s social welfare agenda has selves and their families.
remained at a stalemate because of the economic Other controversial social welfare issues—such as
and international issues with which Obama has been ensuring the solvency of the country’s social security
system, a steadily growing homeless population, lack EP 2.1.8b: Collaborate with colleagues and clients for
of affordable child care, a rapidly aging population, effective policy action (pp. 9, 11, 15). Collabora-
and the continuing rising costs of health care and tion with colleagues and clients is an important
who should receive what at whose expense,—remain requisite for effective policy action.
unresolved (Abramsky, 2013; Edelman, 2013; Katz, EP 2.1.9b: Provide leadership in promoting sustain-
2013). Critical domestic social welfare issues have able changes in service delivery and practice to
taken a back seat to increasingly volatile foreign policy improve the quality of social services (pp. 9, 15,
issues, including waging a global war on terrorism and 18). Social workers engage in leadership roles
achieving peace in the Middle East. The longer these within the social welfare system to promote sus-
domestic social issues go unaddressed, the more diffi- tainable changes in service delivery and to improve
cult it will be to resolve them. The social work profes- the quality of social services.
sion must put domestic social welfare issues at the
center of attention of legislators, policymakers, and
the general public. Key Terms
The terms below are defined in the Glossary.
Summary compassionate outdoor relief
Like all domestic policy, social welfare is in a constant conservatism Personal Responsibility
state of evolution. Policies and practice historically have Dorothea Dix and Work
emerged from a set of choices—national or state, govern- Elizabethan Poor Law Opportunity Budget
ment or voluntary, expanding or restrictive. Social welfare Family Support Act Reconciliation Act of
in the United States will never be satisfactory to everyone. feminization of poverty 1996 (PRWOA)
Some people will always believe we have made the wrong Great Depression public assistance
choices. Social welfare policy cannot escape the contra- Great Society social insurance
dictions in its dual goals: to respond compassionately to health and welfare social security
those in need and at the same time to structure the com- services Social Security Act
passion in such a way that the natural tendencies of peo- Hull House social welfare
ple to work, save, and care for their own are not eroded. humanitarianism social work
indoor relief values
Competency Notes Jane Addams War on Poverty
laissez-faire welfare devolution
EP 2.1.1a: Advocate for client access to the services of
New Deal welfare reform
social work (p. 5). Social work is the primary pro-
fession that works with and advocates for clients
within the social welfare system. Discussion Questions
EP 2.1.3a: Distinguish, appraise, and integrate multiple 1. Compare the various values perspectives discussed
sources of knowledge, including research-based in this chapter: institutional and residual, liberal
knowledge and practice wisdom (pp. 5, 19). Critical and conservative. Give examples of how these dif-
thinking involves the ability to distinguish, appraise, ferent perspectives shape social welfare programs.
and integrate multiple sources of knowledge, includ- What are your perspectives?
ing research-based knowledge and practice wisdom. 2. Identify the conditions that led to enactment of the
Social workers use critical thinking in understanding Elizabethan Poor Law. Which aspects of that law can
how history shapes current social welfare policies be found in the U.S. social welfare system today?
and client services. 3. Discuss the differences between indoor relief and
EP 2.1.8a: Analyze, formulate, and advocate for policies outdoor relief. Give an example of each. Which do
that advance social well-being (pp. 3, 5, 11, 13, 15, you think is the better approach for assisting the
18). Social workers must have an understanding of poor? Why?
the ways that history has shaped our social welfare 4. What effect did passage of the Social Security Act
system to be able to analyze, formulate, and advocate have on the federal government’s role in health
for policies that advance social well-being. and welfare? What components of the Social
Security Act can be seen in today’s social welfare in the United States. Washington, DC: Georgetown
programs? University Press.
5. In various forms, “workfare” has been attempted as Bailey, M., & Danziger, S. (Eds.). (2013). Legacies of the
a means of reducing welfare rolls. What is workfare? war on poverty. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Why has it not been entirely effective in reducing Brodkin, E., & Marston, G. (2013). Work and the welfare
welfare rolls? What approach do you suggest to state: Street-level organizations and workforce politics.
reduce the number of individuals on public assis- Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.
tance? Why do you suggest that approach? Caputo, R. (Ed.). (2011). Policy transitions from 1981 to
6. Compare the values perspectives upon which the the present. New York: Springer.
War on Poverty and compassionate conservatism Clinton, B. (1997). Between hope and history: Meeting
are based. Does the point of time in history shape America’s challenges for the 21st century. New York:
the values perspectives existing at that time and, in Random House.
turn, the proposed outcomes to deal with social Day, P., & Schiele, J. (2012). A new history of social
problems such as poverty? welfare (7th ed.). Boston: Pearson.
7. Social welfare policy decisions made at one point DiNitto, D., & Johnson, D. (2012). Essentials of
in time may be based on assumptions that do not social welfare: Politics and public policy. Boston:
hold up in later years. What were the assumptions Pearson.
upon which the Personal Responsibility and Work Dubois, B., & Miley, K. (2013). Social work: An empow-
Opportunity Budget Reconciliation Act of 1996 ering profession (8th edition). Boston, MA: Pearson.
(PRWOA) were based? Are these assumptions Edelman, P. (2013). So rich, so poor: Why it’s so hard to
realistic in times of economic downturn? end poverty in America. New York: New Press.
8. Compare the Obama administration’s stimulus Gilbert, N., & Terrell, P. (2012). Dimensions of social
plan to the New Deal. How did the economic welfare policy (8th edition). Boston: Pearson.
conditions and mood of the country shape each? Hiltzik, M. (2011). The New Deal: A modern history.
9. Why do you think the Obama administration New York: Free Press.
made health care its top domestic priority? Do you Institute for International Studies. (2013). Estimated dol-
agree with this decision? Why? lar costs of wars, in billions. Providence, RI: Brown
10. What do you consider to be the most pressing University Watson Institute for International Studies.
major social welfare issue facing the United States Jansson, B. (2012). The reluctant welfare state: Engaging
today and why? history to advance social work practice in contemporary
society (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole Cengage.
Kaiser Family Foundation. (2014). Health coverage and
On the Internet care in the South in 2014 and beyond. Menlo Park,
CA: Author.
www.aecf.org
Karger, J., & Stoesz, D. (2013). American social welfare
www.clasp.org
policy: A pluralist approach (6th ed.). Boston:
http://www.cswe.org/
Pearson.
www.financeprojectinfo.org/WIN
Katz, M. (2013). The undeserving poor: America’s
http://www.socialworkers.org/
enduring confrontation with poverty (2nd ed). New
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York: Oxford University Press.
www.urban.org
Lees, L. H. (2007). The solidarities of strangers: The
English Poor Laws and the people, 1700–1948. New
York: Cambridge University Press.
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Reamer, F. (2013). Social work values and ethics (4th ment situation—November 2013. Washington, DC:
ed.), New York: Columbia University Press. Author.
Sanderman, P. (Ed.). (2014). The end of welfare as we Webel, C., & Arnaldi, J. (Eds.). (2011). The ethics and effi-
know it?: Continuity and change in Western welfare cacy of the global war on terrorism: Fighting terror with
state settings and practices. Leverkusen, Germany: terror. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Barbara Budrich Publishers.
Schram, S., Soss, J., & Fording, R. (2013). Welfare
and welfare reform in the age of Neoliberalism. Suggested Readings
In M. Reisch (Ed.), Social policy and social justice. Blau, J. & Abramovitz, M. (2010). The dynamics of
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, pp. 377–404. social welfare policy (3rd ed.). New York: Oxford
Shott, L., & Pavetti, L. (2013). Changes in TANF work University Press.
requirements could make them more effective in pro- Collins, J. & Mayer, V. (2010). Both hands tied: Welfare
moting employment. Washington, DC: Center on reform and the race to the bottom in the low-wage
Budget and Policy Priorities. Retrieved from www market. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
.cbpp.org. Ehrenreich, B. (2002). Nickel and dimed: On (not) get-
Slavicek, L. (2011). Jane Addams: Humanitarian. Bel ting by in America. New York: Owl Press.
Air, CA: Chelsea House Publishers. Popple, P.R., & Leighninger, L. (2010). Social work,
Sorkin, A. (2010). Too big to fail: The inside story of social welfare, and American society (8th ed.).
how Wall Street and Washington fought to save Boston: Pearson.
the financial system—and themselves. New York: Seccombe, K. (2010). “So you think I drive a Cadillac?”:
Penguin Press. Welfare recipients’ perspectives on the system and its
Specht, H., & Courtney, M. (1995). Unfaithful angels: reform (3rd ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
How social work has abandoned its roots. New York: Selker, H., & Wasser, J. (Eds.). (2014). The Affordable Care
Simon & Shuster Digital Media. Act as a national experiment. New York: Springer.
CHAPTER 2
Social Work and Other Helping
Professions
• In a community drug treatment center, social worker Jimmy Johnson is
leading a group of teenage boys, helping them develop skills that will
counter peer pressure from friends who are still using drugs.
• In another part of the city, Tony Gonzalez, a medical social worker, assists
clients and their families in coping with the effects of illness and in
developing resources that will provide support while family members are
in the hospital or recovering after a hospital stay.
• Just down the street, Charlotte Ray, a school social worker, is working with
a group of pregnant teenagers on issues of health care, relationships, and
decision making surrounding their pregnancies, including ways that they
can continue their education.
• Candace McNabb is a social worker employed by the local United Way,
where she assists community groups in identifying community needs and
developing resources to meet them. Currently she is working with a
community coalition on homelessness.
• Maria Herrera, a social worker with the adult probation department, helps
clients find employment and educational resources so they can choose a
life path that doesn’t involve crime.
• Amy Lu, a social worker for a women’s shelter, aids women who have
experienced interpersonal violence and their children in locating safe
havens while they develop coping skills that will enable them to live lives
free from threats and attacks.
• In a rural area several hundred miles away, Jackson Lee is a social worker
for the Department of Human Services. His generalist skills in social work
are helpful in dealing with a wide variety of problems with few organized
resources to address them.
• Peter Thacker and Jean Reeves, social workers at a senior center serving
three counties, oversee a group of volunteers who are preparing lunches for
the meals-on-wheels program that will be delivered to homebound elderly
adults.
• At a large military hospital not too far away, Captain Lorenzo Vasquez, a
military social worker, provides counseling to a soldier gravely injured
23
while in combat in Iraq who, in addition to his physical injuries, is

