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The Geography of Transport
Systems
Mobility is fundamental to economic and social activities such as commuting, manufac-

turing or supplying energy. Each movement has an origin, a potential set of intermediate
locations, a destination and a nature which is linked with geographical attributes. Trans-
port systems composed of infrastructures, modes and terminals are so embedded in the
socio-economic life of individuals, institutions and corporations that they are often
invisible to the consumer. This is paradoxical as the perceived invisibility of transporta-
tion is derived from its ef¿ciency. Understanding how mobility is linked with geography
is the main purpose of this book.
The third edition of The Geography of Transport Systems has been revised and
updated to provide an overview of the spatial aspects of transportation. This text provides
more content related to security, energy and environmental issues, as well as new and
updated case studies, a revised content structure and new ¿gures. Each chapter covers a
speci¿c conceptual dimension including networks, modes, terminals, freight transporta-
tion, urban transportation and environmental impacts. A ¿nal chapter contains core
methodologies linked with transport geography such as accessibility, spatial interac-
tions, graph theory and Geographic Information Systems for Transportation (GIS-T).
This book provides a comprehensive and accessible introduction to the ¿eld, with a
broad overview of its concepts, methods and areas of application. The accompanying
website for this text contains useful additional material, including digital maps, Power-
Point slides, databases and links to further reading and websites. The website can be
accessed at: http://people.hofstra.edu/geotrans. This text is an essential resource for
undergraduates studying transport geography, as well as those interested in economic
and urban geography, transport planning and engineering.
Jean-Paul Rodrigue is Professor in the Department of Global Studies and Geography

at Hofstra University, New York.
Claude Comtois is Professor of Geography at the University of Montreal, Canada, and

is af¿liated with the Research Centre on Enterprise Networks, Logistics and Transporta-
tion at the same institution.
Brian Slack is Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Concordia University, Montreal,

Canada.
This page intentionally left blank
The Geography of Transport
Systems
Third edition
Jean-Paul Rodrigue
with Claude Comtois and Brian Slack
First edition published 2006 by Routledge
Second edition published 2009 by Routledge
Third edition published 2013 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2006, 2009, 2013 Jean-Paul Rodrigue, Claude Comtois and Brian Slack
The right of Jean-Paul Rodrigue, Claude Comtois and Brian Slack to be
identi¿ed as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance
with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identi¿cation and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Rodrigue, Jean-Paul, 1967-
The geography of transport systems / Jean-Paul Rodrigue, Claude Comtois,
and Brian Slack. – [Third edition].
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
1. Transportation geography. I. Comtois, Claude, 1954- II. Slack,
Brian, 1939- III. Title.
HE323.R63 2013
388.01—dc23
2012048389
ISBN: 978–0–415–82253–4 (hbk)

ISBN: 978–0–415–82254–1 (pbk)
ISBN: 978–0–203–37118–3 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman

by Re¿neCatch Limited, Bungay, Suffolk
To Gordana and Nikola
Contents
List of photographs ix
List of ¿gures x
List of contributors xiii
Preface xiv
Chapter 1 Transportation and geography 1

CONCEPTS: 1 What is transport geography? 1
2 Transportation and space 9
3 Transportation and commercial geography 17
4 The geography of transportation networks 22
CASE STUDY: Strategic maritime passages 30
Chapter 2 Transportation and the spatial structure 42

CONCEPTS: 1 Historical geography of transportation:
the emergence of mechanized systems 42
2 Historical geography of transportation: the setting of
global systems 58
3 Transport and spatial organization 65
4 Transport and location 72
5 Future transportation 77
CASE STUDY: High speed rail systems 83
Chapter 3 Transportation modes 89

CONCEPTS: 1 A diversity of modes 89
2 Intermodal transportation 110
3 Passengers and freight: complementarity and competition 120
CASE STUDY: Information technologies and mobility 122
Chapter 4 Transportation terminals 127

CONCEPTS: 1 The function of transport terminals 127
2 The location of terminals 134
3 Transport terminal governance 149
CASE STUDY: Inland ports 152
Chapter 5 International trade and freight distribution 158

CONCEPTS: 1 Transportation, globalization and
international trade 158
2 Commodity chains and freight transportation 166
viii • Contents
3 Logistics and freight distribution 173

CASE STUDY: Commodity chain analysis: the cold chain 183
Chapter 6 Urban transportation 188

CONCEPTS: 1 Transportation and the urban form 188
2 Urban land use and transportation 198
3 Urban mobility 206
4 Urban transport problems 212
CASE STUDY: City logistics 219
Chapter 7 Transportation and the economy 226

CONCEPTS: 1 Transportation and economic development 226
2 Transport costs 236
3 Transport supply and demand 243
CASE STUDY: The cruise industry 249
Chapter 8 Transport, energy and environment 255

CONCEPTS: 1 The environmental impacts of transportation 255
2 Transportation and energy 261
3 Transport and sustainability 269
CASE STUDY: Green logistics 274
Chapter 9 Transport planning and policy 280

CONCEPTS: 1 The nature of transport policy 280
2 Transport planning 285
3 Transport safety and security 291
4 Transportation and disasters 294
CASE STUDY: Transportation and pandemics 299
Chapter 10 Methods in transport geography 304

METHODS: 1 Methods in transport geography 304
2 Graph theory: de¿nition and properties 307
3 Graph theory: measures and indices 312
4 Geographic Information Systems for Transportation (GIS-T) 317
5 The notion of accessibility 322
6 Network data models 328
7 Transport technical and economic performance indicators 333
8 The Gini coef¿cient 337
9 Spatial interactions and the gravity model 340
10 Market area analysis 345
11 The policy process 351
Conclusion: Issues and challenges in transport geography 356
Glossary 364
Index 396
Photographs
1.1 Container ship exiting the Gaillard Cut, Panama Canal 34

2.1 Antwerp Central train station 86
3.1 Boarding of a Ryanair Àight 103
3.2 Forty-foot containers double-stacked on a rail car 115
3.3 Stacked container ship 119
4.1 Modern airport terminal, Barajas, Madrid, Spain 130
4.2 Portainer, APM Terminal, Port Newark, New York 131
4.3 Terminal Intermodal Logistica de Hidalgo 156
5.1 Third-party less-than-truckload service, FedEx 179
5.2 Grocery chain cold storage facility, Regina, Saskatchewan 186
6.1 High density structured urban form, Paris, France 193
6.2 Bicycle pool, Paris, France 197
6.3 BTS Skytrain, Bangkok 211
6.4 Parking in a public park, Brussels 217
7.1 Cruise ships at the Port of Barcelona, Spain 253
Figures
1.1 Transportation as a derived demand 2

1.2 Different representations of distance 3
1.3 The transport system 7
1.4 The great circle distance between New York, Moscow and Tokyo 10
1.5 Polar shipping routes 12
1.6 Global space/time convergence: days required to circumnavigate the globe 16
1.7 Global Gross Domestic Product and Human Development Index, 2010 20
1.8 The commercialization of transportation 21
1.9 Point-to-point and hub-and-spoke networks 23
1.10 A typology of transportation networks 25
1.11 Types of landbridges 29
1.12 Main maritime bottlenecks and shipping routes 31
1.13 Main routing alternatives between the Paci¿c and Atlantic 33
1.14 Main routing alternatives between East Asia and Northern Europe 37
1.15 Shipping lanes and strategic passages in Paci¿c Asia 39
1.16 Shipping lanes, strategic passages and oil reserves in the Middle East 40
2.1 The Silk Road and Arab sea routes (eighth to fourteenth centuries) 43
2.2 Roman Empire, c. AD 125 45
2.3 Density of ship log entries, 1750–1810 47
2.4 Major canals built in the nineteenth century, American Northeast 50
2.5 American rail network, 1861 52
2.6 Impacts of Maury’s navigation charts on sailing time, 1850s 54
2.7 Geographical impacts of the Suez and Panama canals 55
2.8 Cargo carried by steamship by port city, 1890–1925 57
2.9 Powered transatlantic passenger modes 60
2.10 Global submarine cable network 61
2.11 Cumulative waves of transport development 64
2.12 Scales of spatial organization for transportation 66
2.13 Gateways and hubs 68
2.14 World’s major gateway systems, 2006 69
2.15 Basic location factors 73
2.16 Main types of economies in production, distribution and consumption 75
2.17 Drivers of change for future transportation 81
2.18 World high speed rail systems, 2011 84
3.1 Main passenger modal options 89
3.2 Main freight modal options 90
3.3 Length of the Interstate highway system and of the
Chinese expressway system, 1959–2012 92
Figures • xi
3.4 World rail network and rail systems 94

3.5 Domains of maritime circulation 97
3.6 Emerging global maritime freight transport system 100
3.7 Shortest air route between London and Sydney, 1955–2006 102
3.8 New York/Hong Kong air routes: conventional and polar 104
3.9 Longitudinal intermediacy: Icelandair 105
3.10 Latitudinal intermediacy: COPA Airlines 106
3.11 Distance, modal choice and transport costs 107
3.12 Modal shift in China, 1980–2005 109
3.13 Intermodal transport chain 111
3.14 Intermodal transportation as an integrative force 112
3.15 Carrying capacity of containers 114
3.16 Diffusion of personal computing devices, 1977–2011 123
4.1 The functions of transport terminals 129
4.2 Terminal costs 133
4.3 Centrality and intermediacy 135
4.4 Port foreland and hinterland 137
4.5 Hinterland setting and major economic regions 138
4.6 World’s major container ports, 2010 142
4.7 Passenger traf¿c at the world’s largest airports, 2010 147
4.8 Freight traf¿c at the world’s largest airports, 2010 148
4.9 Container terminals of the four major port holdings, 2010 152
4.10 The massi¿cation of transportation in inland systems 155
5.1 Economic rationale of trade 159
5.2 Global trade, 2009 160
5.3 International trade, transportation chains and Àows 165
5.4 Disconnection of global production and distribution 168
5.5 The commodity chain 169
5.6 Commodity chains and added value 170
5.7 Logistics goals and operations 174
5.8 Conventional and contemporary arrangement of goods Àow 180
5.9 Logistics Performance Index, 2010 182
5.10 Elements of the cold chain 184
6.1 World’s largest cities 189
6.2 Types of urban spatial structures 191
6.3 Street network types 192
6.4 Evolution of the spatial structure of a city 194
6.5 Transportation, activity systems and land use 199
6.6 Von Thunen’s regional land use model 201
6.7 Burgess’s urban land use model 201
6.8 The hybrid land use model: transportation and the formation of
urban landscapes 202
6.9 Land rent and land use 203
6.10 Cellular automata land use dynamics 204
6.11 World’s main subway systems, c. 2010 210
6.12 Transit and urban form 212
6.13 The spatial and functional structure of urban logistics 220
7.1 Cumulative modal contribution to economic opportunities 229
7.2 Long wave cycles of innovation 231
xii • Figures
7.3 Economic production and specialization 233

7.4 Different friction of distance functions 238
7.5 Different components of transport time 240
7.6 Selected International Commercial Terms (Incoterms) 242
7.7 Growth factors in transport demand 245
7.8 Classic transport demand/supply function 247
7.9 The global cruise port system 252
8.1 Environmental dimensions of transportation 257
8.2 Chemical energy content of some fuels 262
8.3 Energy ef¿ciency by transportation mode 264
8.4 Sustainable urban passenger travel, selected cities 271
8.5 Sustainable transportation 272
8.6 Logistic activities and their green dimensions 275
9.1 Number of yearly fatalities due to air transport crashes, 1918–2011 297
9.2 Diffusion of a pandemic through a global transportation network 301
10.1 Models in transport geography 305
10.2 Graph representation of a real network 308
10.3 Basic graph representation of a transport network 309
10.4 Connections and paths 310
10.5 Cycles and circuits 311
10.6 Beta index 315
10.7 Alpha index 315
10.8 Gamma index 316
10.9 Geographic information systems and transportation 318
10.10 Global accessibility: time to the nearest large city 323
10.11 Accessibility and spatial structure 324
10.12 Connectivity matrix 325
10.13 Geographic accessibility 327
10.14 Potential accessibility 327
10.15 Topology of a network data model 328
10.16 Cartography of a network data model 329
10.17 Geocoding in a network data model 330
10.18 Routing in a network data model 331
10.19 On-time arrivals of domestic Àights in the United States, 1995–2011 334
10.20 The Lorenz curve 337
10.21 Traf¿c concentration and Lorenz curves 338
10.22 World’s 50 largest container ports, passenger airports and
freight airports, 2010 339
10.23 Calculation of the Gini coef¿cient 339
10.24 Conditions for the realization of a spatial interaction 340
10.25 Constructing an origin/destination (O/D) matrix 342
10.26 Three basic interaction models 342
10.27 Effects of beta, alpha and lambda on spatial interactions 345
10.28 Market threshold and range 346
10.29 Non-isotropic conditions and the shape of market areas 347
10.30 Hotelling’s principle of market competition 349
10.31 Reilly’s and Huff’s laws 350
10.32 GIS methods to estimate market areas 351
Contributors
Dr John Bowen, Department of Geography, Central Washington University, 400 E.

