Globalization InEquality
Globalization InEquality
I. Equality of Rights
As far as equality of rights is concerned, one could argue that globalisation has encouraged the
spread of the liberal model, based on:
- Equality in the eyes of the law
- Freedom of expression, freedom of religion etc.
- Democracy
Equality in the eyes of the law, freedom of expression, freedom of religion etc. were the flagship of
the 19th century liberal revolution. Democracy, on the other hand, was a typical social-democratic
demand. Nowadays, equality of rights as a whole is supported by all major political streams alike.
The effect of globalisation on these two types of equality is somewhat complex and extremely
controversial. Hence they will be the focus of the following analysis.
Needless to say, contemporary globalisation does not constitute the original source of structural
inequalities.
However, to the extent that globalisation is becoming increasingly associated with inequality,
opposition against globalisation by disadvantaged groups is likely to strengthen.
As such, we need to investigate how globalisation has really affected inequality.
a. Class Inequality
'Class' here refers to the division of a population in respect of different roles in the production
process.
In contemporary capitalism, people generally contribute to production as:
i. investors
ii. managers
iii. professionals
iv. skilled manual workers
v. workers without formal qualifications
(including homemakers)
This division of labour is further reflected in differences related to customs, dress, language,
residential area etc.
As such, absolute poverty is also declining. It has been estimated that between 2005 and 2010 the
number of poor people around the world (defined as living on less than $1.25 a day), fell by nearly
half a billion, from over 1.3 billion in 2005 to under 900 million in 2010. Simultaneously a rise in life
expectancy was registered in relation to the start of the 20th century.
However, although the poor are on average indeed becoming richer, the rich are becoming even
richer at a much quicker rate. Moreover (as mentioned above), much of the improvements in living
standards experienced by the global poor were gained in only two countries: India and China.
An interesting statistic:
– As of 2010, the world's 497 billionaires (approximately 0.000008% of the world's
population) were worth $3.5 trillion, or the combined GDP of the 127 poorest
countries.
The developed world, after a reduction in income inequality during the 3rd quarter of the 20th
century, witnessed a widening wage differential between more trained labour (professionals,
managers, technicians) and less trained labour (people with no more than general secondary
education). This is particularly true in the US, but to a lesser extent in almost all other OECD countries
as well.
Most transition countries (from state socialism to market capitalism) experienced a steep ascent to
wealth for a few and a rapid descent to poverty for many. In Russia, for instance, the richest fifth of
the population saw its proportion of national income rise from 32.7% in 1990 to 48% in 2008. On the
other hand the poorest fifth had its share decline over the same period from 9.8% to 6%.
Huge class inequalities have persisted in much of the developing world in the period of contemporary
globalisation. In Brazil, for example, in 2009, the richest 10% of the population obtained 42.5% of the
national income, while the poorest 10% obtained 1.2%. Major cities in Asia, Africa and Latin America
today often house the ugliest shantytowns in the shadows of the shiniest skyscrapers.
Another way that globalisation has generated greater class divisions follows from challenges to the
redistributive state.
Earlier in the 20th century many national governments developed a number of mechanisms to lessen
class stratifications, culminating in the welfare state, which peaked in the third quarter of the 20est
century.
But the expansion of globally mobile capital and liberalised exports has encouraged states to
abandon a number of redistributive policies, while retreating from progressive taxation.
Emergent suprastate frameworks have not filled the regulatory gaps left by states in respect of
countering arbitrary class hierarchies.
On the contrary, global economic institutions like the OECD, the IMF, the Worldbank and the WTO
have been promoting neo-liberal policies since the 1980s.
Regional bodies too have concentrated on market liberalisation, with at best secondary attention to
questions of class justice.
Social movements have not succeeded in mounting effective opposition to growing class gaps:
- The trade union movement experienced substantial drops in membership across most of the
world, in the wake of its failure to ‘deliver the goods’ to its clients. This failure is a result of:
– neo-liberal legislation
– the national nature of trade unions (a decidedly inadequate strategy when a large
proportion of capital is globally mobile)
– declining trade union credibility owing to bureaucratisation, close ties with ruling
circles, and self-aggrandisement of leaders.
Meanwhile new global social movements have tended to give only secondary attention to issues of
class equity, for example: consumer advocates, environmentalists, human rights activists, feminists
etc.