experiencing posttraumatic stress.
• Across the globe, Jason Stewart, a social worker with an international
development group, finds his generalist social work skills helpful in aiding
refugees from a war-torn village begin to rebuild their lives and homes.
These social workers are representatives of the broad and challenges emerge? Why do some individuals
and diverse positions held by social workers through- have happy, satisfying relationships while others move
out the world who engage individuals, families, groups, from relationship to relationship without finding satis-
organizations, and communities in seeking solutions to faction? Why do some people prosper and climb the
unmet needs. occupational and income ladders readily while others
Social work practice demands from its practi- remain deeply enmeshed in poverty? Are these situa-
tioners the utmost in passion, intellect, creativity, tions a matter of personal choice? Of course not! Chal-
skill, and knowledge. It is an exciting, challenging lenges that jeopardize individual and family
profession. Students who have the aptitude and functioning result from a mix of many factors. We
desire to prepare for a career in the helping profes- will briefly examine some of them.
sions may find social work well suited to their inter-
ests. In this chapter, we explore the professional
Genetics and Heredity
culture, tasks, knowledge base, and skills that incor-
porate social work practice. First, though, we exam- From a biological standpoint, people are born with
ine why people have unresolved needs and why they many of the physiological characteristics of their ances-
often need professional assistance in seeking solu- tors. Some individuals have a tendency to be tall, others
tions to meet them. short; some are lean, others heavy; and so on. Some
presumably have greater intellectual potential than
others; some are more agile, others less so. To an
Why Do People Experience extent, these characteristics affect how well we adapt
to the world around us and, indeed, opportunities
Challenges in their Lives? throughout life. For example, regardless of desire or
Social workers deal with challenges that ability, a 5-foot, 6-inch male would have extreme diffi-
inhibit optimal functioning for individuals, culty becoming a professional basketball player.
families, groups, organizations, and commu- Regardless of desire or skill, opportunity clearly is
EP 2.1.3a nities. The many challenges that professional affected by physical characteristics. We encourage you
social workers help people address include to think of other examples in which genetic or heredi-
mental/behavioral health, health, poverty, interpersonal tary factors might impose limitations on social behav-
conflicts between adults as well as between parents and ior or opportunities.
children, delinquency, abuse and neglect, and substance The Human Genome Project and other major scien-
use. tific advances suggest that biological factors play a
Why do individuals face challenges to the extent much more extensive role in human functioning than
that they need outside assistance? No rational person previously believed, particularly when coupled with the
deliberately plans to have debilitating problems. No impact of the environment. Psychobiological
child plans to spend a life in poverty, nor does an ado- approaches to understanding behavior focus on identi-
lescent choose a life of mental illness. What newly mar- fying anomalies in body chemistry and studying how
ried couple, in love and looking forward to a joyful environmental stress converges with those anomalies to
future together, plans for continuous conflict, family produce specific behavioral outcomes. For example,
violence, or divorce? Why, then, do these problems conditions such as schizophrenia, mood disorders
Chapter 2: Social Work and Other Helping Professions 25
such as depression, and chronic anxiety are widely Environmental Factors

believed to be genetically linked. Geography, climate, and resources all affect quality of
life and opportunities available for satisfactory growth
Socialization and development. These factors vary widely through-
Whatever limits heredity may impose, individuals out the world. Added to the environmental factors are
develop as social beings through the process of sociali- the economic and political forces that largely determine
zation. Social behavior is learned behavior, acquired the availability of opportunities and resources around
through interactions with other human beings. Parents which people seek to organize their lives. Smog-
are most often the primary sources of early socializa- infested, polluted areas contribute to various health
tion experiences, and family culture has a significant problems. Unpredictable economic trends may result
impact on the development of values, priorities, and in loss of jobs for certain segments of the population.
role prescriptions. Families are not the only source of Discrimination limits opportunities for career develop-
social development, though. Neighbors, playmates, and ment and impedes adequate employment.
acquaintances from school and other community insti- A person’s environment is a major element in the
tutions also play a part. availability of opportunities. It can serve as a stimulus
Lower-income parents and wealthy parents, for exam- for producing life’s satisfactions or become a major
ple, may socialize their children in different ways because source of the challenges that people experience.
of access to resources and opportunities. The society in
which people live also influences their socialization.
Thus, as children develop, their behaviors are shaped
The Opportunity Structure
by the learning opportunities available to them. Our Clearly, genetics and heredity, socialization and cul-
thoughts and mental attitudes are as much a product of tural differences, and environmental factors are
learning as the skills we develop. For example, children important in understanding why people face chal-
who grow up in at-risk families, in which violence or lenges. All of these factors shape an individual’s
substance abuse are present, often learn inappropriate opportunity structure—the accessibility of opportu-
techniques of problem solving, as well as negative per- nities for an individual within that individual’s envi-
spectives about themselves and those around them. ronment. For example, a person may have physical
traits and characteristics upon which society places
a high value, a strong educational background, a sta-
Cultural Differences ble and supportive family, work-oriented values, and
Culture plays a major role in shaping norms and expec- a desire to work, yet be without a job because of an
tations. Behaviors that seem to conflict with broader soci- economic recession or depression. In spite of suitable
etal norms and expectations sometimes can be attributed preparation, this person may remain unemployed for
to cultural differences. Traditional customs and behaviors some time, with all of the problems associated with
of some groups differ considerably from the expectations lack of income.
of the majority group and create dissonance, which In another case, an individual may be born into a
sometimes results in behavior that may be interpreted family living in extreme poverty, be severely abused as
as dysfunctional by members of the dominant group. a child, lack encouragement or incentives from parents
The United States takes pride in, and has been enriched and teachers to complete school and drop out at an
by, immigrants from around the world. Many of our early age, and have limited social skills because of inad-
social institutions expect immigrants to adapt and assim- equate parenting. Even if jobs were plentiful, this per-
ilate to the dominant culture, but trying to meet these son likely would be able to compete for only the
expectations may be difficult for them. Language differ- lowest-paying positions.
ences and cultural traits often result in stereotyping, cat- Other factors also play a major role in one’s access
egorizing individuals as “out-group” members, and to the opportunity structure. Gender, race, and ethnic-
imposing barriers to social opportunities. How to balance ity often result in discrimination and unequal treat-
celebrating and maintaining individual cultures with col- ment in job opportunities as well as the income a
lective contributions to the common good of all requires person will receive from the job. Women, African
further exploration of environmental factors. Americans, Native Americans, and Latinos, for
example, are not afforded equal opportunity in the job organization in the world, the primary mission of
market even when all other factors are equal. social work is to
What are some of the possible outcomes you can
enhance human well-being and help meet the basic
think of that might result if a person’s environment
needs of all people, with particular attention to pro-
has failed to provide opportunities to meet even the
moting social justice, addressing the needs and
most basic human needs? Which groups in society
empowerment of people who are vulnerable,
might be most and least likely to have their needs
oppressed, or living in poverty.… [Social workers
met by the environment?
help people] identify and manage the environmental
forces that create, contribute to, and address pro-
Social Work Defined blems in living. (National Association of Social
Workers (2008). NASW Code of Ethics. Washington,
In the minds of many, social workers are iden-
DC: Author).
tified as “welfare” workers who are employed
in public assistance programs. This is a false Most discussions about social work focus on key
EP 2.1.1a and limited premise because social workers are concepts that include individual and community well-
EP 2.1.1c involved in many different practice settings being, diversity, social justice, an emphasis on both the
that offer a wide range of services. Recall from Chapter person and the broader environment, and working
1 that social welfare literally means “social well-being.” In with and advocating on behalf of vulnerable popula-
the United States, this generally refers to providing insti- tions. Box 2.1 delineates the purpose of the social
tutional programs for those in need. The profession of work profession developed by the Council on Social
social work—the topic of this chapter—is one of the pro- Work Education, the national organization that accred-
fessions that is instrumental in enhancing the well-being its social work education programs in colleges and
of individuals, families, groups, organizations, communi- universities. Compare this statement with the preamble
ties, and the broader society. to the Code of Ethics established by the National
The opportunity structure consists of more than Association of Social Workers in Box 2.2. What
what is available in the environment. It includes inner similarities can you identify that help you understand
resources such as cognitive development and personal- more about the definition and purpose of social work?
ity structure. Furthermore, many challenges faced by Social work is a profession that seeks to help indivi-
individuals, families, groups, organizations, and com- duals, families, organizations, groups, and communities
munities result from the way society is organized and engage resources that will enhance social well-being
the limited choices available to some people. and alleviate human problems. Social work is con-
One of the advantages about the profession of social cerned, too, with enabling clients to develop internal
work is its diversity of both roles and career opportu- capacities and strengths that will improve their social
nities. However, because social workers are actively functioning. As the NASW definition indicates, social
involved in wide-ranging tasks, it is difficult to devise work is an active, “doing” profession that brings about
a specific, all-inclusive definition of social work. positive change in individuals, families, groups, organi-
According to the National Association of Social Work- zations, communities, and ultimately, the broader
ers (NASW), the largest social work professional society, through problem solving or prevention.
Box 2.1 Purpose of the Social Work Profession
T he purpose of the social work profession is to pro-