University Way, Ellensburg, WA, 98926, USA.
Dr Laetitia Dablanc, Institut Français des Sciences et Technologies, des Transports,
de l’Aménagement et des Réseaux, SPLOTT Laboratory, 2 rue de la Butte Verte,
Marne-la-Vallée, France.
Dr César Ducruet, CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scienti¿que), UMR 8504
Géographie-Cités, équipe P.A.R.I.S., 13 rue du Four, F-75006, Paris, France.
Dr Markus Hesse, University of Luxembourg, Faculté des Lettres, des Sciences
Humaines, des Arts et des Sciences de l’Education, Route de Diekirch, L-7220
Walferdange, Luxemburg.
Dr Theo Notteboom, Institute of Transport and Maritime Management Antwerp,
ITMMA House, Kipdorp 59, 2000, Antwerp, Belgium.
Dr Shih-Lung Shaw, Department of Geography, The University of Tennessee,
Knoxville, Tennessee, 37996-0925, USA.
Preface
The Geography of Transport Systems is now into its third edition. Substantial efforts
have been made to build on the ¿rst and second editions’ success by improving the
content and its structure. Like the previous editions, we have elected for a more synthetic
writing style, instead of a narrative, where the goal is to provide a structured framework
to the reader. Great care has been made to avoid factual information so that the textbook
can retain its relevance in spite of continuous and often unforeseeable changes in the
transport industry. A large quantity of statistical information is available on the
companion website, which is constantly updated.
A driving force of the global economy resides in the capacity of transport systems to
ship large quantities of freight and to accommodate vast numbers of passengers. The
world has become interconnected at several scales. This new geographical dimension
transcends a more traditional perspective of transportation mainly focused on the city or
the nation. At the beginning of the twenty-¿rst century, the geography of transportation
is thus fundamentally being rede¿ned by global, regional and local issues.
Presenting these issues to students or the public remains a challenging task. This
book has speci¿cally been designed with this in mind. Its origins are rather unusual
since it began in 1997 as an online initiative to provide material about transport
geography and was simply titled “Transport Geography on the Web”. The material
was considerably revised and expanded over the years, often thanks to comments
and queries received, as the site gained a wider audience. It has already endured
for more than 15 years the test of being exposed to the scrutiny of a global
audience including practitioners, policy makers, educators and, most importantly,
students.
Like the previous two editions, the textbook is articulated along two core approaches
to transport geography, one conceptual and the other methodological. The conceptual
parts present what we think are some of the most relevant issues explaining contempo-
rary transport geography. In addition to the more conventional topics related to transport
modes, terminals, as well as urban transportation, the book also substantially focuses on
emerging issues such as globalization, supply chain management, energy and the envi-
ronment. Many of these issues have been super¿cially covered, if at all, in the past, but
their importance cannot be underestimated in a transport geography that involves an
increasingly integrated world.
The methodological parts address how transportation information is used to assist
transport operators to allocate their resources (investments, vehicles) or to inÀuence
public policy. This includes a wide array of methods ranging from qualitative to quanti-
tative. Since transport is a ¿eld of application, the use of methodologies is particularly
relevant as they relate to real world issues. The merging of methodologies and informa-
tion technologies has led to many new opportunities, notably with the emergence of
Preface • xv
transportation geographic information systems (GIS-T). It has become a very active

¿eld of investigation and application.
It is our hope that the reader will have a better understanding of the nature, function,
importance and challenges of contemporary transportation systems. The online
companion site will ensure that this book will not be a static endeavor and will be
revised and updated as changes take place in this fascinating ¿eld which is transport
geography. Unless otherwise credited the photographs are by Jean-Paul Rodrigue.
Special thanks also to Elisabet Sinkie for the often unappreciated and underpaid work of
putting a textbook together.
New York, November 2012

1 Transportation and
geography
Movements of people, goods and information have always been fundamental compo-
nents of human societies. Contemporary economic processes have been accompanied by
a signi¿cant increase in mobility and higher levels of accessibility. Although this trend
can be traced back to the industrial revolution, it signi¿cantly accelerated in the second
half of the twentieth century as trade was liberalized, economic blocs emerged and the
comparative advantages of global labor and resources were used more ef¿ciently.
However, these conditions are interdependent with the capacity to manage, support and
expand movements of passengers and freight as well as their underlying information
Àows. Societies have become increasingly dependent on their transport systems to
support a wide variety of activities ranging, among others, from commuting, supplying
energy needs, to distributing parts between manufacturing facilities and distribution
centers. Developing transport systems has been a continuous challenge to satisfy mobility
needs, to support economic development and to participate in the global economy.
Concept 1 – What is transport geography?

The purpose of transportation
The unique purpose of transportation is to overcome space, which is shaped by a variety
of human and physical constraints such as distance, time, administrative divisions and
topography. Jointly, they confer a friction to any movement, commonly known as the
friction of space. However, these constraints and the friction they create can only be
partially circumscribed. The extent to which this is done has a cost that varies greatly
according to factors such as the distance involved, the capacity of modes and infrastruc-
tures and the nature of what is being transported. There would be no transportation
without geography and there would be no geography without transportation. The goal of
transportation is thus to transform the geographical attributes of freight, people or infor-
mation, from an origin to a destination, conferring on them an added value in the process.
The convenience at which this can be done – transportability – varies considerably.
Transportability refers to the ease of movement of passengers, freight or informa-

tion. It is related to transport costs as well as to the attributes of what is being trans-
ported (fragility, perishable, price). Political factors can also inÀuence transportability
such as laws, regulations, borders and tariffs. When transportability is high, activities
are less constrained by distance.
The speci¿c purpose of transportation is to ful¿ll a demand for mobility, since transpor-
tation can only exist if it moves people, freight and information around. Otherwise it has
2 • Transportation and geography
no purpose. This is because transportation is dominantly the outcome of a derived

demand (Figure 1.1).
In economic systems what takes place in one sector has impacts on another; demand
for a good or service in one sector is derived from another. For instance, a consumer
buying a good in a store will likely trigger the replacement of this product, which will
generate demands for activities such as manufacturing, resource extraction and, of
course, transport. What is different about transport is that it cannot exist alone and a
movement cannot be stored. An unsold product can remain on the shelf of a store until
a customer buys it (often with discount incentives), but an unsold seat on a Àight or
unused cargo capacity in the same Àight remain unsold and cannot be brought back as
additional capacity later. In this case an opportunity has been missed since the amount
of transport being offered has exceeded the demand for it. The derived demand of trans-
portation is often very dif¿cult to reconcile with an equivalent supply and actually trans-
port companies would prefer to have some additional capacity to accommodate
unforeseen demand (often at much higher prices). There are two major types of derived
transport demand:
Direct derived demand. Refers to movements that are directly the outcome of
economic activities, without which they would not take place. For instance, work-
related activities commonly involve commuting between the place of residence and
the workplace. There is a supply of work in one location (residence) and a demand of
labor in another (workplace), transportation (commuting) being directly derived
Activity
Working Vacationing Manufacturing
Direct
Taxi Truck
Commuting Air travel Container ship
' Indirect
Services Services Warehousing
Energy
Derived demand ~
Figure 1.1 Transportation as a derived demand

Transportation and geography • 3
from this relationship. For freight transportation, all the components of a supply
chain require movements of raw materials, parts and ¿nished products on modes
such as trucks, rail or container ships. Thus, transportation is directly the outcome of
the functions of production and consumption.
Indirect derived demand. Considers movements created by the requirements of
other movements. For instance, fuel consumption from transportation activities must
be supplied by an energy production system requiring movements from zones of
extraction, to re¿neries and storage facilities and, ¿nally, to places of consumption.
Warehousing can also be labeled as an indirect derived demand since it is a “non
movement” of a freight element. Warehousing exists because it is virtually impos-
sible to move commodities directly from where they are produced to where they are
consumed.
Distance, a core attribute of transportation, can be represented in a variety of ways,

ranging from a simple Euclidean distance – a straight line between two locations – to
what can be called logistical distance; a complete set of tasks required to be done so that
distance can be overcome (Figure 1.2).
Any movement must thus consider its geographical setting which in turn is linked to
spatial Àows and their patterns. Three major representations can be used for distance and
the friction it imposes on transportation:
Euclidean distance. A simple function of a straight line between two locations

where distance is expressed in geographical units such as kilometers. Commonly
used to provide an approximation of distance, but almost never has a practical use.
Transport distance. A more complex representation where a set of activities
related to circulation, such as loading, unloading and transshipment, are considered.
Additional elements such as costs and time are also part of the transport distance. On
Figure 1.2, the transport distance between locations A and B includes pickup, travel
by mode 1, transshipment, travel by mode 2 and ¿nally, delivery. The same applies
Euclidean distance
A B
Transport distance
Pickup Delivery
A Transshipment B
Mode 1 Mode 2
Logistical distance Order
Pickup Delivery
A Transshipment B
Order processing Mode 1 Mode 2 Inventory management

Packing Sorting Unpacking
Scheduling Warehousing
Figure 1.2 Different representations of distance

to the circulation of people, although the activities involved will be different. For
instance, someone using air travel between two locations will require going to an
airport, may transit through an intermediate hub airport and will ¿nally need to reach
his/her destination from the airport terminal. Transport distance is jointly expressed
in geographical units, in cost and in time.
Logistical distance. A complex representation that encompasses all the tasks
required so that a movement between two locations can take place. Logistical
distance thus includes Àows, but also a set of activities necessary for the management
of these Àows. For freight movements, among the most signi¿cant tasks are order
processing, packing, sorting and inventory management. Geographical distance units
are less relevant in its assessment, but the factors of costs and time are very signi¿-
cant. Time not only involves the delay related to management and circulation, but
also how it is used to service the transport demand, namely the scheduling of pickups
and deliveries. On Figure 1.2, the logistical distance between locations A and B,
includes an order from B, which is processed, packed and scheduled to be picked up.
At the intermediate transshipment location, sorting and warehousing are performed,
and ¿nally, at the destination the delivery will be unpacked and used. For the trans-
portation of passengers, logistical distance also concerns a speci¿c array of tasks.
Taking again an air travel example, a ticket would ¿rst need to be purchased,
commonly several weeks in advance. Other common time and cost tasks concern
checking in, security checks, boarding and disembarking, and picking up luggage.
Thus, a three-hour Àight can in reality be a movement planned several weeks in
advance and its full realization can take twice as much time if all the related logistical
activities are considered.
Any movement must thus consider its geographical setting which in turn is linked to
spatial Àows and their patterns. The concept of Àow has four major components:
• Geographical. Each Àow has an origin and a destination and consequently a degree
of separation. Flows with high degrees of separation tend to be more limited than
Àows with low degrees of separation.
• Physical. Each Àow involves speci¿c physical characteristics in terms of possible
load units and the conditions in which they can be carried. Flows, depending on the
transportation mode, can be atomized (smallest load unit) or massi¿ed (moving load
units in batches).
• Transactional. The realization of each Àow has to be negotiated with providers of
transport services, such as booking a slot on a container ship or an air travel seat.
Commonly, a Àow is related to a monetary exchange between provider of transporta-
tion and the user.
• Distribution. Flows are organized in sequences where the more complex are involving
different modes and terminals. Many transport Àows are scheduled and routed to
minimize costs or maximize ef¿ciency, often through intermediary locations.
Urbanization, multinational corporations, the globalization of trade and the international

division of labor are all forces shaping and taking advantage of transportation at
different, but often related, scales. Consequently, the fundamental purpose of transport
is geographic in nature, because it facilitates movements between different locations.
Transport plays a role in the structure and organization of space and territories, which
may vary according to the level of development. In the nineteenth century, the purpose
of the emerging modern forms of transportation, mainly railways and maritime ship-
ping, was to expand coverage with the creation, expansion and consolidation of national
markets. In the twentieth century, the objective shifted to selecting itineraries, priori-
tizing transport modes, increasing the capacity of existing networks and responding to
mobility needs and this at a scale that was increasingly global, with its own space of
Àows. In the twenty-¿rst century, transportation must cope with a globally oriented
economic system in a timely and cost-effective way, but also with several local
problems such as congestion and capacity constraints.
The importance of transportation

Transport represents one of the most important human activities worldwide. It is an
indispensable component of the economy and plays a major role in spatial relations
between locations. Transport creates valuable links between regions and economic
activities, between people and the rest of the world. Transport is a multidimensional
activity whose importance is:
• Historical. Transport modes have played several different historical roles in the rise
of civilizations (Egypt, Rome and China), in the development of societies (creation
of social structures) and also in national defense (Roman Empire, American road
network).
• Social. Transport modes facilitate access to healthcare, welfare, and cultural or
artistic events, thus performing a social service. They shape social interactions by
favoring or inhibiting the mobility of people. Transportation thus supports and may
even shape social structures.
• Political. Governments play a critical role in transport as sources of investment
and as regulators. The political role of transportation is undeniable as governments
often subsidize the mobility of their populations (highways, public transit, etc.).
While most transport demand relates to economic imperatives, many communication
corridors have been constructed for political reasons such as national accessibility or
job creation. Transport thus has an impact on nation building and national unity, but
it is also a political tool.
• Economic. The evolution of transport has always been linked to economic develop-
ment. It is an industry in its own right (car manufacturing, air transport companies,
etc.). The transport sector is also an economic factor in the production of goods and
services. It contributes to the value added of economic activities, facilitates economies
of scale, inÀuences land (real estate) value and the geographic specialization of regions.
Transport is both a factor shaping economic activities, and is also shaped by them.
• Environmental. Despite the manifest advantages of transport, its environmental
consequences are also signi¿cant. They include air and water quality, noise level and
public health. All decisions relating to transport need to be evaluated taking into
account the corresponding environmental costs. Transport is a dominant factor in
contemporary environmental issues.
Transportation studies are therefore multidisciplinary, and can involve hard (e.g. engi-
neering) or soft sciences (e.g. economics) depending on the dimension being investi-
gated such as infrastructure provision, operational management or planning. Substantial
empirical evidence indicates that the importance of transportation is growing. The
following contemporary trends can be identi¿ed regarding this issue:
Growth of the demand. The years following the Second World War have seen a
considerable growth of the transport demand related to individual (passengers) as
well as freight mobility. This growth is jointly the result of larger quantities of
passengers and freight being moved, but also the longer distances over which they
are carried. Recent trends underline an ongoing process of mobility growth, which
has led to the multiplication of the number of journeys involving a wide variety of
modes that service transport demands.
Reduction of costs. Even if several transportation modes are very expensive to
own and operate (ships and planes, for instance), costs per unit transported have
dropped signi¿cantly over the last decades. This has made it possible to overcome
larger distances and further exploit the comparative advantages of space. As a result,
despite the lower costs, the share of transport activities in the economy has remained
relatively constant in time.
Expansion of infrastructures. The above two trends have obviously extended the
requirements for transport infrastructures both quantitatively and qualitatively. Roads,
harbors, airports, telecommunication facilities and pipelines have expanded consider-
ably to service new areas and add capacity to existing networks. Transportation infra-
structures are thus a major component of land use, notably in developed countries.
Facing these contemporary trends, an important part of the spatial differentiation of the
economy is related to where resources (raw materials, capital, people, etc.) are located
and how well they can be distributed. Transport routes are established to distribute
resources between places where they are abundant and places where they are scarce, but
only if the costs are lower than the bene¿ts. Consequently, transportation has an impor-
tant role to play in the conditions that affect global, national and regional economic
entities. It is a strategic infrastructure that is so embedded in the socioeconomic life of
individuals, institutions and corporations that it is often invisible to the consumer, but
always part of all economic and social functions. This is paradoxical, since the perceived
invisibility of transportation is derived from its ef¿ciency. If transport is disrupted or
ceases to operate, the consequences can be dramatic, such as workers unable to reach
their workplace or parts not being delivered to factories.
Transportation in geography
The world is obviously not a place where features such as resources, people and economic
activities are randomly distributed. Geography seeks to understand the spatial order of
things as well as their interactions. Transportation is an element of this spatial order as it
is at the same time inÀuenced by geography as well as having an inÀuence on it. Trans-
portation is not necessarily a science, but a ¿eld of application borrowing concepts and
methods from a wide variety of disciplines. Transportation interests geographers for two
main reasons. First, transport infrastructures, terminals, equipment and networks occupy
an important place in space and constitute the basis of a complex spatial system. Second,
since geography seeks to explain spatial relationships, transport networks are of speci¿c
interest because they are the main support of these interactions.
Transport geography is a sub-discipline of geography concerned about movements