In sum, contemporary globalisation has in various ways encouraged a greater entrenchment of class
inequality.
b. Country Inequalities
Large country inequalities exist between countries in the developed world, the developing world and
East Asia, both in terms of inequality of opportunities and inequality of results.
Obviously, the distinction of such areas in the world involves substantial simplification, as each region
contains considerable diversity:
- the developed world includes many economically marginalised individuals
- the developing world includes many successful entrepreneurs and affluent politicians.
Similarly, a country can contain large internal geographical welfare disparities, for example:
- in India the state of Bihar suffers from far greater poverty than Kerala
- in England widespread wealth in the South-East contrasts with pockets of need in the
North-East
- China's economic boom of recent decades has concentrated on the coastal provinces,
rather than on the interior regions.
Nevertheless, social hierarchy within countries does not negate the fact of a concurrent hierarchy
between countries.
I. Equality of Opportunities
Resource distribution, laws, institutions and inherited prejudices are such that the 'average' person
born into the developing world has had fewer opportunities than the 'average' person born into the
developed world.
That is to say, even when an individual from the developing world and an individual from the
developed world have had equivalent personal means, the resident of the developed world has
generally been able to obtain greater gains form the similar resource base.
However, the relative income gap between the OECD countries and the rest of the world is
narrowing, as GDP-growth (as a percentage) is often higher in the developing world than in the
developed world, due to the very low starting point of the former. For instance (the amounts in $
refer to GDP):
The power of so-called 'hard' currencies has conferred enormous privileges on people in their
countries of origin (in terms of currency exchange, international loans etc. etc.), with the U.S,
European and Japanese currencies dominating global transactions.
All this while the debts have to be paid back, with interest: it was estimated in 2007 that for every $1
developing countries received in Overseas Development Aid, more than $5 had to be paid back in
debt repayments due to accumulated interest.
Liberalisation in areas like agriculture and textiles, where the developing world boasts a comparative
advantage, has purposefully been slow:
- In terms of agriculture, developed countries keep spending over $250 billion per annum to
subsidise their farmers, in sharp contrast with Western calls for liberalisation of other sectors
of the economy. Overseas Development Aid is limited to around $9 billion (2009-figures).
- Only in 2005 was the MFA (Multi-Fibre Arrangement) cancelled, which had been restricting
textile exports to the developed world since 1962.
In 2008 barriers to trade in the developed world were estimated to cost the developing countries
fourteen times the value of all development aid. Meanwhile, income gains from WTO liberalisation
generally accrue to the developed world.
Nonetheless, there have been initiatives to improve the trade-conditions of the poor countries.
- Coming from the poor countries themselves, there was:
» the battle in the 70's to establish a New International Economic Order
(NIEO), which failed.
» OPEC’s attempt to try and alter trade relations between the developed
and the developing world by quadrupling oil prices in 1973, which did
not change the overall situation.
- Coming from the rich countries, there has been:
» the GSP (Generalized System of Preferences) in the GATT since the late
60s.
» the EU's ACP-agreement.
Nevertheless, the overall impact of these schemes has remained modest.
The global intellectual property rights regime is a good example of regulation. The TRIPS agreement
of the WTO (Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property), signed under pressure from
pharmaceuticals companies, increased the flow of revenues to the developed world from patents,
copyrights and trademarks, thus further widening the existing gap between rich and poor countries.
TRIPS has put the cost of access to advanced technologies and medicines beyond the reach of many
developing countries.
True, in 2003 a certain improvement came about within the WTO-framework in terms of poor
countries' access to essential medicines, in particular against AIDS, but implementation has been
slow.
As such, by 2011 Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) amounted to only 0.32% of the GNP of the
OECD countries: this is one of the lowest figures since such statistics started to be collected in 1950,
and constitutes even a decline in real terms.
Since the 1960s, several agencies in the UN have been contributing via extensive research to raising
the issue of developing-developed world inequality, yet since the 1980s UN agencies have generally
taken a backseat in global economic governance.
The initiative has lain far more with the Bretton Woods institutions, the OECD, the WTO and others
that have operated outside the UN purview.
In view of the above, one could expect social movements to rise up in protests against this inequality.
After all, starting in the 1920s a global anti-colonial coalition powerfully linked activists in the
developed world with their counterparts in the developing world. Yet, this progressive alliance largely
dissipated after formal decolonisation.