mote human and community well-being. Guided by
a person and environment construct, a global perspec-
prevention of conditions that limit human rights, the
elimination of poverty, and the enhancement of the
quality of life for all persons.
tive, respect for human diversity, and knowledge based
SOURCE: Council on Social Work Education (2010) Educational
on scientific inquiry, social work’s purpose is actualized Policy and Accreditation Standards (p. 1). Washington, DC:
through its quest for social and economic justice, the Author.
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five feet, as also on the right side of the river. The antelopes
retreated as soon as the noise of the vessels reached the shore. The
reeds are by no means to be trusted, because large beasts of prey
are in the habit of taking up their position there, in order to rush
upon the antelopes as their certain prize, when the deer go to water
at sunset. A few soldiers, therefore, were sent forward for our
protection.
On our return from the chase, during which not a shot was fired,
we lost two bàltashi (carpenters or sappers) in the reeds, without
our being able to recall them, though signal-shots were fired. They
were Egyptians, steady men, and therefore we could not at all
suppose that they had deserted. Notwithstanding this, the crew only
looked for these men in the neighbourhood, shrugged their
shoulders, and supposed that the assad or nimr (lion or tiger) had
eaten them. The word nimr cannot, properly speaking, mean tiger
here, for there are no tigers, as is well known, in Africa; but it is the
general expression for panthers and leopards, as fagged for the lynx.
At eight o’clock we sail on again to S.E., and make four miles. The
river is here again about 400 paces broad. At nine o’clock, when we
go S., we leave a small island at our left; the wind slackens in half an
hour, but brings us S. by E. to a village, near which we cast anchor
in the middle of the river.
8th January.—The vessels stand S.E., and this is the first time, for
a considerable period, that one direction has held on so long. Long
before sun-rise, the natives sing in honour of us their “Teabing.” The
village only consists of some forty sleeping-places; each one holds
several men, but the herds of cattle tethered there are exceeding
numerous. The natives drive oxen near us, and are in such haste to
bring them to the vessels that we can scarcely keep them off; they
remain standing with the beasts, quite out of humour, point to them,
and make supplicating gestures that we would condescend to
receive the offerings. We have, however, become proud, for our
Saturnian stomachs have had, at last, enough meat. The natives are
of unusual size, and the troop standing above the pastoral village
near the bee-hives, overtop their habitations by a foot.
The north-east wind is too faint; therefore again the cry is “Churr
el libàhn.” From the mast:—back on the right, towards W., a large
lake and a village; another at the side towards S.W., of half an hour
in length, with a herdsman’s village. Behind this the Haba draws
round in a bend. The wood is about one hour and a half distant,
beyond the right side of the shore; but no lake is to be seen there,
because there are not any angles cut off at this side. So likewise Fadl
does not see a village, although yonder is the country of the Bohrs,
who are said to dwell more inland; at all events, there must be
water there. My Sale Mohammed, who, being my cook, wanted to
procure me some roasted venison, has, against my will, gone too far
from the shore, and not observed that we have changed the towing-
path, and gone to the left shore. I am very angry with him, for one
so easily gets in a passion in these countries. On calmer reflection, I
see that I ought to have more care for his life, and that he who
ventures his life for me does not deserve blows.
Eight o’clock, S.W. by S. We halt at nine o’clock, S.S.E. on the left
shore, in order to wait for ivory. I sent Suliman Kashef’s sürtuk to
the other side, to fetch Sale at this opportunity. The hygrometer 54°.
A number of people are collecting around, and ready to give us all
that they possess. The men, though only seven feet high, look like
trees, in their rough and naked natural forms. Their tonsure is
various; large ivory rings adorn the upper part of their arms. They
would like to strip these off, but they sit too tightly, because they
were placed on the arm before it was thoroughly formed. Now the
flesh protrudes above and below the rings. A large man, appearing
to be a little crased, or, perhaps, chief jester, wears an iron ring with
flat bells on his left foot, and carries an unusually long spear, the
shaft of which, being of a spiral form, is surrounded from the top to
the bottom with narrow iron hoops. It must be interesting to
understand his witticisms, for the others listened to him very
attentively, and are extraordinarily delighted. He prefers his
protecting spear to my beads; and it almost seems to me that these
great children laugh at his philosophy as being stupidity.
The few spears we see here are of very different kinds;
therefore, either imported or captured, in their contests, in the
mutual hurling of spears. The greatest number, however, are pikes,
tapering to a conical point. I only see the latter in the hands of the
less skilful negroes. They seat themselves on the shore, sing, and
beg for beads, pointing with their forefinger and thumb to the
roundness of them. They have bad teeth, almost without exception;
from this circumstance, perhaps, that they chew and smoke tobacco,
partly to alleviate the eternal tooth-ache. If they did not complain of
tooth-ache, yet they shewed us the entire want or decay of their
teeth, when we gave them biscuit to masticate. Their chief or sheikh
had, like the great sheikh of the Bunduriàls, an aquiline nose, and
nobler features than the others: this I have remarked generally. The
black colour alone induces us to suppose that they are of the negro
race; though their features are generally not of that cast. Most
Europeans, if they were painted as black, would be like them.
In observing the difference of these negroes among themselves,
of whom the question can hardly be of a higher or lower grade of
civilisation, and the features by that means distinctly impressed, we
are involuntarily led to the idea that the families of these chiefs were
either immigrating and conquering races, or the remains of the
aborigines; and that, having diminished to solitary families, they
have preserved among themselves their peculiar type, which is
similar to that of the Caucasian race.
In a shooting excursion, I found it here also confirmed that the
surface of the earth is lower behind the shores than the shore itself.
This is especially seen by the vessels, which disappear even to half
the mast at a little distance behind the shore. Nevertheless the
ground was elevated again in the distance like the rim of a basin,
whereon we remarked trees, evidently denoting an earlier shore.
Water stood here and there, around which numerous marsh-birds
had collected. I could not, however, get within shot of them, owing
to the swampy nature of the soil.
Shortly before noon we continued our voyage with the rope, but
the strong south-east wind worked so much against us that we
advanced little or nothing. Besides, the crew do not seem to wish to
run in perspiration and scalding heat, for to-day is Friday, and
therefore the Turkish Sunday.
At twelve o’clock, a large herdsmen’s village on the right shore,
with black giants, to whom the ant-hills serve as watch-towers, and
where they look even taller, being contrasted with the horizon. This
is the nation of the Bohrs. Here and there are seen men waiting on
the shore, holding cattle by a rope, to sell them for beads.
The ox is said to be sacred amongst them. They may perhaps
love and prize their cattle, to which they have but little else
preferable, and may prefer the bull as the founder of the family, but
that is all. After half an hour, where the river winds from S.E. to E.
and N.E., is on the right a pastoral village. The nation of the
Banduriàls stands here collected with a present of cows, but it was
not accepted by us. From N.E. round a sand corner on the right, to
S.S.W.
Here the meat-eaters, who will not be contented till they catch
some disorder, cannot resist the temptation to receive some cattle.
As in some parts of Belled Sudàn, copper wire is used for the
decoration of spears, I had brought some with me rolled on a stick,
and here and there cut off into rings. I exchanged such a ring for a
red club, not made of ebony, but of some other heavy wood. The
black stuck the ring immediately on his finger, half covering it; and
Thibaut had no sooner remarked this wire ring, than he tried to
procure it from the black by exchanging any number of beads for it,
whilst my servants stood by and laughed not a little. He shewed it
afterwards on his own finger, and thought that it was gold, and that
we should now gain endless treasures for our beads, because the
people, fortunately for us, did not know the value. I did not wish to
disturb his innocent wishes, and was silent till the ring changed
colour, when it afforded us a subject for laughter. There was but little
to purchase from the people, because they, with few exceptions,
brought long reed-stalks in their hands, instead of any weapons, as
a sign of their friendly intentions, according to the orders of their
king, Biur, who had done so at our request. A pretty young woman,
with tolerably long hair, stood at a little distance, holding a spear in
her hand.
At two o’clock we leave the sand-bank; immediately numberless
birds settled there, and collected themselves for a banquet on the
remains of the slaughtered beasts. We sailed S.S.W., a short tract,
and then round the left to S.E.; here we saw, at half-past two
o’clock, towards E., a large pastoral city, and people, and dogs,—the
latter in unusually large numbers. From the mast:—on the right, to
S.W., a lake; likewise one over the village to S.S.E.; and beside this
village, five others up to the Haba: on the right shore, neither the
one nor the other. The thermometer 29° at three o’clock. The above-
named village of herdsmen, whose huts, like flat bee-hives, consist
of reeds and straw, is followed by the huts of the women, built with
a little more care, and also higher, having a square entrance, and on
the top another thick irregular layer of reeds, so as to make the bent
stalks of reeds heavier, and to keep off the rain.
The river goes from here E.N.E. For some days past, glass beads
have been exchanged for ivory. I also, for the first time in my life,
am now turning to mercantile speculations, and pleasing myself with
the idea of the astonishment I shall cause to my brother. Five
o’clock, E.N.E.; the north wind is good; five miles, whilst we only
made three shortly after our setting out. At sun-set S.E. by E.; a
smell of fire, and the smoke of a village, on the right side, came to
meet us. We are soon convinced, to our horror, that the reed-straw
near us is in full blaze, and it is fortunate that the river here does
not make any curves, or we might be directly exposed to the flames.
On the right is a large village, with peculiar tokuls, enveloped in
black clouds of smoke, over which the sun dips as if into a dark sea
of blood.
If we consider how such a reed conflagration extends with
incredible swiftness in a violent wind, we shall see that the fire is not
alone to be viewed as a purifying element of the marshy region, but
also as the greatest means of destruction of the numerous forms of
reptiles, and indescribable numbers of insects prevalent here. I have
already convinced myself of this by the remains of consumed
snakes. The river winds at the corner occupied by the long village, to
S.W.
Two calves swam in the water, not being able to scramble up the
precipitous shore again. The men had no sooner asked me whether
they should take them, than I, as the momentary wokil of Feïzulla
Capitan, gave them permission, in order to return them at a
subsequent period when we came again to the natives; for there
was so much meat on board, that it disgusted even part of the crew.
The reïs tried with all his might to throw overboard the beasts just
saved, because they were not to be slaughtered, and he wanted to