of freight, people and information. It seeks to understand their spatial organization by
linking spatial constraints and attributes with the origin, the destination, the extent,
the nature and the purpose of movements.
Demand
Volume
Frequency
GO ,
//
<0 g
Passengers
if i
Freight Information
Origins
Linkages
Destinations
Capacity
Intermediacy
Flows
Networks Nodes
Figure 1.3 The transport system
Transport geography, as a discipline, emerged from economic geography in the second half
of the twentieth century. Traditionally, transportation has been an important factor behind
the economic representations of the geographic space, namely in terms of the location of
economic activities and the monetary costs of distance. The growing mobility of passengers
and freight justi¿ed the emergence of transport geography as a specialized ¿eld of investi-
gation. In the 1960s, transport costs were recognized as key factors in location theories and
transport geography began to rely increasingly on quantitative methods, particularly over
network and spatial interactions analysis. However, from the 1970s globalization chal-
lenged the centrality of transportation in many geographical and regional development
investigations. As a result, transportation became underrepresented in economic geography
in the 1970s and 1980s, even if mobility of people and freight and low transport costs were
considered as important factors behind the globalization of trade and production.
Since the 1990s, transport geography has received renewed attention, especially
because the issues of mobility, production and distribution are interrelated in a
complex geographical setting. It is now recognized that transportation is a system that
considers the complex relationships between its core elements (Figure 1.3). Transport
geography must be systematic as one element of the transport system is linked
with numerous others; transport systems are complex. An approach to transportation
thus involves several ¿elds where some are at the core of transport geography while
others are more peripheral. However, three central concepts to transport systems can be
identi¿ed:
• Transportation nodes. Transportation primarily links locations, often characterized

as nodes. They serve as access points to a distribution system or as transshipment/
intermediary locations within a transport network. This function is mainly serviced
by transport terminals where Àows originate, end or are being transshipped from one
node to the other. Transport geography must consider its places of convergence and
transshipment.
• Transportation networks. Considers the spatial structure and organization of
transport infrastructures and terminals. Transport geography must include in its inves-
tigation the structures (routes and infrastructures) supporting and shaping movements.
• Transportation demand. Considers the demand for transport services as well as
the modes used to support movements. Once this demand is realized, it becomes
an interaction which Àows through a transport network. Transport geography must
evaluate the factors affecting its derived demand function.
The analysis of these concepts relies on methodologies often developed by other disci-
plines such as economics, mathematics, planning and demography. Each provides a
different dimension to transport geography. For instance, the spatial structure of trans-
portation networks can be analyzed with graph theory, which was initially developed for
mathematics. Further, many models developed for the analysis of movements were
borrowed from physical sciences (such as the gravity model). Multidisciplinarity is
consequently an important attribute of transport geography, as in geography in general.
The role of transport geography is to understand the spatial relations that are produced
by transport systems. This gives rise to several fallacies about transportation in terms of
the respective relations between access, accessibility, distance and time. A better under-
standing of spatial relations is essential to assist private and public actors involved in
transportation to mitigate transport problems, such as capacity, transfer, reliability and
integration of transport systems. There are three basic geographical considerations rele-
vant to transport geography:
Location. As all activities are located somewhere, each location has its own charac-
teristics conferring a potential supply and/or a demand for resources, products, serv-
ices or labor. A location will determine the nature, the origin, the destination, the
distance and even the possibility of a movement to be realized. For instance, a city
provides employment in various sectors of activity in addition to consuming
resources.
Complementarity. Locations must require exchanging goods, people or informa-
tion. This implies that some locations have a surplus while others have a de¿cit. The
only way an equilibrium can be reached is by movements between locations having
surpluses and locations having demands. For instance, a complementarity is created
between a store (surplus of goods) and its customers (demand of goods).
Scale. Movements generated by complementarity are occurring at different scales,
pending the nature of the activity. Scale illustrates how transportation systems
are established over local, regional and global geographies. For instance, home-
to-work journeys generally have a local or regional scale, while the distribution
network of a multinational corporation is most likely to cover several regions of the
world.
Consequently, transport systems, by their nature, consume land and support the relation-
ships between locations.
Concept 2 – Transportation and space

Authors: Jean-Paul Rodrigue and Claude Comtois
Physical constraints
Transport geography is concerned with movements that take place over space. The
physical features of this space impose major constraints on transportation systems, in
terms of what mode can be used, the extent of the service, its costs, capacity and
reliability. Three basic spatial constraints of the terrestrial space can be identi¿ed:
Topography. Features such as mountains and valleys have strongly inÀuenced the
structure of networks, the cost and feasibility of transportation projects. The main
land transport infrastructures are built usually where there are the least physical
impediments, such as on plains, along valleys, through mountain passes, or when
absolutely necessary through the digging of tunnels. Water transport is inÀuenced by
water depths and the location of obstacles such as reefs. Coastlines exert an inÀuence
on the location of port infrastructure. Aircraft require air¿elds of considerable size
for takeoff and landing. Topography can impose a natural convergence of routes that
will create a certain degree of centrality and may assist a location in becoming a trade
center as a collector and distributor of goods. Topography can complicate, postpone
or prevent the activities of the transport industry. Physical constraints fundamentally
act as absolute and relative barriers to movements. An absolute barrier is a geograph-
ical feature that entirely prevents a movement while relative barriers impose addi-
tional costs and delays. Land transportation networks are notably inÀuenced by
topography, as highways and railways tend to be impeded by grades higher than
3 percent and 1 percent respectively. Under such circumstances, land transportation
tends to be of higher density in areas of limited topography.
Hydrology. The properties, distribution and circulation of water play an important role
in the transport industry. Maritime transport is inÀuenced greatly by the availability of
navigable channels through rivers, lakes and shallow seas. Several rivers such as the
Mississippi, the St. Lawrence, the Rhine, the Mekong or the Yangtze are important
navigable routes into the heart of continents and historically have been the focus of
human activities that have taken advantage of the transport opportunities. Port sites are
also highly inÀuenced by the physical attributes of the site where natural features (bays,
sand bars, and fjords) protect port installations. Since it is at these installations that
traf¿c is transshipped, the location of ports is a dominant element in the structure of
maritime networks. Where barriers exist, such as narrows, rapids or land breaks, water
transport can only overcome these obstacles with heavy investments in canals or
dredging. Conversely waterways serve as barriers to land transportation necessitating
the construction of bridges, tunnels and detours, etc.
Climate. Its major components include temperature, wind and precipitation. Their
impacts on transportation modes and infrastructure range from negligible to severe.
Freight and passenger movement can seriously be curtailed by hazardous conditions
such as snow, heavy rainfall, ice or fog. Air transportation is particularly vulnerable to
weather disruptions, such as during winter when a snow storm can create cascading
effects. Jet streams are also a major physical component that international air carriers
must take into consideration. For an aircraft, the speed of wind can affect travel costs.
Tailwind conditions can reduce Àight time up to several hours for intercontinental Àights.
Climate is also an inÀuence over transportation networks by affecting construction and

maintenance costs. Even volcanic eruptions can have an impact as was the case in 2010
when a volcanic eruption in Iceland released large amounts of ash in the atmosphere,
which forced the closing of most airports in northwestern Europe as well as the cancel-
lation of many transatlantic Àights out of concern that the ash could damage jet engines.
From a geometrical standpoint, the sphericity of the earth determines the great circle
distance; the least distance line between two points on a sphere. This feature explains
the paths followed by major intercontinental maritime and air routes. For instance,
Figure 1.4 shows the shortest path between New York and Moscow (about 7,540 km).
This path corresponds to an air transportation corridor. Air travel over the North Atlantic
between North America and Europe follows a similar path.
Tokyo
,34 '4 1"N 139'44"E
10,834 km
7530 km
40'45VN 73'59"W
New York‘s
75AD km . 55'45"N 371'36"E
Moscow
Mdscdw
New York
Tokyo
Figure 1.4 The great circle distance between New York, Moscow and Tokyo
Overcoming the physical environment

Rapid technological developments have enabled transportation to overcome the physical
environment. Before the Middle Ages, road location was adapted to topography. Since
then, efforts have been made to pave roads, bridge rivers and cut paths over mountain
passes. Engineering techniques in terms of arch and vault used in Byzantine and Gothic
church constructions in the twelfth century permitted bridge building across wider streams
or deep river valleys. Road building has been at the core of technological efforts to
overcome the environment. Roads have always been the support for local and even long
distance travel. From the efforts to mechanize individual transport to the development of
integrated highways, road building has transformed the environment. Land transportation
was further facilitated with the development of technical solutions for preventing tempo-
rary interruptions in road transport provision through routeways protection. More recently,
the development of road transport and the growth in just-in-time and door-to-door services
have increased engineering demands for constructing multi-level and high speed
highways.
Innovations in maritime transport can be found around the world. The earliest devel-
opments came in the transformation of waterways for transportation purposes through
the development of canal locks. Further improvements in navigation came with the
cutting of arti¿cial waterways. Some of the earliest examples can be found in the Dutch
canals, the Martesana canals of Lombardy, the canal de Briare in France or the Imperial
canal of China. Further improvements in navigation technology and the nature of ships
permitted the increase in speed, range and capacity of ocean transport. But the increasing
size of ships has resulted in excluding canals such as Panama from servicing the largest,
modern and ef¿cient world’s maritime carriers. Several canal authorities have thus
embarked on expansion programs. Arti¿cial islands are also created to permit port instal-
lations in deep waters. In China, it became clear that dredging the Yangtze River Delta
was insuf¿cient to ensure the competitiveness of the port of Shanghai. The development
of a new port site in Hangzhou Bay and the modi¿cation of the Yangshan islands land-
scape have become indispensable.
Passages through the Arctic Ocean are being investigated with a view to creating
new international connections (Figure 1.5). If this trend continues parts of the Arctic
could be used more reliably for navigation, at least during summer months and for
longer periods of time. The main trans-Arctic routes include:
The Northern Sea Route along the arctic coast of Russia. This is the maritime route
that is likely to be free of ice ¿rst. In 2007 it was open during the summer months for
the ¿rst time in recorded history, but it remains to be seen how stable this opening is.
It would reduce a maritime journey between East Asia and Western Europe from
21,000 km using the Suez Canal to 12,800 km, cutting transit time by 10–15 days.
The Northwest Passage crossing Canada’s Arctic Ocean could become usable on a
regular basis by 2020, lessening maritime shipping distances substantially. The mari-
time journey between East Asia and Western Europe would take about 13,600 km
using the Northwest Passage, while taking 24,000 km using the Panama Canal.
The Arctic Bridge linking the Russian port of Murmansk or the Norwegian port of
Narvik to the Canadian port of Churchill could be used, mostly for the grain trade.
The Transpolar Sea Route would use the central part of the Arctic to link most
directly the Strait of Bering and the Atlantic Ocean of Murmansk. This route is
hypothetical for now as it involves ice-free conditions that are not yet observed.
Median Maximum Ice Extent (1979-2D D D )
Russia
Finland
Sweden
Norway
Sea Route.
11 Iceland
% Greenland
i Ss3ge
United States
Canada
Figure 1.5 Polar shipping routes