New social movements (consumer protection, environmental conservation, and human rights) have
not usually put questions of developing-developed world equity high on their agenda.
According to the neo-liberal interpretation, as globalisation promotes trade and investment flows, it
contributes significantly to economic growth and thereby to lifting people out of (absolute) poverty.
The reason for world poverty is principally located in the failure of countries to integrate fast enough
or deep enough into the world economy.
Globalisation is the principal remedy for eradicating global poverty.
On the other hand, critics argue that the orthodox neo-liberalism interpretation distorts the truth.
Inequality (relative poverty) is worsening while globalisation proceeds – even if indeed absolute
poverty is dwindling slowly: the economic profits associated with globalisation are spread out
unevenly leading to further polarisation within the world order.
All in all, the division of the world into core and periphery, developed and developing, remains very
much a structural feature of the contemporary global system.
Both inequality of opportunities and results have suffered at the country-level during the period of
accelerated globalisation.
c. Gender Inequalities
The structural dominance of men over women is hardly new to the period of accelerated
globalisation: patriarchy has a long history and became embedded in most social contexts across the
world far before the phenomenon of globalisation.
Nonetheless, gender stratification has persisted in regard to access to global communication. For
example, currently most internet users are men, although gender gaps are closing.
Nonetheless, men have taken most of the high salaries in management and on the trading floor.
Furthermore, many of these positions have come with highly "flexible" labour conditions.
Globalisation has also offered various dubious "opportunities" to women, especially in poor
countries, including prostitution, internet-pornography, mail-order brides etc. For example, in 2010
there were some 100,000 Filipino 'entertainers', mostly in South Korea, representing just a fraction of
the global total.
Men have constituted the vast majority of directors and producers in the global mass media, thus
limiting women's influence on constructions of gender through global communications.
Globalisation has also perpetuated and sometimes deepened gender hierarchies through neo-
liberalist restructuring of the state:
True, gender discrimination has recently become a more explicit concern in economic
and social development plans of many countries.
Yet it is hard to ignore the negative impact of cutting state services specifically for the
female population.
Programmes of neo-liberalist economic reform only rarely make even a passing
mention of gender issues.
Global movements for gender justice have proliferated and grown in recent decades. For example,
– at the Fourth UN Conference on Women, convened in Beijing in 1995, 30,000 women
attended from around the world.
These movements have had a positive effect on creating awareness among people regarding the
gender issue. However it has failed to drive people to implement concrete corrective steps.
In summary, globalisation has had a mixed impact on gender inequality.
d) Racial Inequalities
Regarding race:
There is growing consensus regarding the benefits of the global human rights regime as an
instrument against racial discrimination. The fall of the apartheid regime in South Africa is an example
of such a contribution.
e) Urban-Rural Inequalities
As for the tension between city and countryside, the country has more usually suffered deprivation
than city dwellers:
True, rapid urbanisation has left around 1 billion people across the planet living in slums as of 2010.
Nonetheless, cities have usually taken the lion's share of the benefits of globalisation, while much
rural poverty has remained relatively unimproved:
– Global communications, global finance, global markets and global organisations have
used metropolitan centres as their primary nodes.
– The cost of global communications remains well out of reach for most of the world's
low income rural people.
Meanwhile global agro-food industries have tended to weaken the often already precarious position
of small-scale cultivators across the planet.
f) Age Inequalities
In terms of age groups:
Children and old people are exposed to diseases, exploitation and malnutrition more than young
adults.
Current globalisation has tended to exclude older generations due to the need for up-to-date
knowledge:
For example, many workers over 40 have found it difficult to readapt their skills in the face
of global economic restructuring. As a result in many areas permanent unemployment
has loomed for substantial numbers of middle-aged people.
In addition, many older persons have found computer technologies daunting, thereby
producing a considerable age bias in cyberspace.
On the other hand, global technology has offered children counterweights in their general
subordination to adults.
g) Disability Inequalities
In terms of disabilities:
- Globalisation has not offered many opportunities to disabled people, although it has helped
(via mass communication and various technologies) to raise awareness.
- However, transworld mobilisations for disabled people have generally attracted limited
followings or media attention.
In conclusion, contemporary globalisation has mostly perpetuated and sometimes even accentuated
different types of inequality, despite a number of notable improvements.