have the hides; this, however, I very soon managed to prevent.
Seven o’clock.—The wind had slackened after sunrise, and the
sailors now sang at the rope; women and cows hallooed and lowed
in opposition. I had forgotten to observe the thermometer, whilst we
were passing by the burning reeds; but now, after seven o’clock,
when we have the fire behind us, it shews 28° Reaumur. By reason
of the great danger, we try to get out of the reeds; the men at the
rope are in a very difficult position when darkness sets in, for they
wound their feet on the reed-stubble. On the left are two gohrs for
catching fish, near another small lake. A little village lies on the top
of the third island, with nine summer tokuls. On the right shore
extends the long tokul village, and opposite to it twinkles a gohr,
near a village. Behind us, the reeds burn in full blaze, to an
immeasurable distance. From the mast:—from W.S.W. to N.W., a
marsh, with isolated ponds, stretching far and wide; on the left, to
S.E., a vast lake, the edge of which vanishes with the horizon. It is
already too dark, and we halt, after eight o’clock, in the
neighbourhood of a herdsmen’s village on the left shore, where the
river winds from E.S.E. to E.
Suliman Kashef sends for me, because he is going to give a great
fantasie, or feast to the sailors, as a reward for their strenuous
labours in bringing us out of the reach of the fire.
9th January.—The thermometer, which yesterday evening
remained at 28°, stood this morning, shortly before sunrise, at 16°.
Our vessel dragged her anchor to-night, owing to a heavy squall of
wind. Then arose again the usual noise, about which the captain
troubled himself but little. I had felt a shock of the vessel, but did
not think that it would be attended by any consequences; but as the
hippopotami had already run against the vessels sometimes with
such violence that they leaked, I paid some attention to what was
going on. By way of precaution, the planks before the cabin were
taken away, that we might be able to see when the water ascended
into the lower hold. A gaffir (sentinel) had been placed there, but I
had known for a long time how these night posts fulfilled their duty.
I looked down, therefore, a short time afterwards into the hold, and
saw that it was already full of water.
The sentry gaped prodigiously when I woke him up by a vigorous
blow. The powder-room under our cabin stood open, so that the
gaffir might observe the better; therefore I could not be too quick in
ordering water to be poured on the fire, which was burning furiously
on the hearth, and which some one had kept up from fancy,—
perhaps the sentinel himself, to light his pipe. Then I awoke the rest
of the crew, for Feïzulla Capitan lay like a log, because when the
habùb set in, he had fortified his courage too much with the araki
brewed by himself.
Immediately after sunrise, when the water was got out, we were
towed to the left shore E., and immediately N.E. by E. From the
mast:—on the left, to the N., lies a village near a small lake; on the
right two villages in the plain before the Haba. The wood is an hour
distant, but not of the same thickness as those of yesterday and the
day before, on the left shore. We go S.S.W., where, on the left, is a
village in a short bend in S.E. The whole horizon before us is covered
with horned cattle shining from afar. My servants have purchased, on
land, several skins of wild beasts, worn by the natives around their
shoulders. Seven o’clock: seventeen to twenty genuine tokuls, and
behind, a pastoral village, with the usual appearance. The men sing
to our sailors, who are towing, but yet they remain on the large hills
of ashes; the women sing “Abandejok,” jump, and recite besides God
knows what other pretty things. Their village lies about eight feet
high, and it does not seem that the high water reaches there, for we
do not perceive any repairs to the lower clay walls of the tokuls. The
surface of the earth behind the sand-shores is low ground. Half-past
seven o’clock. From S.E. with a short bend io S.S.W.
A number of Bohrs are standing upon the point of land formed by
a gohr to E.; they complain to us that the Elliàbs dwelling on the
other side of the gohr have stolen their cows. We are no priests of
justice, and continue our course. This gohr appears, therefore, to
form the boundary between the Bohrs and Elliàbs. I was surprised
that the former tribe did not dare to cross over the canal, which is
about thirty paces broad, and probably connected with a great lake,
as the choked-up dams prove, and claim their property manu forti.
Their whole system of warfare may possibly consist only in such
coups-de-main, from which, for the moment, eventual brawls may
arise. It does not appear to me probable that a whole nation arms
and takes the field against the other, for this would be a war of
annihilation, which cannot take place, as the numerous population
shews.
Eight o’clock. From S.E. to S.S.E. with sails; for the north wind
freshens. Whilst I am writing this, the wind suddenly blows from
S.E., and we are glad to halt at the left shore, where the sand is
heaped up more than ten feet high. We go on by the rope. A storm
comes from the south-east wind, but shews itself, however, as a
mere blast of wind (habùb). At half-past eight o’clock we sail a short
tract to S., but then again libàhn to S.E., on the right shore. Ten
o’clock. An innumerable quantity of cows in the low ground on the
right side of the shore, where there are more pools and a pastoral
village. Again were oxen dragged to us.
We notice a large encampment of herdsmen, somewhat up the
country, in the river behind the little pastoral village: I call it an
encampment because there are no huts there, but sheds, as a
protection against the sun, lying flat upon four stakes, the walls
being partly protected by reeds. These straw huts, with flat roofs,
which I had seen also besides in the pastoral villages, and which
serve in the whole country of Sudàn, during the hot season of the
year, for household labours, are called by the Arabs Rekùba. Even
the open porches of the clay-houses are so called. Besides these,
the reed-walls, protecting the very large fires of the encampment
against the wind, stand far and wide around, and glistening herds of
cows pasture there on all sides. The abundance of herds might give,
indeed, some scale by which we could judge of the population, as I
see from the rearing of the beasts that a certain number of hands
are necessary. Still S.E., and behind the high reeds of the river
another little pastoral village, near which we go to S. Eleven o’clock.
On the right a tokul city at the point where we go S.W. Seventy to
eighty houses stand along the shore, and we perceive, in a straight
line, an arm of the Nile, separating a level island from a large pool.
Immediately behind the city a pastoral village extends here and
there, with that arm, towards the south.
There are many people on the shore, singing their “Abandejok:”
the old women are particularly distinguished in this welcoming. We
heard, horribile dictu, the clattering noise they make by striking their
hanging breasts up and down; remaining with closed knees on one
spot, they jumped or sprang up, swinging backwards and forwards
their elbows and hands in a horizontal direction, and, bringing both
hands before them, greeted us, or begged for something. The
younger ones stood at a distance, and looked at the play,—kept
back, indeed, more by the men than by their own bashfulness. The
men swam over the arm of the river, in order to accompany us still
further along the shore, or rather to catch a few beads. Opposite
this hamlet are some tokuls, with a large pastoral village. We
navigate S.S.W., and half past eleven o’clock S.E.
On the right a gohr discloses itself here, towards the south; two
brooks flow now into its shores, close to one another; they join at
high water like an arm of the river,—not deep, indeed, but yet as
broad as the river we traverse. Opposite to its mouth is what seems
a village, the huts in which appear to consist of sheaves of reeds
joined together. On closer inspection, I see that it is not a village,
but green reeds cut down and placed together to dry, to be used for
building materials. We remark that the gohr goes subsequently to
S.W., and see towards the west a pastoral village, connected with
the tokul city. The extreme margin of the right shore is seven feet,
and of the left three feet; the shores themselves ascend up to ten
and twelve feet in height. On all sides, as far as the eye can reach,
water tracts glisten in the low grounds.
Twelve o’clock. We halt till two o’clock, at an island of the left
shore, and go then by the rope in a bend from the above S.E.
direction, in half an hour’s time to N. by E. Here we work round a
low sand-bank, which projects itself sharply into the river. Fadl told
me from the mast, before we came to this corner:—Towards S.S.W.,
the gohr near the tokuls goes to S.W. Two large lakes are there, and
a village, about an hour distant; the wood retreats two hours’
distance. To the left of the right shore also a large lake, half an hour
distant, and the trees there indicate marsh land within three hours’
distance.
At half-past three o’clock we have fortunately navigated round
from N.E. to S.E. On the right we notice, towards S.W., two large
lakes, the first of which, being far off, shews only some tops of trees
as its western shore. We have likewise, on the right shore, a
considerable lake, at half an hour’s distance from us, at our side.
The surface of the earth consists of humus mixed with sand, and
frequently displays a reddish tinge, which makes us infer that there
is iron-ore there. The natives sang yesterday evening, while they
walked along by the side of our men, who were towing, in concert
with them, repeating the eternal refrain, “Ja Mohammed;” to-day,
also, I saw them at the village where we remarked the great gohr,
assisting in towing, with songs and laughter. Although they are not
able to converse with our wags, yet they immediately recognised the
Abu Hashis, when on shore, as such, and joked with them; yet they
were often frightened when the latter assumed a grim countenance
and advanced towards them. The population appears to be very
large, for it is not confined to the border of the river, but extends up
the country, as far as the ground collects the water of the tropical
rains; and the truth of this is verified, not only by ocular evidence,
but also by the statements of the natives found on the border. But
who numbers these dark children of the sun?
Five o’clock. S.W. by S. The river flows from hence on the left in
a bend to W., and has a breadth of five hundred paces. At sunset, or
six o’clock,—for I also set my watch, according to the Turkish and
Arabic manner, at this hour,—we halt E. by S., under the corner
where the river winds round to the right. There is here, on the right,
a pool in distant sunken land, which must form, at the time of the
inundation, a vast level lake. Two villages to S.S.W., one behind the
other, and large herds of cattle in their neighbourhood. Up the
country, on the left, the nearest village is only to be seen from the
mast, and what we perceive to N.E. and N.N.E., is said to be a large
drove of cows. I took a walk to this village: it lies on a gohr, and is
called Aderègh. To judge from the foot-prints of elephants, it must
all have been inundated. As fair winds had set in, we soon returned
on board, and advanced at the rate of three miles an hour during
two hours, to S. and S.W., and cast anchor in S.E., where the river
becomes considerably broader.
CHAPTER XI.
NARROW ESCAPE FROM CROCODILES. — ILLNESS OF THE AUTHOR. —
DESCRIPTION OF THE ELEPHANT-TREE. — CUSTOM OF MAKING BEDS ON
ASHES VERY ANCIENT. — SULIMAN KASHEF SHOOTS A CROCODILE. —
STRONG SMELL OF MUSK FROM THESE ANIMALS. — THE TRIBE OF THE
ELLIÀBS. — WAR DANCES. — CHARGE AGAINST ARNAUD. — INJURY TO
VESSELS BY HIPPOPOTAMI. — SULIMAN KASHEF’S CIRCASSIAN SLAVE. —
CULTIVATED LAND. — THE FELATI. — APPEARANCE OF A MOUNTAIN. — TRIBE
OF THE TSHISÈRRS. — STRATA OF THE SHORE. — RICINUS PLANTS. — FOUR
LOWER INCISORS WANTING TO THE NATIVES ON THE SHORES OF THE WHITE
NILE. — AGILITY AND STRENGTH OF THE NEGROES. — MORE MOUNTAINS
APPEAR.
10th January.—Towed to S.E., and, looking back from the mast,