Source: Adapted from The New York Times, October 10, 2005.
The consideration of Arctic routes for commercial navigation purposes remains a very
speculative endeavor, mainly for three reasons:
First, it is uncertain to what extent the receding perennial ice cover is a con¿rmed
trend or simply part of a long-term climatic cycle. Even if the Arctic routes became
regularly open during the summer, in the medium term the Arctic would still remain
closed to commercial navigation during the winter months. Since maritime shipping
companies are looking for regular and consistent services, this seasonality has limited
commercial appeal.
Second, there is very limited economic activity around the Arctic Circle, implying
that shipping services crossing the Arctic have almost no opportunity to drop and
pick up cargo as they pass through. Thus, unlike other long distance commercial
shipping routes there is limited revenue generation potential for shipping lines along
the Arctic route, which forbids the emergence of transshipment hubs. This value
proposition could improve if resources (oil and mining) around the Arctic are
extracted in greater quantities, which would favor bulk shipping.
Third the Arctic remains a frontier in terms of weather forecast, charting and building
a navigation system, implying uncertainties and unreliability for navigation. This
implies that substantial efforts have to be made to ensure that navigation can take
place in a safe manner along well-de¿ned navigation routes.
The role of technology has been determinant in the development of the air transport
sector. From the experiments of the Montgol¿er brothers to the advent of jet aircraft,
aerial crossing of rugged terrain over considerable distance became possible. Technical
innovation in the aeronautic industry has permitted planes to avoid adverse atmospheric
conditions, improve speed, increase stage length and raise carrying capacity. With the
rapid rise in air passenger and freight transport, emphasis has been given to the construc-
tion of airport terminals and runways. As airports occupy large areas, their environ-
mental imprint is important. The construction of Chek Lap Kok airport in Hong Kong
led to leveling mountainous land for the airport site. Kansai airport servicing Osaka has
been built on an arti¿cial island.
Transportation and the spatial structure

The concepts of site and situation are fundamental to geography and to transportation.
While the site refers to the geographical characteristics of a speci¿c location, its situa-
tion concerns its relationships in regard to other locations. Thus, all locations are rela-
tive to one another but situation is not a constant attribute as transportation developments
change levels of accessibility, and thus the relations between locations. The develop-
ment of a location reÀects the cumulative relationships between transport infrastructure,
economic activities and the built-environment. The following factors are particularly
important in shaping the spatial structure:
• Costs. The spatial distribution of activities is related to factors of distance, namely its
friction. Locational decisions are taken in an attempt to minimize costs, often related
to transportation.
• Accessibility. All locations have a level of accessibility, but some are more acces-
sible than others. Thus, because of transportation, some locations are perceived as
more valuable than others.
• Agglomeration. There is a tendency for activities to agglomerate to take advantage
of the value of speci¿c locations. The more valuable a location, the more likely
agglomeration will take place. The organization of activities is essentially hierar-
chical, resulting from the relationships between agglomeration and accessibility at
the local, regional and global levels.
Many contemporary transportation networks are inherited from the past, notably trans-
port infrastructures. Even if over the last two hundred years new technologies have
revolutionized transportation in terms of speed, capacity and ef¿ciency, the spatial
structure of many networks has not much changed. This inertia in the spatial structure of
some transportation networks can be explained by two major factors:
Physical attributes. Natural conditions can be modi¿ed and adapted to suit human
uses, but they are a very dif¿cult constraint to escape, notably for land transportation.
It is thus not surprising to ¿nd that most networks follow the easiest (least cost)
paths, which generally follow valleys and plains. Considerations that affected road
construction a few hundred years ago are still in force today, although they are some-
times easier to circumscribe.
Historical considerations. New infrastructures generally reinforce historical
patterns of exchange, notably at the regional level. For instance, the current highway
network of France has mainly followed the patterns set by the national roads network
built early in the twentieth century. This network was established over the Royal
roads network, itself mainly following roads built by the Romans. At the urban level,
the pattern of streets is often inherited from an older pattern, which itself may have
been inÀuenced by the pre-existing rural structure (lot pattern and rural roads).
While physical and historical considerations are at play, the introduction of new trans-
port technology or the addition of new transport infrastructure may lead to a transforma-
tion of existing networks. Recent developments in transport systems such as container
shipping, jumbo aircrafts and the extensive application of information technology to
transport management have created a new transport environment and a new spatial
structure. These transport technologies and innovations have intensi¿ed global interac-
tions and modi¿ed the relative location of places. In this highly dynamic context, two
processes are taking place at the same time:
Specialization. Linked geographical entities are able to specialize in the production

of commodities for which they have an advantage, and trading for what they do not
produce. As a result, ef¿cient transportation systems are generally linked with higher
levels of regional specialization. The globalization of production clearly underlines
this process as specialization occurs as long as the incurred saving in production
costs are higher than the incurred additional transport costs.
Segregation. Linked geographical entities may see the reinforcement of one at the
expense of others, notably through economies of scale. This outcome often contra-
dicts regional development policies aiming at providing uniform accessibility levels
within a region.
The continuous evolution of transportation technology may not necessarily have

expected effects on the spatial structure, as two forces are at play: concentration and
dispersion. A common myth tends to relate transportation solely as a force of dispersion,
favoring the spread of activities in space. This is not always the case. In numerous
instances, transportation is a force of concentration and clustering, notably for business
activities. Since transport infrastructures are generally expensive to build, they are
established ¿rst to service the most important locations. Even if it was a strong factor of
dispersion, the automobile has also favored the concentration of several activities at
speci¿c places and in large volumes. Shopping centers are a relevant example of this
process where central locations emerge in a dispersed setting.
Space/time relationships
One of the most basic relationships of transportation involves how much space can be over-
come within a given amount of time. The faster the mode, the larger the distance that can
be overcome within the same amount of time. Transportation, notably improvements in
transport systems, changes the relationship between time and space. When this relationship
involves easier, faster and cheaper access between places, this result is de¿ned as a space/
time convergence because the amount of space that can be overcome for a similar amount
of time increases signi¿cantly. It is, however, a spatially and socially uneven process since
it will impact the accessibility of locations differently. For instance, infrastructure will not
be laid up uniformly and segments of the population will experience a greater improvement
in mobility because of their socioeconomic status (e.g. business people). In spite of these
uneven processes, signi¿cant regional and continental gains were achieved during the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with the establishment of national and continental
railway systems as well as with the growth of maritime shipping, a process which continued
into the twentieth century with air and road transport systems. The outcome has been signif-
icant differences in space/time relationships, mainly between developed and developing
countries, reÀecting differences in the ef¿ciency of transport systems.
At the international level, globalization processes have been supported by improve-
ments in transport technology. The result of more than 200 years of technological
improvements has been a space/time convergence of global proportions in addition to
the regional and continental processes previously mentioned. This enabled the extended
exploitation of the advantages of the global market, notably in terms of resources and
labor. Signi¿cant reductions in transport and communication costs occurred concomi-
tantly. There is thus a relationship between space/time convergence and the integration
of a region in global trade. Five major factors are of particular relevance in this process:
Speed. The most straightforward factor relates to the increasing speed of many trans-
port modes, a condition that particularly prevailed in the ¿rst half of the twentieth
century. More recently, speed has played a less signi¿cant role as many modes are
not going much faster. For instance, an automobile has a similar operating speed
today as it had 60 years ago and a commercial jet plane operates at a similar speed
than one 30 years ago.
Economies of scale. Being able to transport larger amounts of freight and passengers
at lower costs has improved considerably the capacity and ef¿ciency of transport
systems. For space/time convergence this implies that there is more capacity for a
given quantity of passengers or freight being carried. Instead, the traf¿c can be
handled with fewer trips implying that at the aggregate level it is moving faster.
Expansion of transport infrastructures. Transport infrastructures have expanded
considerably to service areas that were not previously serviced or were insuf¿ciently
serviced. A paradox of this feature is that although the expansion of transport infra-
structures may have enabled distribution systems to expand, it also increased the
average distance over which passengers and freight are being carried.
Ef¿ciency of transport terminals. Terminals, such as ports and airports, have
shown a growing capacity to handle large quantities in a timely manner. Thus, even
if the speed of many transport modes has not increased, more ef¿cient transport
terminals and a better management of Àows have helped reduce transport time.
Information technologies (IT). Enabled several economic activities to bypass
spatial constraints in a very signi¿cant manner as IT supports complex management
structures. Electronic mail is an example where the transmission of information does
not have a physical form (outside electrons or photons) once the supporting infra-
structure is established. There is obviously a limit to this substitution, but several
corporations are trying to use the advantages of telecommuting as much as they can
because of the important savings involved.
Improvements in transport technology enabled a gradual space/time convergence of

the global transport system (Figure 1.6). Before the industrial revolution, transport
400
360 (1500-1840) Average speed of wagon and sail
ships: 16 km/hr
350
300
Industrial revolution
250
1850-1930 Average speed of trains: 100 km/hr Space / Time
Average speed of steamships: 25 km/hr Convergence
Q
&
CD 200
1950 Average speed of airplanes: 480-640 kmI hr
150
150 Modern era
100
100 1970 Average speed of jet planes: 800-1120 km/hr
60
1990 Numeric transmission: instantaneous
50
3 2 1
0
1850 1875 1900 1925 1950 1975 2000
Figure 1.6 Global space/time convergence: days required to circumnavigate the globe
technology only permitted limited access to other regions of the world. Technological
innovations in the domain of transportation were essentially used to increase the
economic ef¿ciency of advanced economies enabling them to have access to resources
and markets. This began with mercantilism and gradually shaped the global economic
space leaning on the transmission of information and fast and cheap transport systems.
It is important to mention that the global space/time convergence is not spatially uniform,
implying that some regions bene¿t more than others. For instance, space/time conver-
gence in Western Europe and North America, and over the North Atlantic, has taken
place at a faster rate than in other regions of the world, such as Latin America or Africa.
It can be assumed that as economic and infrastructure development takes place around
the world, space/time convergence is likely to become more uniform.
Circumnavigation is a good proxy for space/time convergence. Prior to the steam-
ship, circumnavigating the globe would take about one sailing year, a journey greatly
delayed by rounding the Cape of Good Hope and the Strait of Magellan. The late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries provided a series of innovations that would
greatly improve circumnavigation, notably the construction of the Suez (1869) and
Panama (1914) canals as well as steam propulsion. Circumnavigation was reduced to
about 100 days (the “Jules Verne effect”) at the beginning of the twentieth century and
to 60 days by 1925 with fast liner services. The introduction of the jet plane in the
second half of the twentieth century reduced circumnavigation to about 30 hours if two
direct and connecting long range Àights could be booked.
Yet, space/time convergence does not occur in a ubiquitous manner. In time, some
locations gain more accessibility than others particularly if they experience the accumu-
lation of transport infrastructures. After centuries of transport developments and their
impacts on geography, global accessibility reÀects a heterogeneous geography. Space/
time convergence can also be inverted under speci¿c circumstances, which means that a
process of space/time divergence takes place. For instance, congestion is increasing
in many metropolitan areas, implying additional delays for activities such as commuting.
Traf¿c in congested urban areas is moving at the same speed that it did one hundred
years ago in horse carriages. Air transportation, despite having dramatically contributed
to the space/time convergence, is also experiencing growing delays. Flight times are
getting longer between many destinations, mainly because of takeoff, landing and gate
access delays. Airlines are simply posting longer scheduled Àight times to factor in
congestion. The termination of the Concorde supersonic jet service in 2003 can also be
considered as a space/time divergence. More stringent security measures at airports
have also imposed additional delays, which tend to penalize short distance Àights.
Additionally, direct transport services can be discontinued and replaced by a hub-and-
spoke structure.
Concept 3 – Transportation and commercial geography

Authors: Jean-Paul Rodrigue and Claude Comtois
Trade and commercial geography

Historically, wealth was predominantly related to agricultural output implying that the
largest economies were those with the largest populations. Trade patterns mostly
followed demographics. The industrial revolution irremediably changed this relation-
ship with mechanization and its multiplying effects on production and consumption.
Yet, economic systems remain based on trade and transactions since specialization and
ef¿ciency require interdependency. People trade their labor for a wage, having to
commute in the process, while corporations trade their output for capital. Trade is the
transmission of a possession in return for a counterpart, generally money, which is often
de¿ned as a medium of exchange. This exchange involves a transaction and its associ-
ated Àows of capital, information, commodities, parts or ¿nished products. All this
necessitates the understanding of commercial geography.
Commercial geography investigates the spatial characteristics of trade and transac-

tions in terms of their cause, nature, origin and destination. It leans on the analysis
of contracts and transactions. From a simple commercial transaction involving an
individual purchasing a product at a store, to the complex network of transactions
maintained between a multinational corporation and its suppliers, the scale and scope
of commercial geography varies signi¿cantly.
Trade, in terms of its origins and destinations, has a spatial logic. It reÀects the economic,
social and industrial structure of the concerned markets, but also implies other factors
such as transport costs, distance, political ties, exchange rates and the reciprocal
economic advantages proponents get from trade. For trade to occur, several conditions
must be met:
Availability. Commodities, from coal to computer chips, must be available for trade
and there must be a demand for these commodities. In other terms, a surplus must
exist at one location and a demand in another. A surplus can often be a simple matter
of investment in production capabilities, such as building an assembly plant, or can
be constrained by complex environmental factors like the availability of resources
such as fossil fuels, minerals and agricultural products.
Transferability. Transport infrastructures in allowing commodities to be moved
from their origins to their destinations favor the transferability of goods. There are
three major impediments to transferability, namely policy barriers (tariffs, custom

inspections, quotas), geographical barriers (time, distance) and transportation barriers
(the simple capacity to move the outcome of a transaction). Distance often plays an
important role in trade, as does the capacity of infrastructures to route and to trans-
ship goods.
Transactional capacity. It must be legally possible to make a transaction. This
implies the recognition of a currency for trading and legislations that de¿ne the
environment in which commercial transactions are taking place, such as taxation and
litigation. In the context of a global economy, the transactional environment is very
complex but is important in facilitating trade at the regional, national and interna-
tional levels. The fundamental elements of a commercial transaction involving the
transportation of a good are the letter of credit and the bill of lading. The transport
terms have been regulated since 1936 by international commercial terms that are
regularly updated and revised.
Once these conditions are met, trade is possible and the outcome of a transaction results
in a Àow. Three particular issues relate to the concept of Àow:
Value. Flows have a negotiated value and are settled in a common currency. The
American dollar, which has become the major global currency, is used to settle
and/or measure many international transactions. Further, nations must maintain
reserves of foreign currencies to settle their transactions and the relationship between
the inbound and outbound Àows of capital is known as the balance of payments.
Although, nations try to maintain a stable balance of payments, this is rarely the case.
Volume. Flows have a physical characteristic, mainly involving a mass. The weight
of Àows is a signi¿cant variable when trade involves raw materials such as petroleum
or minerals. However, in the case of consumption goods, weight has little signi¿-
cance relatively to the value of the commodities being traded. With containerization,
a new unit of volume has been introduced; the TEU (Twenty-foot Equivalent Unit),
which can be used to assess trade Àows.
Scale. Flows have a range that varies signi¿cantly based on the nature of a transac-
tion. While retailing transactions tend to occur at a local scale, transactions related to
the operations of a multinational corporation are global in scale.
Trends in commercial geography