two more villages are visible. On the right shore, a gohr of one
hundred paces broad, projects inland towards N.E. A large village
before us on the same side, surrounded with regular plantations of
tobacco, cotton, creeping beans, and simsim; domestic fowls are
also running about here. We halt soon afterwards at the right shore,
where a village, considerable in length, extends from E. to E.S.E.
along the shore. Two small tokul villages also on the left side. At half
past eight o’clock we bear off again, and at nine we go S.S.E.,
having cultivated places at our side; and at ten o’clock towards S. On
the right shore a gohr of thirty paces in breadth to N.E.; we also
remark dome-palms again. Half past ten o’clock, S.E. by S. The
forest, extending behind the doum-palms to within fifty and a
hundred paces of the shore, appears also in the neighbourhood, and
looks well covered and inviting to the chase. The broad river is so
shallow here that we are obliged to stop in the centre of it, with our
ships still heavily laden, whilst the men towing wade in the water;
they often disappear altogether in the deep, when we come to these
numerous shallows, and emerge again like ducks. There are many
snakes in the water here; no one, however, was bitten by them. The
crocodiles are again very frequently met with in the river, for they
have deserted the pools and lakes.
11th January.—I have fortunately overcome a violent attack of
illness which overtook me yesterday evening. Such a faintness seized
me in my excursion yesterday, that I was obliged to sit down. I slept
or lay in a swoon; I know not which. I awoke when it was already
dark. A shot was fired near me; I tried to answer, but my gun
flashed in the pan; for I had fired it off in a half unconscious state,
to call for assistance. I dragged myself in the direction of the shot,
and worked through the bushes to the shore, in order to walk more
comfortably on the sand. At last I had the stream before me: on my
left I saw the fires near the ships; but, by heavens! I was struck with
terror, for there was the horrible sight of more than twenty
crocodiles a few paces before me on the light sand. I had really
commenced to count the beasts; but did not, however, remain long
in bivio Herculis, for they began to move, scenting human flesh. I
hastened back into the bushes, plunged into the holes hollowed out
by water, which I had previously tried to avoid, and arrived without
any accident close to the ships. I heard voices behind me, and
recognised my servants, who were in search of me. They were
mourning and reproaching themselves for having left me. Sale set
up a loud howl, because he thought I was devoured by the
crocodiles. They found me on the ground; they had also been
pursued by the beasts. What a poor creature a sick man is! I hear
now, for my consolation, that we had remained in the same place
where we halted yesterday before noon, towards S.S.E., owing to
the great exhaustion of the crew, and want of wood.
About eleven o’clock at night I began to rave, followed, from all
external symptoms, by a kind of cholera morbus. This attack must
have been dreadful, according to the description of Feïzulla Capitan,
who bravely remained by my side, and shewed that he really has a
heart, as I had seen already when he saved the Tokruri. Although
exhausted, I now find myself tolerably well. We have a small reed-
island at our side: the stream on the right and left is ornamented
with a forest, assuming here quite a different character from the
uniformity we have seen in the country of the Shilluks.
The earlier or spring mimosas were entirely obscured by other
trees with dense foliage; the copsewood, also, has taken another
form. The sun had not yet risen; but I could no longer contain
myself, and therefore landed from the vessel. If I had, last night,
given up the plan of travelling through Africa to the Atlantic Ocean,
to-day I was seized with the old humour and desire when I saw this
splendid woody region extending around me. Among the trees the
shudder el fill (elephant-tree), or medengàn el fill, was distinguished
above all the others. The beautiful clusters of flowers attain the
length of from five to five feet and a half; they are similar to the
yellow lily, but considerably larger, and somewhat curved on one
side, like the nape-piece of a helmet. Forty or fifty of these lilies,
shining magnificently, hang on one string; only half of them,
however, are in flower, whilst the other half are budding. The fruit,
similar in appearance to a thick grey-green cucumber, was already
one foot and a half long, and half a foot thick. When cut open, it is
very like the medengàn, called melinsanes in Greece, and cazzi greci
in Trieste. The bark of the tree is light and smooth; the branches are
a little twisted like those of the walnut-tree, to which it is akin in its
digitate though darker leaves, and may perhaps surpass it in height.
The elephant is said to be very fond of these medengàns, although
they seem uneatable to all other creatures. Whether this be the
Adansonia or monkey’s-bread-tree I venture not to decide. We shot
down several of the fruits, being obliged to pierce through the upper
part of the stalk, which is the thickness of a finger, with a bullet.
Eight o’clock.—We have felled wood, brought it on board, and
continue our voyage by towing. The river soon forms an angle from
S.S.E. to W.S.W. but it is only to go immediately again to S.S.E. As
we remarked on the shore, the water now visibly falls. Selim Capitan
and Arnaud cannot conceal their fear at having to surmount these
obstacles, so as not to be devoured by the natives on our return
voyage, which they would rather now commence. Such shallows are
certainly disagreeable; but as they merely occupy certain tracts, it is
only necessary, surely, to leave behind a portion of the freight on the
other vessels, and to fetch them afterwards by degrees: this is
evident, even to the commander. Sandbanks stretch from hence to
the middle of the river. At nine o’clock to S.; on the left an island.
The wood continues cheerfully on the right shore; on the left,
however, it has disappeared. Half-past nine o’clock, S.S.W., and on
the left a village.
The shores are strata of mixed humus, and the sand layer is
quite clear. I remarked on the lower margin of a steep and broken
shore a stratum of burnt reeds, and the intersection of a large hill of
ashes, which proves clearly, like the tombs in the rocks of Silsili, in
Egypt, that the stream here also sunk deeper formerly. The custom
of making beds on the ashes is, therefore, very ancient, and the
burning of the reeds is compelled by necessity. We halt near a
village of about forty tokuls, and again wait for meat. There were
only a few people to be seen, who stood, or squatted there quietly:
at last they collected together, and formed a large column.
Stretching up their hands in the air, holding a reed, or an ambak-
tree, which is as light as a cork, though it looks like a fearful club,
they made short quick marches up and down, and a sudden
simultaneous facing about, in honour of us. The women ran behind
this chorus, shouting and screaming as in Germany.
About eleven o’clock we set out to S.W. by S. A gohr cuts off an
island equally narrow, overgrown with grass, at our left hand. At the
head of the little island the river winds to S. On the right here is a
pastoral village. At twelve o’clock, S.E. by E., and round the left by
S.E. The north-east wind freshens a little, and we go without libàhn,
if not quicker, yet more comfortably. A large semicircle is formed,
and we go, at half-past twelve o’clock, from an easterly direction
again to S.W. On the left shore, a troop of some twenty negroes
squat, holding cows and calves for us by a cord. Beads are dear to
them above everything. These blameless Ethiopians will not even
receive gold and silver, the chimerical value of which they know not;
and it is only stupidity that laughs at them in pity.
From the mast:—two pastoral villages behind the right shore;
four more farther on, before the Haba, which forms a semicircle. The
forest makes its appearance again before us, on both sides of the
river. The latter separates into two arms, each having directly about
two hundred paces in breadth; these form a little island, which we
leave at our right side. The island is full of high sprouting plants and
vegetables, between blooming shrubs. At one o’clock we arrive S.E.
by E., and with E. to the point of the island. On the precipitous
shores stand the different kinds of trees; among them the doum-
palms, poison, and elephant-trees, are particularly distinguished, in
picturesque confusion.
The left shore forms here at the corner, where the river winds
S.W., a strip of sand, cutting into the river-bed, here only about one
hundred and fifty paces broad, and on account of this we are
obliged to sail close to the right shore. However, the river increased
again immediately to S. W., up to three hundred paces in breadth.
On the right also the Haba approaches, having but few trees, but
before us it is well covered, and extends to the border of the stream
itself. Five miserable tokuls stand under a large shady tree, which
imparts a peculiar effect to the spot by its unusual masses of shade
in this land of the sun. Some natives are sitting quietly under it, and
seem to be fishermen. Two o’clock, S.S.E. We have the point of an
island covered with reeds, in the middle of the river. Although I
dread the mid-day sun after yesterday’s attack, which reminds me of
a similar one in Taka, yet I venture upon deck, and see an island on
the left. The arm embracing it has already shrunk to a large pool,
and behind are the old or high shores, overlaid by sloping, grass-
covered rubbish, as with a green mat. Where these shores formerly
fell away steep into the water, they were twenty feet high, and were
still raised in a similar angle towards the interior. The shores of the
island are also about eight feet high, and I can easily calculate this,
the shores being so close, for we have a plumb-line on board.
At three o’clock we advance close to the left shore, to let the
men dine, for we have only laid aside the rope for a very short time,
in consequence of the slack wind. The river becomes narrow at the
corner, S.S.E., where it turns to the right. I also remark here again
one of those gohrs, which, being from two to three feet high,
conduct the high water, as canals, over the present water-mark,
through the low country, because the river-bed is clearly too narrow
—its shores being elevated here on both sides to two gradations—to
carry away the whole mass of the White Stream, at the time of its
inundation. We have also again the pleasing sight of the herds going
to the river, over the ridge of sand, which must be considered at
these high shores, as a road to the water. Eight white, well-fed
calves, being the last, went away, to my astonishment, unmolested,
our men not taking it into their heads to seize them. There is no
leaving off at noon to dine, but one-half of the crew eats whilst the
other tows the ship. About three o’clock we work away over the
shallows, and at last the temptation cannot be resisted of taking
some calves on board.
Four o’clock. We have the sand-banks behind us, to our good
fortune, and we go S.S.W. The Haba close on the right shore, where
we noticed six summer-houses and a gohr, eight feet above the
water, is now separated from us about two hundred paces by a low
country exposed to the inundations. The left old shore, with its
generally scanty wood, has drawn close to the river itself, and is only
ten to twelve feet high. Now, perhaps, the river will remain enclosed
in the very narrow limits of the old shores, and not make these
arbitrary serpentine windings, giving the result of a vast
development of streams, but placing an incredible obstacle in the
road to our pressing forward to the sources of the Nile themselves.
We land at five o’clock, even before sun-set, on the left shore, for
the men can go on no more, having laboured the whole day at the
libàhn; the hoisted sails, therefore, are as good as useless, though
they may have appeared very imposing to the natives.
A number of ash-grey people have collected near the village, and
their chief is invested magnificently because he is to give ivory. From
the elevated shore we see far in the low country, where the smoke
appeared like a large lake. I was to suffer to-night for having
exposed myself in the day, for a short time, to the heat of the sun.
The sinking sun seemed to make my hair stand on end in a peculiar
manner, and to set every single hair en rapport with its rays. I could
scarcely return to the vessel.
12th January.—Happy those who have enjoyed a refreshing sleep
to-night! I could not get any, and yet was so weary; fantastic forms
plagued me the whole night; there is a restlessness in my nervous
system, so that I get little comfort. Yet I brush up my strength, and
write my journal; but I find it difficult, and cannot do much.
Before day-break, when some wind shewed itself, we set out, but
again at sun-rise, the cry is “Libàhn.” S.S.E. At our left, the islands
seen yesterday, the first of which is small, the second may be half an
hour long. The wood stands on both sides upon the shore, which is
twelve to fifteen feet high, in lively freshness and variety of colours.
Mist is hovering about, and clouds prevent the sun from appearing.
Opposite to the large island is a gohr on the left shore, forty to
fifty feet wide, apparently in connection with a lake behind the Haba.
Half-past eight o’clock. S.W., but in a curve to S. I hear a shot before
us, and they tell me that Suliman Kashef has killed, at one shot, a
large crocodile on the sandy promontory of the right shore, so that it
never moved from the spot after being struck. We tarry there till
half-past nine o’clock, for Suliman Kashef presents the skin of the
beast to Arnaud; but the latter scarcely retains the back-shield. As
there is plenty of other meat, the men scorn to cut off its tail, and
eat it according to the custom of the country. My servants, however,
who knew that I had already tasted this sort of meat in Khartùm, as
also in Taka, a snake, which a dervish had dressed himself, cut off a
slice for me. Even had I not been ill, the smell of musk it exhaled,
and which was not lost, though cooked with hay, was so repulsive to
me, that they were obliged to throw it over board immediately. At
first it appeared to me incredible that mariners should scent from
afar the presence of a crocodile; but on my journey from Káhira to
Sennaar, my own olfactories, when they offered me in Korusko a
young one for sale, had become very sensitive to the odour of this
beast.
At our entrance into the Blue Stream, I could smell the
crocodiles, lying at a distance of six hundred paces off upon a sand-
bank at the mouth of the White Stream, before I had seen them.
The glands containing a secretion like musk, are situated in the
hinder part, as in the civet-cats, (viverra civetta), domesticated in
Bellet Sudàn, known here by the name of sabàt. These animals are
kept in cages for the purpose of collecting the favourite perfume,
called here musk or moschus.
Ten o’clock. S. by W. The river winds to the left; on the right an
island with a village, separated by a narrow arm from the left side of
the river. We sail with a good north-east wind, and make four miles.
The poor negroes run as fast as they can to obtain a few beads, but
in vain. On the left also an island.
Four o’clock. S.S.E. A short tract to S., and again to the left, S.E.
We do not see the Haba of the left shore from the cabin; on the
right it is divided from the river by a fore-shore. Soon afterwards, on
the left shore, a village, with a solitary dhelleb-palm; the houses
with a little pointed roof of straw, as in the tokuls; but the wall
protruding in the centre, like a thick cask standing upright—another
nation, therefore—that of the Elliàbs. At half-past eleven, again S.E.
15th January.—These are the days of trial; what avails good will,
and a firm heart? I am still very weak, and cannot sit up. The
negroes, since daybreak, have been singing their bold songs, and
continue their war-dances, with quick or slow evolutions, in columns:
their leaders are at their head, making threatening motions, wildly
and freely, and inflaming the courage of their men by sudden broken
chaunts, which the chorus then takes up. They clearly want to pay
us respect by these manœuvres, for their rapid march is not directed
against us; they do not appear to me to be the enemies we were
informed of some days since, for they try with all their might to gain
our friendship, and bring a number of cows to us.
I look at my journal, and thought I had been so ill since
yesterday at noon that I was not able to continue it to the evening.
To my most supreme astonishment, however, I hear from Feïzulla
Capitan and my servants, that this yesterday dates from the 12th of
January, and that they believed I was going to die. I remember very
well, however, that I once saw Thibaut sitting on Feïzulla Capitan’s
bed, and conjured him solemnly to send the doctor to bleed me. I
sent out also my men to look, for one of them told me that Thibaut
had not gone on board the doctor’s vessel, but on that of the
Frenchmen. The doctor appeared, a perfectly black Shaigië, who had
received the finishing stroke, as an accomplished alipta, under Clot
Bey. Arnaud came immediately afterwards, to try on me his sleight
of hand in phlebotomy. As I had got my brother to mark the point
where to lance, so that I might do it myself in case of necessity, and
had touched up the same with ink, every now and then, I allowed
Arnaud more willingly to perform the operation, the black doctor
having already worried me with his chattering. I trembled too much
myself to undertake it with my own hand. I lay there at night, and a
feeling came over me as if my whole body were pulsating, and I was
myself moved up and down by the pulses. I did not dare to close my
eyes, for fear of being tormented by those indescribable phantasies;
I perceived only too well that Arnaud had not taken away sufficient
blood. Willingly would I have had now a helping hand, but every one
was asleep, and I could not call because I had lost my voice. I
therefore undid the bandage, moved my arm vigorously about, and
let the blood flow out of window; I felt I was much better, but was
afraid of falling in a swoon and bleeding to death, when all at once a
bright thought struck me: I took one of the large ivory rings lying
near me, drew it over the hand, and so tight over the compress,
which I had again put on, that they were obliged in the morning to
cut it to pieces on my arm.
To my great consolation I heard that we had remained from
twelve o’clock at noon in a south-easterly direction on the average,
and at five o’clock had landed on a place where we remained till four
o’clock yesterday evening, and then had come on as far as here,
said to be only a short tract. Selim Capitan told me that we had only
made on the 12th fifteen miles. The Frenchmen do not wish me to
annoy myself about this gap in my diary, and promised me all
possible éclaircissement from their own journals; but they found,
however, subsequently, excuses to shuffle off, and I must therefore
survey this tract more accurately on the return voyage. Suliman
Kashef also had fallen sick in the very same hour I did, and was just
as long delirious; on his account, therefore, the crew had kept quiet.
I hear, to my astonishment, that Arnaud is accused of having tried to
poison the Kashef and myself out of one and the same goblet, on
the day before our simultaneous illness, because he himself had
drank from another the last time we were with him. It was only with
difficulty that I could persuade Suliman Kashef to divest himself of
this unhappy idea; and it was by the following means I principally
effected it:—I took precipitate powder from Arnaud, in water, before
his face.
We go S.S.E., and after sun-rise S.E. On the left the head of an
island discloses itself, if the gohr going to the N.E. is a Nile arm.
Here also the people have collected, singing, and jumping backwards
and forwards, in three files, as far as their strength will allow them,
for they have not got a rag of clothes on their backs. A land
promontory, jutting out from the right shore, brings us at last, after
much labour, from S.E. to E. by N. A hippopotamus has just injured
our doctor’s vessel so much that it would have sunk if it had not
been aground on the sand. Yesterday evening also, when we were
lying at anchor, a similar river-buffalo struck our large vessel with
such force, that not being in the best condition, it made an
uncomfortable motion, and roused immediately all our attention to
examine the hold. We advance a little, and suddenly there is a cry
that there is no water-course before us. I take this statement to be a
knavish trick of the Reïs, whose duty it is to sound, and who pretend
this in order to get back the sooner to their wives at Khartùm. I have
expressed this opinion to Feïzulla Capitan, and begged of him to go
to the two commanders.
I have good reason to fear that the invalid Suliman Kashef would
rather be waited upon in his hàrim, at Kàrreri, than here by his
Turks, although he has a young Circassian girl in the second cabin,
who durst not leave the narrow space she is confined in,
notwithstanding my intercession. The second time I was on board
Suliman Kashef’s vessel, I was looking at his arrangements, just as
the eunuch standing in the corner had gone out to fetch water; quite
by accident, I opened the door of the second cabin, and saw there
this pale, but beautiful girl, lying on the carpet, in a gauze chemise
and trowsers. Suliman Kashef called out as if the devil possessed
him, “Hàrim! Hàrim!” on which excusing myself, I naturally retreated,
and he burst out into a loud laugh. Thus this poor creature sat in a
cage, in which there was hardly room for her bed. The air entering
but sparingly through the closed Venetian blinds, was obliged to
suffice her day and night, for she was not even allowed to look out
at the scenery.
There are several negroes on the right shore, who have a
different language to that of the Elliàbs, and are called Tshièrrs.
They sing and shout as much as they can, to induce us to receive
their presents of cattle.
The shores in this region are not mixed with strata of sand in
horizontal, but in undulatory layers, which may prove that a more
violent influx into the reed-lakes took place here formerly, than in
the present day. We navigate at four o’clock a short tract to E. and
S.E., and immediately S.W. At sun-set, from S. to E. At the left a
broad arm to N., perhaps having the main stream, for it shews here
hardly any fall. We halt at the right shore, and take other natives
from hence, for the purpose of acting as interpreters, instead of the
former ones. From the mast is seen, on the left shore, two cities,
and the great Haba, half an hour distant.
16th January.—I have passed a dreadful night, continually raving,
and so far as I believe, I have not slept a minute. It was not till after
sun-rise that we go with libàhn to E. by N.; an hour later S.E. Whilst
I am counting seven villages on the left shore, along a dry gohr or
Nile arm, I see on the right only one village. At half-past nine o’clock
we sail S. by W. Ten o’clock.—The right shore is entirely covered with
houses; thus the whole country presents, in a yet unseen extent, a
cheerful cultivation of durra, simsim, tobacco, and lubiën (the
phasels, or white beans, so frequently met with in the land of
Sudàn). We see continually on the shores the ricinus and ushàr
(asclepias procera), with luxuriant leaves, as well as the rigli, or
purslane, which grows wild also in the gardens of Khartùm, and was
our usual salad. At noon N.E., where a city on the right shore
extended; then E., and subsequently S.E. Here I see, for the first
time, the natives washing. Notwithstanding the proximity of the
water, they make no regular custom of washing themselves, as is
only too plainly seen by their bodies covered with ashes. They bring
us large ivory tusks, as they did previously, and these were
purchased in favour of government, for a few beads. Two o’clock.—
On the right shore a large village, with a different sort of tokuls; and
we go from N. by E. to S. It is unquestionable that there is an
enormous population in this country of the Tshièrrs. The people have
a friendly physiognomy, and the form of the face is more spherical
than that of the other tribes.
17th January.—We halted yesterday evening close to a large city
on the left shore, and remained there till eight o’clock this morning.
This delay was caused by the natives constantly dragging down
elephants’ tusks to us. The tokuls are like sheds, but barricaded
round about with thick stakes, probably on account of the wild
beasts. My European companions are very anxious about my health,
and wish me not to write. They will lend a hand to me in every thing
—very cunning of them! On the right and left villages. An island on
the left shore, at least a gohr, enters into the land there; but where
tarries the other gohr or Nile arm, that we saw four days ago? From
E.S.E. to S.E. The north wind is better to-day than yesterday, when it
set in, so desirable to me in my invalid state, and we make three
miles. On the right shore a Haba, sometimes retreating a little,
sometimes approaching. An innumerable crowd of negroes stood at
the before-mentioned bend of the river, but we sail proudly by,
without throwing out beads, and exciting the desire of such a mass
of human beings for our glass riches. The people cultivate their
fields, and are really better fed, but appear not to be equally
particular about washing. The shores of the Nile are twelve to fifteen
feet high, and there prevails a crumbling humus, easily rubbed to
powder; always strongly, however, mixed with sand. These men,
moreover, not only produce the fruits above alluded to, but also gàra
and battigh (gourds and water-melons). Iron rings on the arms and
feet seem to be regarded here with more respect than ivory rings.
We leave two islands, of about two hours in length, at our side; they
are also cultivated. As the country becomes more interesting, I feel
myself happily a little better, and this may partly arise from the
clearer air.
The natives say that the Felati, who wear clothing or rags
(sharmuta), like our men, are only a few days’ journey from us to
the west. I hear that these Felati, like the Tokruri, from Darfùr, being
Muslims, make the pilgrimage to Mecca. It is certain that they do not
take the road traversed by us, for nothing is known of them in
Khartùm: it appears to me more likely that they join the pilgrim