Traditionally, commercial activities tended to develop where there was a physical break
along transport chains as cargo needed to be transferred from one mode to the other and
where a new actor took over its ownership, or its custody. The physical break imposed
transactions, an important reason why most of the world’s most important ¿nancial
centers tend to be port cities or major load break centers. The contemporary commercial
setting is marked by increasing free trade and profound technological, industrial and
geopolitical changes. The liberalization of trade, as con¿rmed by the implementation of
the World Trade Organization (WTO), has given a strong impetus and a positive trend
in the growth rate of world trade and industrial production. This has led to strong
competitive pressures and shifting competitive advantages. However, in a true free trade
environment, regulatory agencies would not be required. But in spite of attempts at
deregulation, transactions and trade are prone to disputes, litigations and perceived
imbalances concerning who bene¿ts the most. Although these issues mainly apply
to international trade, there are also situations where trade is constrained between the
provinces/states of a nation.
In spite of globalization, much trade is still dominantly regional. An overview of
world trade Àows indicate that trade within regions is more signi¿cant than trade
between regions, but long distance trade is steadily growing. Figures indicate the
increasing share of East Asia, especially China, in world trade both in terms of exports
and imports. Flows of merchandise have also been accompanied by a substantial growth
in foreign direct investments. There is thus a remarkable reallocation of production
capacities through outsourcing and offshoring following changes in comparative advan-
tages around the world. This trend goes in tandem with mergers and acquisitions of
enterprises that are increasingly global in scope. Analysis of international trade thus
reveals the need to adopt different strategies to adapt to this new trading environment.
As production is being relocated, there is a continuous shift in emphasis in the structure
of the export and import of world economies.
Major changes have occurred in the organization of production. There is a noticeable
increase in the division of labor concerning design, planning and assembly in the manu-
facturing process of the global economy. Interlocking partnerships in the structure of
manufacturing have increased the trade of parts and the supply of production equipment
around the world. One-third of all trade takes place among parent companies and their
foreign af¿liates. A part of this dynamism resides in the adoption of standards, a process
which began in the late nineteenth century to promote mass production. It permitted the
rapid development of many sectors of activity, including railways, electricity, the auto-
mobile industry and telecommunications more recently (Internet, Electronic Data Inter-
change). The decline of manufacturing in its share of the global gross domestic product
(GDP) is illustrative of the growing complexities that added value brings to the function
of production. In the realm of globalization of economic activities, the International
Organization for Standardization developed the ISO norms that serve as comparison
between various enterprises around the world. These norms are applicable to the manu-
facturing and services industries and are a necessary tool for growth.
Another signi¿cant force of change in commercial geography is the growth of
consumption, although this is not taking place uniformly. As a result, commercial geog-
raphy is inÀuenced by the market size, the consumption level of an economy (often
measured in GDP; Figure 1.7), and also by the growth potential of different regions of
the world. Economic growth taking place in East and Southeast Asia has been one of the
most signi¿cant force-shaping changes in the contemporary commercial environment.
The commodi¿cation of the economy has led to signi¿cant growth in retail and whole-
sale and the associated movements of freight.
The World Bank often uses GDP per capita to classify the level of economic devel-
opment of nations. The wealthiest nations account for the largest markets in the world.
The GDP is thus a reasonable approximation of the size of a market, but not necessarily
of the standards of living (or quality of life). For instance, China has a much higher GDP
than Korea, implying that China is a bigger market, but Korea is a more sophisticated
economy with higher standards of living. The global generation of wealth remains
highly concentrated. The four largest economies, the United States, Japan, China and
Germany, alone accounted for more than 38 percent of the world’s GDP in 2008. Thus,
nine countries (G8 + China) generated more than half the global economic activity. Still,
the dynamism is shifting with China overtaking Japan to become the world’s second
largest economy in 2010. Countries such as Brazil and India have also experienced a
remarkable growth.
GPD, 2DID (Constant 2DDD USD)

Less than $ 5 0 0 ,0 0 0 M
$ 5 0 0 ,0 0 0 to $1,000,000 M
$1,000,000 tD $ 2 ,5 0 0 ,0 0 0 M
$2,50D,0D0 ta $ 5 ,ODD,ODD M
Mare than $ 5 ,0 0 0 ,0 0 0 M
Human Development Index, 2DID

Less than 0.5
0.5 to D.7
□.7 to 0.8
More than D.8
South Korea 1.12

Nom inal GDP, 2011 (SUS Trillions)
1.16
Australia 1.37
1.43
1.74
1.85
Russian Federation I.SG
Italy 2.19
United Kingdom 2.43
Brazil 2.48
France Z.77
Germany 3.57
Japan 5.37
China 7.32
United States 115.DE
Figure 1.7 Global Gross Domestic Product and Human Development Index, 2010
Source: UNEP (2012) The UNEP Environmental Data Explorer, as compiled from World Development
Indicators (WDI-The World Bank). United Nations Environment Programme.
The Human Development Index (HDI) is a composite measure ranging from 0 to 1

that includes life expectancy, education (literacy rate) and standards of living (GDP per
capita). It is more representative of the commercial potential with countries with a HDI
above 0.8 accounting for the world’s main markets. This commercial potential and
dynamism shapes global transactions and Àows.
Commercialization of the transport industry

The liberalization of trade was accompanied by a growth of transportation since transac-
tions involve movements of freight, capital, people and information. Developments in the
transport sector are matched by global and regional interdependence and competition.
Transportation, like commodities, goods and services, is traded, sometimes openly and
subject to full market forces, but more often subject to a form of public control (regula-
tion) or ownership. The core component of a transport-related transaction involves its
costs that either have to be negotiated between the provider of the service and the user or
are subject to some arbitrary decree (price setting such as public transit). Since transpor-
tation can be perceived as a service, its commercialization (how it is brought to the
market) is an important dimension of its dynamics (Figure 1.8). Transport service
providers tend to be private entities, particularly in the global freight sector. Local
passenger transportation providers (transit) tend to be publicly owned.
Commercialization involving the extension of the operational scale of transport
systems ensures that it reaches its optimal market potential for the passenger and freight
markets. Although an optimal market size can never be attained due to regulations
preventing monopolies and differences in consumer preferences (e.g. modal choice), the
Global
Integrated demand
0
N
N
w
1CO
CO
Standardization and Integration
2
Expansion and Interconnection

Number of providers
Introduction (isolation/proprietary)
Local
Time
Figure 1.8 The commercialization of transportation
trend to ensure maximal market exposure is unmistakable. Within transport systems,

four distinct cyclic phases of extension and functional integration can be identi¿ed:
Introduction. Initially, a transport system is introduced to service a speci¿c oppor-

tunity in an isolated context. The technology is often “proprietary” and incompatible
with other transport systems. Since they are not interconnected, this does not repre-
sent much of an issue.
Expansion and interconnection. As the marketability and the development
potential of a transport system becomes apparent, a phase of expansion and intercon-
nection occurs. The size of the market serviced by these transport systems conse-
quently increases as they become adopted in new locations and as new providers
are created to service those markets. At some point, independently developed trans-
port systems connect. This connection is, however, often subject to a function of
transshipment between two incompatible transport systems.
Standardization and integration. This phase often involves the emergence of a
fully developed transport system servicing vast national markets. The major chal-
lenge to be addressed involves a standardization of modes and processes, further
expanding the commercial potential. Modal Àows are moving more ef¿ciently over
the entire network and are able to move from one mode to the other through inter-
modal integration. A process of mergers and acquisitions of transport providers often
accompanies this phase for the purpose of rationalization and market expansion.
Integrated demand. The most advanced stage of extension of a distribution system
involves a system fully able to answer mobility needs of passengers and freight under
a variety of circumstances, either predicted or unpredicted demand. As this system
tends to be global, it commonly operates close to market potential. In such a setting,
a transport system expresses an integrated demand where transport supply is tuned
with the demand in an interdependent system.
One important component of the commercialization of transportation concerns

investments in infrastructure, modes and terminals, as well as marketing and ¿nancing.
Investments are performed either to expand the geographical extent and/or the capacity of
a transport system or to maintain its operating conditions. The public and private sectors
have contributed to the funding of transport investments depending on economic, social
and strategic interests. For obvious reasons, the private sector seeks transport investments
that promise economic returns while the public sector often invests for social and strategic
reasons. In many cases private transport providers have dif¿culties acting independently
in formulating and implementing their transport investments. Various levels of govern-
ment are often lobbied by transport ¿rms for ¿nancial and/or regulatory assistance in
projects that are presented as of public interest and bene¿t. The consolidation of regional
markets and the resulting increase in transborder traf¿c has led transport ¿rms to seek
global alliances and greater market liberalization in the transport and communication
sector as a means to attract investments and to improve their productivity.
Deregulation and divestiture policy in the transport industry have led governments to
withdraw from the management, operations and ownership of national carriers, ports
and airports. This has given rise to a major reorganization of the international and
national transport sectors with the emergence of transnational transport corporations
that are governing the global Àow of air, maritime and land trade and the management
of airports, ports and railyards.
Concept 4 – The geography of transportation networks

Authors: Jean-Paul Rodrigue and César Ducruet
Transport networks
Transportation systems are commonly represented using networks as an analogy for
their structure and Àows. Transport networks belong to the wider category of spatial
networks because their design and evolution are physically constrained, as opposed to
non-spatial networks such as social interactions, corporate organization and biological
systems.
The term network refers to the framework of routes within a system of locations,
identi¿ed as nodes. A route is a single link between two nodes that are part of a
larger network that can refer to tangible routes such as roads and rails, or less tangible
routes such as air and sea corridors.
The territorial structure of any region corresponds to a network of all its economic inter-
actions. The implementation of networks, however, is rarely premeditated but the conse-
quence of continuous improvements as opportunities arise, investments are made and as
conditions change. The setting of networks is the outcome of various strategies, such as
providing access and mobility to a region, reinforcing a speci¿c trade corridor or tech-
nological developments making a speci¿c mode and its network more advantageous
over others. A transport network denotes either a permanent track (e.g. roads, rail and
canals) or a scheduled service (e.g. airline, public transit, train). It can be extended to
cover various types of links between points along which movements can take place.
In transport geography, it is common to identify several types of transport structures
that are linked with transportation networks with key elements such as nodes, links,
Àows, hubs or corridors. Network structure ranges from centripetal to centrifugal in
terms of the accessibility they provide to locations. A centripetal network favors a
limited number of locations while a centrifugal network tends not to convey any speci¿c
locational advantages. The recent decades have seen the emergence of transport hubs, a
strongly centripetal form, as a privileged network structure for many types of transport
services, notably for air transportation. Although hub-and-spoke networks often result
in improved network ef¿ciency, they have drawbacks linked with their vulnerability to
disruptions and delays at hubs, an outcome of the lack of direct connections. Evidence
underlines that the emergence of hub-and-spoke networks is a transitional form of
network development rationalizing limited volumes through a limited number of routes.
When traf¿c becomes suf¿cient, direct point-to-point services tend to be established as
they better reÀect the preference of users.
Hubs, as a network structure, allow a greater Àexibility within the transport system,
through a concentration of Àows. For instance, on Figure 1.9, a point-to-point network
involves 16 independent connections, each to be serviced by vehicles and infrastruc-
tures. By using a hub-and-spoke structure, only 8 connections are required. The main
advantages of hubs are:
• Economies of scale on connections by offering a high frequency of services. For

instance, instead of one service per day between any two pairs in a point-to-point
network, four services per day could be possible.
• Economies of scale at the hubs, enabling the potential development of an ef¿cient
distribution system since the hubs handle larger quantities of traf¿c.
• Economies of scope in the use of shared transshipment facilities. This can take
several dimensions such as lower costs for users as well as higher quality
infrastructures.
Many transportation services have adapted to include a hub-and-spoke structure. The

most common examples involve air passenger and freight services which have devel-
oped such a structure at the global, national and regional levels, like those used by parcel
carriers such as UPS, FedEx and DHL. However, potential disadvantages may also
occur such as additional transshipment as less point-to-point services are offered, which
for some connections may involve delays and potential congestion as the hub becomes
the major point of transshipment.
Transport networks are better understood by the usage level (e.g. number of passen-
gers, tons, vehicles, capacity) than by their sole topology based on a binary state (i.e.
presence or absence of links). Inequalities between locations can often be measured by
Point-to-point Hub-and-spoke
Hub
Figure 1.9 Point-to-point and hub-and-spoke networks

the quantity of links between nodes and the related revenues generated by traf¿c Àows.
Many locations within a network have higher accessibility, which is often related to
better opportunities. However, economic integration processes tend to change inequali-
ties between regions, mainly through a reorientation of the structure and Àows within
transportation networks at the transnational level.
The ef¿ciency of a network can be measured through graph theory and network
analysis. These methods rest on the principle that the ef¿ciency of a network depends
partially on the layout of nodes and links. Obviously some network structures have a
higher degree of accessibility than others, but careful consideration must be given to the
basic relationship between the revenue and costs of speci¿c transport networks. Rates
thus tend to be inÀuenced by the structure of transportation networks; the hub-and-
spoke structure, particularly, has a notable impact on transport costs, namely through
economies of scale.
The topology and typology of networks

Transportation networks, like many networks, are generally embodied as a set of
locations and a set of links representing connections between those locations. The
arrangement and connectivity of a network is known as its topology, with each transport
network having its own. The most fundamental elements of such a structure are the
network geometry and the level of connectivity. Transport networks can be classi¿ed in
speci¿c categories depending on a set of topological attributes that describe them. It is
thus possible to establish a basic typology of a transport network that relates to its
geographical setting as well as its modal and structural characteristics.
There are many criteria that can be used to classify transportation networks
(Figure 1.10). The level of abstraction can be considered with tangible network repre-
sentations closely matching the reality (such as a road map) while conversely an abstract
network would only be a symbolization of the nodes and Àows (such as the network of
an airline). Since transportation networks have a geographical setting, they can be
de¿ned according to their relative location to main elements of a territory. Networks
also have an orientation and an extent that approximates their geographical coverage or
their market area. The number of nodes and edges is relevant to express the complexity
and structure of transportation networks with a branch of mathematics, graph theory,
developed to infer structural properties from these numbers.
Since networks are the support of movements they can be considered from a modal
perspective, their edges being an abstraction of routes (roads, rail links, maritime routes)
and their nodes an abstraction of terminals (ports, railyards). Speci¿c modes can further
be classi¿ed in terms types of road (highway, road, street, etc.) and level of control
(speed limit, vehicle restrictions, etc.). Flows on a network have a volume and a direc-
tion, enabling links to be ranked by their importance and the general direction of Àows
evaluated (e.g. centripetal or centrifugal). Each segment and network has a physical
capacity related to the volume it can support under normal conditions. The load (or
volume to capacity) is the relation between the existing volume and the capacity. The
closer a network is to its full load (a ratio of 1), the more congested it is. The structure
of some networks imposes a hierarchy reÀecting the importance of each of its nodes and
a pattern reÀecting their spatial arrangement. Finally, networks have a dynamic where
both their nodes and links can change due to new circumstances.
The physical grounding of a network varies in relevance depending on the transport
mode considered. Roads and railways are composed of track infrastructure while
Type of traffic Volume and direction Abstraction level
Continuous
3500*2 8000 t/hr
Divided
Load and capacity Type of correspondence
Hierarchical
10.31 Non-Hierarchicai
[07]
Ja p [07]
Pattern Change (dynamics) Distance, road type and control

of the vehicle
Linear
/Highway Secondary
road
Random 'A /,
Mesh
125 km
90 km
Figure 1.10 A typology of transportation networks

maritime and air transports remain vaguely de¿ned due to their higher spatial Àexibility
except for their terminals, whereas maritime networks remain more constrained than
airline networks due to the necessity of bypassing coastlines. River networks typically
form basins and can be classi¿ed as trees or dendrograms. Therefore, there are three
types of physical spaces on which transport networks are set and where each represents
a speci¿c mode of territorial occupation:
• Clearly de¿ned and delimited. The space occupied by the transport network is
strictly reserved for its exclusive usage and can be identi¿ed on a map. Ownership
can also be clearly established. Major examples include road, canal and railway
networks.
• Vaguely de¿ned and delimited. The space of these networks may be shared with
other modes and is not the object of any particular ownership, only of rights of way.
Examples include air and maritime transportation networks.
• Without de¿nition. The space has no tangible meaning, except for the distance it
imposes. Little control and ownership are possible, but agreements must be reached
for common usage. Examples are radio, television, WiFi and cellular networks,
which rely on speci¿c wave frequencies granted by regulatory agencies.
Networks provide a level of transport service which is related to their costs. An optimal
network would be a network servicing all possible locations but such a service would
have high capital and operational costs. Transport infrastructures are established over
discontinuous networks since many were not built at the same time, by the same entity
or with the same technology. Therefore, operational networks rarely service all parts of
the territory directly. Some compromise must often be found among a set of alternatives
considering a variety of route combinations and level of service. Networks are also
labeled depending on their overall properties:
• Regular network. A network where all nodes have the same number of edges. In the
same vein, a random network is a network that is formed by random processes. While
regular networks tend to be linked with high levels of spatial organization (e.g. a city
grid), random networks tend to be linked with opportunistic development opportuni-
ties such as accessing a resource.
• Small-world network. A network with dense connections among close neighbors
and few but crucial connections among distant neighbors. Such networks are particu-
larly vulnerable to catastrophic failures around large hubs.
• Scale-free network. A network having a strong hierarchical dimension, with few
vertices having many connections and many vertices having few connections. Such
networks evolve through the dynamic of preferential attachment by which new nodes
added to the network will primarily connect larger nodes instead of being connected
randomly.
Investigating the interdependencies among different transport networks, notably when

they are of a different nature and structure, is challenging. Some crucial aspects and
problems related with inter-network relations may be as follows:
• Coevolution. Different transport networks might follow similar or different paths

based on spatial proximity and path-dependence of economic development, with a
wider variety of networks at core regions than at remote regions.
• Complementarity. Some locations may be central in one network but peripheral in

another, depending on their specialization and function and on the scale of analysis
(terminal, city, region, country); the complementarity between networks can be
measured based on the number of common nodes and links.
• Interoperability. Typically, cargo Àows from a maritime network to a road network
shift from a scale-free structure to a regular structure, thus following different topol-
ogies that are not easily combined; air and sea terminals remain few in the world due
to the dif¿culty of combining and integrating technically air and sea networks physi-
cally at the same locations.
• Vulnerability. How do changes in one network affect the other network, on a
global level (entire network) or local level (single node or region)? This is
particularly important for two networks sharing common nodes, such as global
cities, logistics platforms and multilayered hubs. In the case of abrupt conjunctures
(e.g. natural disasters, targeted attacks, labor disputes, security and geopolitical
tensions), thus posing the problem of rerouting Àows through alternative routes and
locations.
Networks and space

Transportation networks underline the territorial organization of economic activities
and the efforts incurred to overcome distance. These efforts can be measured in
absolute (distance) or relative terms (time) and are proportional to the ef¿ciency and the
structure of the networks they represent. The relationships transportation networks
establish with space are related to their continuity, their topographic space and the
spatial cohesion they establish. The territory is a topological space having two or
three dimensions depending on the transport mode considered (roads are roughly
set over a two-dimensional space while air transport is set over a three-dimensional
space). However, Àows and infrastructures are linear; having one dimension since they
conceptually link two points. The establishment of a network is thus a logical outcome
for a one-dimensional feature to service a territory by forming a lattice of nodes and
links. In order to have such a spatial continuity in a transport network, three conditions
are necessary:
Ubiquity. The possibility to reach any location from any other location on
the network thus providing a general access. Access can be a simple matter of vehicle
ownership or bidding on the market to purchase a thoroughfare from one location
to another. Some networks are continuous, implying that they can be accessed at
any location they service. Roads are the most salient example of a continuous
network. Other networks are discrete, implying that they can only be accessed
at speci¿c locations, commonly at a terminal. Rail, maritime and rail networks
are considered discrete networks since they can only be accessed through their
terminals.
Fractionalization. The possibility for a traveler or a unit of freight to be transported
without depending on a group. It becomes a balance between the price advantages of
economies of scale and the convenience of a dedicated service.
Instantaneity. The possibility to undertake transportation at the desired or most
convenient moment. There is a direct relationship between fractionalization and
instantaneity since the more fractionalized a transport system is, the more likely time
convenience can be accommodated.
These three conditions are never perfectly met, and some transport modes ful¿ll
them better than others. For instance, the automobile is the most Àexible and ubiquitous
mode for passenger transportation, but has important constraints such as low capacity
and high levels of space and energy consumption. In comparison, public transit is
more limited in the spatial coverage of its service, implies batch movements (bus
loads, train loads, etc.) and follows speci¿c schedules (limited instantaneity), but
is more cost and energy ef¿cient. Freight transportation also varies in its spatial conti-
nuity, ranging from massive loads of raw materials (oil and ores) that can be handled
only in a limited number of ports to highly Àexible parcels movements. Containerization
has been a remarkable attempt to address the issue of ubiquity (the system permits inter-
modal movements), fractionalization (each container is a load unit) and instantaneity
(units can be loaded by trucks at any time of the day and container ships make frequent
port calls).
An important cause of discontinuity is linked to the spatial distribution of economic
activities, notably industrial and urban, which tend to agglomerate. Congestion may also
alter these conditions. Road congestion in a metropolitan area may impair ubiquity as
some locations may be very dif¿cult to reach since their accessibility is reduced. Frac-
tionalization may also be reduced under such circumstances as people would consider
public transit and carpooling and would thus move as batches. Further, as commuters
cope with increasing congestion, several trips may be delayed or canceled altogether
reducing instantaneity.
Transportation networks have always been a tool for spatial cohesion and occupa-
tion. The Roman and Chinese empires relied on transportation networks to control their
respective territories, mainly to collect taxes and move commodities and military forces.
During the colonial era, maritime networks became a signi¿cant tool of trade, exploita-
tion and political control, and this was later on expanded by the development of modern
transportation networks within colonies. In the nineteenth century, transportation
networks also became a tool of nation building and political control. For instance, the
extension of railways in the American hinterland had the purpose to organize the terri-
tory, extend settlements and distribute resources to new markets. In the twentieth
century, road and highways systems (such as the Interstate system in the United States
and the autobahn in Germany) were built to reinforce this purpose. In the later part of
the twentieth century, air transportation networks played a signi¿cant role in weaving
the global economy. For the early twenty-¿rst century, telecommunication networks
have become means of spatial cohesion and interactions abiding well to the require-
ments of global supply chains.
Network expansion
The co-evolution of roads, canals and ports during the industrial revolution in England
reveals noticeable interdependencies among the different nodes and networks over time,
based on spatial and functional proximity. Initial network developments are often done
to support and then compete with an existing network by expanding geographically and
topologically in ways unavailable to the prior network. As transport networks expand,
existing transport infrastructures are being upgraded to cope with spatial changes.
Airports and ports are being transformed, expanded or relocated. In the air transport
sector, emphasis is being given to integrate airports within fully Àedged multimodal
transport systems, networking air with rail and road transport. In maritime transport,
networks are also being modi¿ed with increasing attention being paid to the expansion
of the Panama and Suez canals. There is increasing traf¿c on inland waterways and the
creation of new inland passages between semi-enclosed or enclosed seas.
The growing competition between the sea and land corridors are not only reducing
transport costs and encouraging international trade but prompting many governments to
reassess their land-based connections and seek shorter transit routes. Existing land
routes are also being extended. Passages through dif¿cult terrain are being investigated
with a view to creating fully Àedged land-based continental connections, notably
through railways. These land network expansions are driven by economic globalization
and inter-regional cooperation and eventually become multimodal transcontinental
corridors for rail, road, pipelines and trunk telecommunications routes. But the impact
of increasing world trade on land network expansion, notably over railways, is scale
speci¿c. The expansion of railways has permitted inter and intra-continental connec-
tions, namely landbridges (Figure 1.11).
Landbridge Mini Landbridge
Micro Landbridge Reverse Landbridge
Figure 1.11 Types of landbridges

Landbridges provide a level of continuity between maritime and long distance inland
transport networks. There are four main types of landbridges depending on the destina-
tion of the transoceanic cargo:
• Landbridge. Using a landmass as a link in a maritime transport chain involving

a foreign origin and destination. This type of link is not highly used in the North
American context as it is more convenient for Europe-bound cargo from Asia to use
the maritime route instead or the emerging Eurasian landbridge for niche cargo.
• Mini landbridge. Using a landmass as a link in a transport chain involving a foreign
origin and a destination at the end of the landmass.
• Micro landbridge. Using a landmass as a link in a transport chain involving a
foreign origin and an inland destination. A common type of service for Asian cargo
bound to an inland North American market.
• Reverse landbridge. Through a maritime detour reaching an inland destination by
using the closest maritime facade instead of the landbridge. This type of landbridge
has experienced remarkable growth with the usage of the Panama Canal to reach East
Coast ports by an all-water route from Asia. The expansion of the Panama Canal is
expected to increase the signi¿cance of this type of landbridge service.
In recent years new rail routes in North America, Eurasia, Latin America and Africa
have been developed or are being considered. There is scope for shippers to increase
their trade through these new routes, particularly if rising insurance premiums, charter
rates and shipping risks prompt them to opt for a land route instead of the sea route
through the Suez or Panama canals. These developments linked to the integration of
regional economies to the world market are part of a rationalization and specialization
process of rail traf¿c presently occurring around the world. But the success of these rail
network expansions depends on the speed of movement and the unitization of general
cargo by containerization. Railways servicing ports tend to consolidate container Àows,
which allows an increase in capacity and the establishment of door-to-door services
through a better distribution of goods among different transport modes. New links
are establishing and reshaping new trade Àows underpinning outward cargo movements
and the distribution of goods. As some coastal gateways are now emerging as critical
logistics services centers that rationalize distribution systems to ¿t new trading patterns,
the land network development and cross-border crossings throughout the world have
far-reaching geopolitical implications.
CASE STUDY Strategic maritime passages

Authors: Jean-Paul Rodrigue and Theo Notteboom
Global maritime routes and chokepoints