caravan of Burnu, and distribute themselves in the neighbourhood of
the Nile, the better to beg their way through. Subsequently I
became acquainted with a slave in Khartùm, who had come to the
land of Sudàn, through Burnù. Felati means there dissolute roving
men, such as these Tokruri, from the interior of Africa, generally are.
It is thought that we shall meet with these Felati, and this is the
more desired by me, because, as they partly speak Arabic, I could
ask them questions myself, and should have no need of two or three
interpreters, who translate in a careless manner one to the other.
Twelve o’clock. S.S.E. The stream is, as I predicted, more
constant in its old limits, which have approached closer to us; we
have generally a south-easterly direction. On the right also the wood
is near, and I am curious to survey some of the beautiful green
trees. The natives have brought us goats and sheep, but no cows;
and do not seem to wish to give them. We have a small island on
our left, and on the right the lower end of another, though we have
not seen its commencement. Village connects itself to village, with
broad low tokuls. We go from the south, where, on the left, through
a simsim-field, separated from the river, stands a stately village, with
reed palisadoes, to S.E. There ends the little island, and two other
sandy ones immediately join on. Eight women are standing on the
downs of the right shore before their village, and comfortably smoke
their pipes. The isolated trees, with their beautiful branches and soft
green foliage, have a very cheerful look. The simsim, cut-down, is
regularly fixed together, like an arbour, in order to be dried. S.W., on
the left, an island.
The shores are intersected with sandy strips. The larger tokul-
roofs have an irregular form, with horns on the top, mistaken by the
Turks for the crescent; they appear, however, to be the branches of
the tree standing in the middle of the tokul. It is the gable of the
house; and possibly we may look here for an adoration of animals
bearing horns. On the right an island with beautiful foliage upon it;
the channel is not broader than double the length of our vessel. To
the left there is an island, and opposite it a mere deposit of an
island, quite lively and verdant in the water; the river is again
broader. On the right, and shortly afterwards on the left, two islands
end, though we have not observed their lower part. Either they had
not any water there, and were easily overlooked, or the stream
branches so that we can scarcely form an idea of it. I look upon this
portion of the White River, in regard to its uncommon mass of
waters, with still greater respect, as a phenomenon difficult to be
solved.
It is three o’clock. S. by W. Do I hear rightly?—they are speaking
of Gebl—how that sound thrills to my heart! I call, but no one listens
to me, for all are standing upon deck, and looking towards the
mountain, which is said to be very large. In spite of the sun, and all
remonstrances, I drag myself up on deck, and see the mountain to
S.W., at a distance of about twenty hours. It seems to form an
accumulation towards one point, and may surely be the forerunner
of other mountains; therefore, after all, there are mountains of the
moon. City crowds on city; and the Egyptians look out from the mast
for herds of cattle, which are not, however, numerous. An
innumerable population moves on the shores; to express their
number our crew say, “Ketir, saie el tubàhn” (as many as flies); and
we sail always, Allah Kerim, by the shore, which is quite black with
people, who are standing as if benumbed with astonishment.
Four o’clock. From S.S.E. to S.S.W. The north-east wind good for
four miles. It seems as if we were going to the chain of mountains,
or, at least, coming nearer to it. Two days ago the natives whom we
asked knew nothing of any mountain on the river. The river again
becomes majestic at this bend, and gives us every favourable hope
by its water-mark. On the right a small island, and another lies
likewise planted in the middle of the river before us.
Five o’clock. S.W., and to S. An island on the left shore, where a
gohr enters far into the land; then on the left a small island in our
river, round which we proceed on the right, in order to come to the
supposed gohr, which soon shews itself to be a main stream, flowing
here S.E., and therefore not forming an island. Still there is an
uncomfortable feeling at finding myself near the Equator in Central
Africa, and being ill at the same time. Every man has his home, and
this is frequently confined to such narrow limits that there is,
properly speaking, only one favourite place in life. I was never a
gourmand; but sauerkraut, now fresh from the tub—and I should be
well on the spot.
At half-past five o’clock, from S.E. to S.S.W., and shortly
afterwards S., and again S.S.W. I see strings of white beads, that
may have been introduced by the Felati already mentioned; for the
White Stream itself does not seem, up to this moment, to form any
road of communication to the tribes who are ever at war with each
other. From E.S.E. to S. by W., where we halt at sunset, and I go on
shore. The Tshièrrs, possessing both shores here, are a very
handsome race of men; tall, strongly built, and well fed. There is a
good nature and courtesy in their behaviour, shewing, in itself,
external cultivation. I can scarcely persuade myself that I am in the
middle of Africa. The “stipes Æthiops,” as the Romans called it,
always falls away the further we ascend the river. This type,
indigenous particularly to the Dinkas, has not only entirely
disappeared, but a nobler and more natural motion in the limbs has
taken its place. Every one of these people wears a small wooden fife
round his neck, having three tones. They say that the strings of
glass beads they wear come from above (gèbeli, min fok), pointing
up the river to the south. It almost seems as if there were a
connection between these countries and the Atlantic Ocean.
Although these people are armed with clubs, spears, bows, and
poisoned arrows, yet there is something in the natural disposition of
the human heart that prevents even our men from giving way to
fear at a distance, but they take very good care not to offend the
kind commoners of nature in any way.
18th January.—Another bad night. Even now, at Asser, I have not
recovered. The Frenchmen, indeed, have paid me a visit, consoled
me with empty words, but cast looks at one another, the meaning of
which I so well understood that I assured them there was no
danger; I should see my brother again, whom I just at this moment
missed very much. We sail, on the whole, S.W., see six to seven
islands, and approach nearer to the high mountain. This afternoon I
saw, on the left, a little gohr, which discharges itself with a strong
fall into the river: they tell me, from the mast, that a second one is
lost again beyond the right shore. It appears, therefore, to be fed by
our water-course, whilst the other is a subordinate arm of the Nile
from above, or a tributary stream. Four o’clock. From N.N.W. to E. A
large city at some distance from the left shore. An incredible number
of people, who go here also quite naked, are dancing and singing on
both shores: our course is really a constant triumphant march. The
bears on the vessels will half kill themselves with laughing. We have
likewise here that sharp piercing cry which we are so frequently
compelled to hear in Lower Egypt, at marriages and other festivals
of the kind. This “Kullelullullulu” is therefore, perhaps, of Ethiopian
origin, and recalls involuntarily to our mind the descent of tribes
from the Highlands. To the right of the city a small island follows,
and a pretty wood extends over the margin of the river.
Half-past four o’clock. On the right and left an island; and
notwithstanding the breadth of the river, we have still a good water-
course, which has increased here in rapidity, a sure sign that we
shall come at least to higher regions. The poison-tree is still
abundant, and does not seem to be considered dangerous even by
these people of free nature; we see it even standing close to their
huts. It is not yet sun-set. There is singing, with dancing, and
clapping of hands, even far into the water itself,—a truly black joy:
the women with their sharp “kulle,” the men with their bass voices,
the boys with their treble, and the barking of dogs between whiles,
so that I can scarcely hold my pen, and know not where to fly to for
peace. They drag calves behind them, and swim towards us,
whereby the greatest part of the glass beads thrown to them fall
into the water, and there is a monstrous noise and splashing in
picking them up. I was sorry for the beautifully-formed young girls,
who went away empty-handed in this crowding and wrestling of
thousands. With the most amiable countenance they pointed to their
necks, shewing that they had no beads there. They were all laughing
and in good spirits, and shouted to us “Màdam!” said to be a title of
honour.
19th January.—We navigate this morning with a gentle north-east
wind to the south, and shortly afterwards have those grass-islands
at our side that lay yesterday evening before us. Here the natives
offer us every thing: weapons, certainly the dearest thing to them;
arrows and bows, long spears, light javelins, and their ornaments,
consisting mostly of iron rings! And all this for miserable Venetian
conterie, which perhaps may serve for a long time as an article of
commerce with the inhabitants of the interior of Africa. The sky
lowers, and was yesterday also somewhat clouded. The river is here
universally four hundred paces broad.
When I look on the soil, I find that it is either percolated with
sand, and forms a perforated black mass, like the humus in Nubia,
or that the layers, being still unchequered or unworked, are disposed
in strata one over the other, sand over humus, and this over mixed
earth, &c., but in thicker deposits than we are accustomed to see in
other parts of the Nile. The undulating direction of these layers
shews a stronger water-way, and a more vigorous forcing on and off
of liquid soil. I am now not at all doubtful of a high land. Another
shallow island joins on to the above-named green river meadow,
over which the neighbouring wood peeps forth refreshingly, with a
large village. The natives accompanying us are brought, by the
partition of the shore, to a place from whence they cannot advance;
they stand and stamp and dance, always upon one spot, some
holding a spear, or bow and arrow, in their hands, some a long stick,
and others without anything. They sing in alternate song, and raise
at the same time one or both hands in the air, or stretch themselves
towards us, and draw the arm back again.
Eight o’clock. From S., a short tract to S.E., and then E. and N.E.
Isolated, strong, ricinus plants, are distinguished by their dark
foliage from the other vegetation, which is beginning here also to
wither. On the whole it is wonderfully verdant on all sides, to which
perhaps the heavy dew may mostly contribute. The people here
have better teeth, but the four lower incisors are wanting, according
to the custom of the country.
Nine o’clock, S.S.E. On the right shore stands one of those
beautifully foliated, large trees, which I have not yet seen close, but
which appears to be a species of Robinia. A large company of blacks,
smoking long pipes, have collected under this tree. The little boys
are excessively merry, blowing in concert their fifes, jumping and
greeting, the latter meant for our boys, whose look pleases them
more than our bearded faces. The green Haba of the right shore
accompanies us cheerfully; the long procession coming out of the
wood, to look at the strangers, indicates a very numerous
population. Who could believe that there was in Africa this aquatic
abundance, this fresh verdure, and this moderate heat, the
thermometer having been for some days not above twenty-five
degrees? At noon from S.E. to S.W. The river winds, however,
immediately again to S., in which direction we generally return in the
afternoon. The stream is about six hundred paces broad, and has a
depth of three to three fathoms and a half. Here must we journey
on, as far as our old planks will allow us, in order to reach its
sources with the wind, which is mostly slack. The shallow island we
already saw this morning does not end till about two o’clock, and the
arm embracing it is broad, and so deep that the negroes
accompanying us on shore are obliged to swim. An island deposit
lies at its head, and will soon perhaps be united to it. Immediately
afterwards, on the left shore, a large summer or pastoral village; on
the right and left, singing and jumping of men, women, and
children. Our mountain, of a dark-blue colour, on the right, suddenly
looked into my window, and surprised me not a little. We sail S.S.E.,
with two miles rapidity. On the left is a gohr to S.S.E., into which the
people plunge with loud huzzaing, so that they may accompany us a
little longer. No beads are given gratis; the poor people must run,
make the Turks laugh first, and give them entertainment, before it is
determined to throw on shore these glass bits of paste, though
Selim Capitan possesses an enormous stock of them, and then this
generosity is only for the sake of seeing the bustle and noise of the
great children.