Maritime transportation is the dominant purveyor of international freight distribution
and evolves over a global maritime space. This space has its own constraints such as the
pro¿le of continental masses and the imperatives it creates in terms of detours and
passages. Maritime routes are spaces of a few kilometers wide trying to avoid the
discontinuities of land transport. They are a function of obligatory points of passage,
which are almost all strategic places, physical constraints such as coasts, winds, marine
currents, depth, reefs or ice and political boundaries where sovereignty may impede
Dover S trait
^ B os porus
^Gibraltar Dardanelles
C jE u e z CanaL
jS trait of Hormoz Taiwan Strait
Yucatan Channel
Lozon Strait
S m i- j
Q P a n a m a Canal
^S trait of Malacca
Makassar
Sunda
Lombok Torres
C a re Route
Secondary Route
)Cape of Good Hope
Magellan Passage
Figure 1.12 Main maritime bottlenecks and shipping routes
circulation. The majority of the maritime circulation takes place along coasts and three
continents have limited Àuvial trade (Africa, Australia and Asia, except China).
International maritime routes are thus forced to pass through speci¿c locations corre-
sponding to passages, capes and straits (Figure 1.12). These routes are generally located
between major industrial regions such as Western Europe, North America and East Asia
where an active system of commercial containerized trade is in place. The importance
of these large manufacturing regions and their consumption markets are structuring
exchanges of semi-¿nished and ¿nished goods. Also, major routes involve Àows of raw
materials, namely minerals, grains, some food products (coffee, cocoa and sugar) and,
most importantly, petroleum. The location of strategic oil and mineral resources shapes
maritime routes for bulks since they represent the most transported commodities. For
instance, over 30 Mb/d (million barrels per day) are being shipped around the world.
Maritime routes are a function of obligatory points of passage, which are strategic
places, of physical constraints and of political borders. As a result, maritime routes draw
arcs on the earth water surface as intercontinental maritime transportation tries to follow
the great circle distance. Main shipping lanes are those supporting the most important
commercial shipping Àows servicing major markets. Secondary shipping lanes are
mostly connectors between smaller markets. Figure 1.12 provides a simple taxonomy of
the main strategic passages.
• Primary passages are the most important passages since without them there would
be limited cost-effective maritime shipping alternatives which would seriously
impair global trade.
• Secondary passages have alternatives, but would still involve a notable detour.
The most important strategic maritime passages are known as chokepoints (or bottle-
necks) due to:
• Capacity constraints. Chokepoints tend to be shallow and narrow, impairing naviga-

tion and imposing capacity limits on ships. For canals such as the Panama and Suez,
the capacity must effectively be managed with appointment and pricing systems.
• Potential for disruptions or closure. Disruption of trade Àows through any of these
export routes could have a signi¿cant impact on the world economy. Many choke-
points are next to politically unstable countries, increasing the risk of compromising
their access and use, such as with piracy. Closures are a rare instance that have only
taken place in situations of war as one proponent prevented another from accessing
and using the chokepoint (e.g. Gibraltar and Suez during the Second World War). A
closure of a maritime chokepoint in the current global economy, even if temporary,
would have important economic consequences with the disruption of trade Àows and
even the interruption of some supply chains (e.g. oil).
The Panama Canal, the Suez Canal, the Strait of Malacca and the Strait of Hormuz are
the world’s four most important strategic maritime passages in part because they are
chokepoints that affect global freight circulation and in part because of the economic
activities and resources they grant more ef¿cient access to. Their continuous availability
for global maritime circulation is challenging.
The Panama Canal

The Panama Canal joins the Atlantic and Paci¿c oceans across the Isthmus of Panama,
running from Cristobal on Limon Bay, an arm of the Caribbean Sea, to Balboa, on
the Gulf of Panama. Its operational characteristics involve a length of 82 kilometers,
a depth of 12.5 meters (39.5 feet), a width of 32 meters (106 feet) and a length of
294 meters (965 feet). Its construction ranks as one of the greatest engineering works of
all time as it serves a long detour around South America, thus supporting the maritime
Àows of world trade (Figure 1.13). The Panama Canal is of strategic importance to the
United States as it serves to link the East and the West coast more quickly, saving
about 13,000 km (from 21,000 km to 8,000 km) for a maritime journey. It is composed
of three main elements, the Gatun Locks (Atlantic Ocean access), the Gaillard Cut
(continental divide; Photo 1.1) and the MiraÀores/Pedro Miguel Locks (Paci¿c Ocean
access).
The Panama Canal is obviously the shortest operational route between the Atlantic
and Paci¿c oceans. The maritime alternatives are the Magellan Route circumnavigating
South America and the potential use of the Northwest Passage through the Arctic Ocean.
The Magellan Route imposes a substantial detour but offers the opportunity to pick up
or drop off cargo along the way. The Northwest Passage is the shortest route between
the North Paci¿c and the North Atlantic, but remains hazardous to navigation and does
not offer any signi¿cant opportunity to pick up or drop off cargo. The landbridge alter-
natives are more numerous with the North American landbridges composed of the
Canadian, American and Mexican landbridges being operational realities. Still, their
role is not necessarily to offer a substantial alternative to the Panama Canal, but options
to shippers servicing North American supply chains. Other landbridges in Central or
South America are simply projects of unknown market potential.
In its 96 years of existence (as of 2010) since its completion in 1914, more than
one million vessels have transited the canal, carrying 8.1 billion tons of cargo. About
13,000 ships transit the canal every year, with an average of 35 ships per day. However,
the canal has the capacity to handle 50 ships per day with an average transit time of
about 16.5 hours if the passage has been reserved in advance and about 35 hours if no
reservations have been made, for an average crossing time of 23 hours. Containers,
grains and petroleum account for the dominant share of the cargo transited. The
Northwest Passage
CanadianXandbridge
Gibraltar
American Landbridge
Mexican
Landbridge
^andbridge
Pahima Canal
Colombian Landbridge
Magellan Route
South American
Landbridge
Figure 1.13 Main routing alternatives between the Paciﬁc and Atlantic
introduction of super-tankers at the beginning of the 1950s forced the reconsideration of