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Comprehensive Handbook of Social Work and Social

Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare Critical

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Social Policy An Introduction 3rd Edition Ken Blakemore

Competencies and Practice Behaviors

EP 2.1.1 Identify as a professional social worker and conduct oneself accordingly:

EP 2.1.3 Apply critical thinking to inform and communicate professional judgments:

EP 2.1.4 Engage diversity and difference in practice:

Social Work and Social Welfare

Australia • Brazil • Mexico • Singapore • United Kingdom • United States

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Preface .............................................................................................................................. xvi

PART 1 Understanding Social Work and Social Welfare 1

2 Social Work and Other Helping Professions 23

3 The Ecological/Systems Perspective 53

4 Diversity and Social Justice 81

PART 2 Social Work Practice: Methods of Intervention 121

5 Social Work Practice with Individuals, Families, and Groups 123

6 Social Work Practice with Agencies and the Community 145

PART 3 Fields of Practice and Populations Served by Social

8 Health Care 195

9 Mental Health, Substance Use, and Disability 236

10 The Needs of Children, Youth, and Families 294

11 Services to Children, Youth, and Families 334

12 Older Adults: Needs and Services 377

13 Criminal Justice 409

15 Social Work in the Workplace 468

16 The Globalization of Social Work 498

Appendix A Look to the Future 525

Preface . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvi The Obama Years 18

The Social Security Act 13 Underpinnings of the Profession 29

References 144 Definitions of Poverty 168

Funding 278 Runaways 323

Crisis Intervention Programs 353 Social Emotional Selectivity Theory 381

Juvenile Courts 422 Limitations of Rural and Urban Classification

Unemployment and Underemployment 474 CHAPTER 16

circles, discussion of international social work has been Features

A Definition of Social Welfare Social work is the primary profession that

Courtesy of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library and Museum, #53227

President Obama officially ended American mili- 1% 1%

while in combat in Iraq who, in addition to his physical injuries, is

such as depression, and chronic anxiety are widely Environmental Factors

Box 2.1 Purpose of the Social Work Profession

T he purpose of the social work profession is to pro-

10th January.—Towed to S.E., and, looking back from the mast,

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