its strategic importance as economies of scale in petroleum shipping are limited by the
size of the canal. It is synonymous of a standard in maritime transport related to capacity,
the Panamax standard, which equates to 65,000 deadweight tons, a draft of 12 meters
and a capacity of about 4,500 TEUs depending on the load con¿guration.
The canal handles about 5 percent of the global seaborne trade and about 12 percent
of the American international seaborne trade. Under the control of the United States
until 1979, its administration was entrusted to the State of Panama by the Panama Canal
Treaty of 1977. In December 1999, the canal reverted to Panama under the jurisdiction
of the Panama Canal Authority. The authority generates revenue by collecting tolls on
all ships crossing the canal and is responsible for the operation and maintenance of the
facility. A loaded ship pays about $2.57 per net ton and the average toll is about $45,000.
For container ships the toll (as of 2011) is $74 per TEU of capacity on laden containers
and $65.60 per TEU of capacity on ships with empty containers. In 2008, $1.32 billion
in tolls were collected, of which 54 percent was generated by container shipping.
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LADY CONNIE.
by mrs. humphry ward.
Copyright, 1915, by Mrs. Humphry Ward, in the United States of America.
CHAPTER XV.
Douglas Falloden was sitting alone in his father’s library
surrounded by paper and documents. He had just concluded a long
interview with the family lawyer; and a tray containing the remains
of their hasty luncheon was on a side table. The room had a dusty,
dishevelled air. Half of the house-servants had been already
dismissed; the rest were disorganised. Lady Laura had left Flood the
day before. To her son’s infinite relief she had consented to take the
younger children and go on a long visit to some Scotch relations. It
had been left vague whether she returned to Flood or not; but
Douglas hoped that the parting was already over—without her
knowing it; and that he should be able to persuade her, after
Scotland, to go straight to the London house—which was her own
property—for the winter.
Meanwhile he himself had been doing his best to wind up affairs.
The elaborate will of twenty years earlier, with its many legacies and
bequests, had been cancelled by Sir Arthur only six weeks before his
death. A very short document had been substituted for it, making
Douglas and a certain Marmaduke Falloden, his uncle and an
eminent K.C., joint executors, and appointing Douglas and Lady
Laura guardians of the younger children. Whatever property might
remain ‘after the payment of my just debts’ was to be divided in
certain proportions between Douglas and his brother and sister.
The estates, with the exception of the lands immediately
surrounding the Castle, were to be sold to the tenants, and the
dates of the auction were already fixed. For the Castle itself,
negotiations had been opened with an enormously successful soap-
boiler from the north, but the American proprietor of a dry-goods
store in Chicago was also in the market, and the Falloden solicitors
were skilfully playing the two big fish against each other. The sale of
the pictures would come before the Court early in October.
Meanwhile the beautiful Romney—the lady in black—still looked
down upon her stripped and impoverished descendant; and
Falloden, whose sole companion she often was through dreary
hours, imagined her sometimes as tragic or reproachful, but more
commonly as mocking him with a malicious Irish glee.
There would be some few thousand pounds left for himself when
all was settled. He was determined to go into Parliament, and his
present intention was to stand for a Merton Fellowship, and read for
the Bar. If other men could make three or four thousand a year
within three years or so of being called, why not he? His character
had steeled under the pressure of disaster. He realised with a clearer
intelligence, day by day, all that had gone from him—his father—his
inheritance—the careless ease and self-assurance that goes with the
chief places at the feast of life. But if he must now drop to the lower
rooms, it would not be ‘with shame’ that he would do that, or
anything else. He felt within himself a driving and boundless energy;
an iron will to succeed. There was even a certain bitter satisfaction
in measuring himself against the world without the props and
privileges he had hitherto possessed. He was often sore and
miserable to his heart’s depths; haunted by black regrets and
compunction he could not get rid of. All the same it was his fixed
resolve to waste no thoughts on mere happiness. His business was
to make a place for himself as an able man among able men, to ask
of ambition, intelligence, hard work, and the sharpening of brain on
brain, the satisfaction he had once hoped to get out of marriage with
Constance Bledlow, and the easy, though masterly, use of great
wealth.
He turned to look at the clock.
She had asked him for five. He had ordered his horse accordingly,
the only beast still left in the Flood stables, and his chief means of
escape, during a dreary fortnight, from his peevish co-executor, who
was of little or no service, and had allowed himself already to say
unpardonable things about his dead brother, even to that brother’s
son.
It was too soon to start, but he pushed his papers aside
impatiently. The mere prospect of seeing Constance Bledlow
provoked in him a dumb and troubled excitement. Under its impulse
he left the library, and began to walk aimlessly through the dreary
and deserted house, for the mere sake of movement. The pictures
were still on the walls, for the sale of them had not yet been
formally sanctioned by the Court; but all Lady Laura’s private and
personal possessions had been removed to London, and dust-sheets
covered the furniture. Some of it indeed had been already sold, and
workmen were busy packing in the great hall, amid a dusty litter of
paper and straw. The clocks had run down; the flowers had gone,
and with them all the other signs of normal life which make the
character of a house; what remained was only the débris of a once
animated whole. Houses have their fate no less than books; and in
the ears of its last Falloden possessor the whole of the great many-
dated fabric, from its fourteenth-century foundations beneath the
central tower to the pseudo-Gothic with which Wyatt under the
fourth George had disfigured the garden front, had often, since his
father’s death, seemed to speak with an almost human voice of
lamentation and distress.
But this afternoon Falloden took little notice of his surroundings.
Why had she written to him?
Well, after all, death is death, and the merest strangers had
written to him—letters that he was now wearily answering. But there
had been nothing perfunctory in her letter. As he read it he had
seemed to hear her very voice saying the soft touching things in it—
things that women say so easily and men can’t hit upon; and to be
looking into her changing face, and the eyes that could be so fierce,
and then again so childishly sweet and sad—as he had seen them, at
their last meeting on the moor, while she was giving him news of
Radowitz. Yet there was not a word in the letter that might not have
been read on the house-tops—not a trace in it of her old alluring,
challenging self. Simplicity—deep feeling—sympathy—in halting
words, and unfinished sentences:—and yet—something
conspicuously absent and to all appearance so easily, unconsciously
absent, that all the sweetness and the pity brought him more smart
than soothing. Yes, she had done with him—for all her wish to be
kind to him. He saw it plainly; and he turned back thirstily to those
past hours in Lathom Woods, when he had felt himself, if only for a
moment, triumphant master of her thoughts if not her heart;
rebelled against, scolded, flouted, yet still tormentingly necessary
and important. All that delicious friction, those disputes that are the
fore-runner of passion, were gone—for ever. She was sorry for him—
and very kind. His touchy pride recoiled, reading into her letter what
she had never dreamt of putting into it, just because of the absence
of that something—that old tremor—those old signs of his influence
over her, which, of course, she would never let him see again.
All the same he had replied at once, asking if he might come and
say good-bye before she left Scarfedale. And she had sent him a
telegram—‘Delighted—to-morrow—five o’clock.’
And he was going—out of a kind of recklessness—a kind of
obstinate recoil against the sorrowful or depressing circumstance of
life. He had given up all thoughts of trying to win her back—even if
there were any chance of it. His pride would not let him sue as a
pauper; and of course the Langmoors, to whom she was going—he
understood—from Scarfedale, would take good care she did not
throw herself away. Quite right too. Very likely the Tamworths would
capture her; and Bletchley was quite a nice fellow.
When he did see her, what could they talk about? Radowitz?
He would like to send a message through her to Radowitz—to say
something—
What could he say? He had seen Radowitz for a few minutes after
the inquest—to thank him for his evidence—and for what he had
done for Sir Arthur. Both had hurried through it. Falloden had
seemed to himself stricken with aphasia. His mouth was dry, his
tongue useless. And Radowitz had been all nerves, a flickering
colour—good God, how deathly he looked!
Afterwards he had begun a letter to Radowitz, and had toiled at it,
sometimes at dead of night, and in a feverish heat of brain. But he
had never finished or sent it. What was the use? Nothing was
changed. That black sling and the damaged hand in it stood for one
of those hard facts that no wishing, and no sentimentalising, and no
remorse could get over.
‘I wish to God I had let him alone!’
That now was the frequent and bitter cry of Falloden’s inmost
being. Trouble and the sight of trouble—sorrow—and death—had
been to him, as to other men, sobering and astonishing facts. The
most decisive effect of them had been to make him vulnerable, to
break through the hard defences of pride and custom, so that he
realised what he had done. And this realisation was fast becoming a
more acute and haunting thing than anything else. It constantly
drove out the poignant recollection of his father’s death, or the dull
sense of financial loss and catastrophe. Loss and catastrophe might
be at some distant time made good. But what could ever give
Radowitz back his art—his career—his natural object in life? The
hatches of the present had just got to be closed over this ugly,
irreparable thing. ‘I can’t undo it—nothing can ever be undone. But I
can’t spend my life in repenting it; one must just go forward, and
not let that, or anything else, hamstring a man who has got his fight
to fight, and can’t get out of it.’
Undo it? No. But were no, even partial, amends possible?—nothing
that could be offered, or done, or said?—nothing that would give
Constance Bledlow pleasure, or change her opinion?—efface that
shrinking in her, of which he hated to think?
He cudgelled his brains, but could think of nothing.
Money, of course, was of no use, even if he still possessed it.
Radowitz, in all matters connected with money, was hyper-sensitive
and touchy. It was well known that he had private means; and it was
certainly probable that he was now the richer man of the two.
No—there was nothing to be done. He had maimed for ever the
vital energising impulse in another human being, and it could never
be repaired. ‘His poor music!—murdered’—the words from
Constance Bledlow’s horror-stricken letter were always in his mind.
And the day after the inquest on Sir Arthur he had had some
conversation on the medical points of his father’s case, and on the
light thrown on them by Radowitz’s evidence, with the family doctor
who was then attending Lady Laura, and had, it appeared, been
several times called in by Sorell during the preceding weeks to see
Radowitz and report on the progress of the hand. ‘A bad business!’
said the young man, who had intelligence and was fresh from
hospital—‘and awful hard luck!—he might have hurt his hand in a
score of ways and still have recovered the use of it, but this
particular injury’—he shook his head—‘nothing to be done! And the
worst of it is that a trouble like this, which cuts across a man’s
career, goes so deep. The thing I should be most afraid of is his
general health. You can see that he’s delicate—narrow-chested—a
bundle of nerves. It might be phthisis—it might be’—he shrugged his
shoulders—‘well, depression, bad neurasthenia. And the poor lad
seems to have no family—no mother or sisters—to look after him.
But he’ll want a lot of care if he’s to pull round again. An Oxford row,
wasn’t it? Abominable!’
But here the sudden incursion of Lady Laura’s maid, to ask a
question for her mistress, had diverted the doctor’s thoughts and
spared Falloden reply.
A little later, he was riding slowly up the side of the moor towards
Scarfedale, looking down on a landscape which since his childhood
had been so intimate and familiar a part of himself that the thought
of being wrenched away from it, immediately and for good, seemed
merely absurd.
September was nearly gone; and the trees had long passed out of
their August monotony, and were already prophetic of the October
blaze. The level afternoon light was searching out the different
planes of distance, giving to each hedgerow, elm or oak, a separate
force and kingship: and the golden or bronze shades, which were
day by day stealing through the woods, made gorgeous marriage
with the evening purple. The Castle, as he gazed back upon it, had
sunk into the shadows, a dim magnificent ghost, seen through mist,
like the Rhine Maidens through the blue water.
And there it would stand, perhaps for generations yet, long after
he and his kindred knew it no more. What did the plight of its last
owner matter to it, or to the woods and hills? He tried to think of
that valley a hundred years hence—a thousand!—and felt himself
the merest insect crawling on the face of this old world, which is yet
so young. But only for a moment. Rushing back, came the proud,
resisting sense of personality—of man’s dominance over Nature—of
the Nietzschean ‘will to power.’ To be strong, to be sufficient to
oneself; not to yield, but to be for ever counter-attacking
circumstance, so as to be the master of circumstance, whatever
blows it might choose to strike—that seemed to be the best, the
only creed left to him.
When he reached the Scarfedale house, and a gardener had taken
his horse, the maid who opened the door told him he would find
Lady Constance on the lawn. The old ladies were out driving.
Very decent of the old ladies, he thought, as he followed the path
into the garden.
There she was!—her light form lost, almost, in a deep chair, under
a lime tree. The garden was a tangle of roses and heliotrope;
everything growing rank and fast, as though to get as much out of
the soil and the sun as possible, before the first frost made
execution. It was surrounded by old red walls that held the dropping
sun, and it was full of droning bees, and wagtails stepping daintily
over the lawns.
Connie rose and came towards him. She was in black, with pale
pink roses in her hat. In spite of her height, she seemed to him the
slightest, gracefullest thing, and as she neared him she lifted her
deep brown eyes, and it was as though he had never seen before
how beautiful they were.
‘It was kind of you to come!’ she said shyly.
He made no reply till she had placed him beside her under the
lime. Then he looked round him, a smile twitching his lip.
‘Your aunts are not at home?’
‘No. They have gone for their drive. Did you wish to see them?’
‘I am in terror of your Aunt Winifred. She and I had many ructions
when I was small. She thought our keepers used to shoot her cats.’
‘They probably did!’
‘Of course. But a keeper who told the truth about it would have no
moral sense.’
They both laughed, looking into each other’s faces with a sudden
sense of relief from tension. After all the tragedy and the pain, there
they were, still young, still in the same world together. And the sun
was still shining and the roses blooming. Yet, all the same, there was
no thought of any renewal of their old relation on either side.
Something unexpressed, yet apparently final, seemed to stand
between them; differing very much in his mind from the something
in hers, yet equally potent. She, who had gone through agonies of
far too tender pity for him, felt now a touch of something chill and
stern in the circumstance surrounding him, that seemed to put her
aside. ‘This is not your business,’ it seemed to say; so that she saw
herself as an inexperienced child playing with that incalculable thing
—the male. Attempts at sympathy or advice died away—she rebelled
—and submitted.
Still there are things—experiments—that even an inexperienced
child, a child ‘of good will,’ may venture. All the time that she was
talking to Falloden, a secret expectation, a secret excitement ran
through her inner mind. There was a garden door to her left, across
a lawn. Her eyes were often on it, and her ear listened for the click
of the latch.
Meanwhile Falloden talked very frankly of the family circumstances
and his own plans. How changed the tone was, since they had
discussed the same things, riding through the Lathom Woods in
June! There was little less self-confidence, perhaps; but the quality
of it was not the same. Instead of alienating, it began to touch and
thrill her. And her heart could not help its sudden tremor when he
spoke of wintering ‘in or near Oxford.’ There was apparently a
Merton prize Fellowship in December, on which his hopes were set,
and the first part of his Bar examination to read for, whether he got
a Fellowship or no.
‘And Parliament?’ she asked him.
‘Yes—that’s my aim,’ he said, quietly. ‘Of course it’s the fashion
just now, especially in Oxford, to scoff at politics and the House of
Commons. It’s like the art-for-arters in town. As if you could solve
anything by words—or paints!’
‘Your father was in the House for some time?’
She bent towards him, as she mentioned his father, with a lovely
unconscious gesture that sent a tremor through him. He seemed to
perceive all that shaken feeling in her mind to which she found it so
impossible to give expression; on which his own action had placed
so strong a curb.
He replied that his father had been in Parliament for some twelve
years, and had been a Tory Whip part of the time. Then he paused,
his eyes on the grass, till he raised them to say abruptly:—
‘You heard about it all—from Radowitz?’
She nodded.
‘He came here that same night.’ And then suddenly, in the golden
light, he saw her flush vividly. Had she realised that what she had
said implied a good deal?—or might be thought to imply it? Why
should Radowitz take the trouble—after his long and exhausting
experience—to come round by the Scarfedale manor-house?
‘It was an awful time for him,’ he said, his eyes on hers. ‘It was
very strange—that he should be there.’
And again he looked down—poking at the grass with his stick.
She hesitated. Her lips trembled.
‘He was very glad—to be there. Only he was sorry—for you.’
‘You mean he was sorry that I wasn’t there sooner—with my
father?’
‘I think that was what he felt—that there was only—a stranger.’
‘I was just in time,’ said Falloden, slowly. ‘And I wonder—whether
anything matters, to the dying?’
There was a pause, after which he added, with sudden energy—
I thought—at the inquest—he himself looked pretty bad.’
‘Otto Radowitz?’ Constance covered her eyes with her hands a
moment—a gesture of pain. ‘Mr. Sorell doesn’t know what to do for
him. He has been losing ground lately. The doctors say he ought to
live in the open air. He and Mr. Sorell talk of a cottage near Oxford,
where Mr. Sorell can go often and see him. But he can’t live alone.’
As she spoke Falloden’s attention was diverted. He had raised his
head and was looking across the lawn, towards the garden entrance.
There was the sound of a clicking latch. Constance turned, and saw
Radowitz entering.
The young musician paused and wavered at the sight of the two
under the lime. It seemed as though he would have taken to flight.
But, instead, he came on with hesitating step. He had taken off his
hat, as he often did when walking; and his red-gold hair en brosse
was as conspicuous as ever. But otherwise what a change from the
youth of three months before! Falloden, now that the immediate
pressure of his own tragedy was relaxed, perceived the change even
more sharply than he had done at the inquest; perceived it, at first
with horror, and then with a wild sense of recoil and denial, as
though some hovering Erinnys advanced with Radowitz over the
leaf-strewn grass.
Radowitz grew paler still as he reached Connie. He gave Falloden
a short, embarrassed greeting, and then subsided into the chair that
Constance offered him. The thought crossed Falloden’s mind—‘Did
she arrange this?’
Her face gave little clue—though she could not restrain one quick,
hesitating glance at Falloden. She pressed tea on Radowitz, who
accepted it to please her, and then, schooled as she was in all the
minor social arts, she had soon succeeded in establishing a sort of
small-talk between the three. Falloden, self-conscious and on the
rack, could not imagine why he stayed. But this languid boy had
ministered to his dying father! And to what, and to whom, were the
languor, the tragic physical change, due? He stayed—in purgatory—
looking out for any chance to escape.
‘Did you walk all the way?’
The note in Connie’s voice was softly reproachful.
‘Why, it’s only three miles!’ said Radowitz, as though defending
himself, but he spoke with an accent of depression. And Connie
remembered how, in the early days of his recovery from his injury,
he had spent hours rambling over the moors, by himself or with
Sorell. Her heart yearned to him. She would have liked to take his
poor hands in hers, and talk to him, tenderly, like a sister. But there
was that other dark face and those other eyes opposite—watching.
And to them too her young sympathy went out—how differently!—
how passionately! A kind of rending and widening process seemed
to be going on within her own nature. Veils were falling between her
and life; and feelings, deeper and stronger than any she had ever
known, were fast developing the woman in the girl. How to heal
Radowitz!—how to comfort Falloden! Her mind ached under the
feelings that filled it—feelings wholly disinterested and pure.
‘You really are taking the Boar’s Hill cottage?’ she asked,
addressing Radowitz.
‘I think so. It is nearly settled. But I am trying to find some
companion. Sorell can only come occasionally.’
As he spoke, a wild idea flashed into Falloden’s brain. It seemed to
have entered without—or against—his will; as though suggested by
some imperious agency outside himself. His intelligence laughed at
it. Something else in him entertained it—breathlessly.
Radowitz stooped down to try and tempt Lady Marcia’s dachshund
with a piece of cake.
‘I must anyhow have a dog,’ he said, as the pampered Max
accepted the cake, and laid his head gratefully on the donor’s knee:
—‘they’re always company.’
He looked wistfully into the dog’s large friendly eyes.
Connie rose.
‘Please don’t move!’ she said, flushing, ‘I shall be back directly. But
I must put up a letter. I hear the postman!’ She ran across the grass,
leaving the two men in acute discomfort. Falloden thought again,
with rising excitement: ‘She planned it! She wants me to do
something—to take some step⸺ But what?’
An awkward pause followed. Radowitz was still playing with the
dog, caressing its beautiful head with his uninjured hand, and talking
to it in a half whisper. As Constance departed, a bright and feverish
red had rushed into his cheeks; but it had only made his aspect
more ghostly, more unreal.
Again the absurd idea emerged in Falloden’s consciousness; and
this time it seemed to find its own expression, and to be merely
making use of his voice, which he heard as though it were someone
else’s.
He bent over towards Radowitz.
‘Would you care to share the cottage with me?’ he said abruptly. ‘I
want to find a place to read in—out of Oxford.’
Radowitz looked up, amazed—speechless! Falloden’s eyes met
Otto’s steadily. The boy turned away. Suddenly he covered his face
with his free hand.
‘Why did you hate me so?’ he said, breathing quick. ‘What had I
done to you?’
‘I didn’t hate you,’ said Falloden, thickly. ‘I was mad.’
‘Because you were jealous? What a fool you were! She never
cared a brass farthing for me—except as she does now. She would
like to nurse me—and give me back my music. But she can’t—and
you can’t.’
There was silence again. Otto’s chest heaved. As far as he could
with his one hand, he hid the tears in his eyes from his companion.
And at last he shook off emotion—with a laugh in which there was
no mirth.
‘Well, at least, I shouldn’t make such a row now as I used to do—
practising.’
Falloden understood his reference to the soda-water bottle
fusillade, by which the ‘bloods,’ in their first attack upon him, had
tried to silence his piano.
‘Can’t you play at all?’ he said, at last; choosing the easiest of
several remarks that presented themselves.
‘I get about somehow on the keys. It’s better than nothing. And
I’m writing something for my degree. It’s rather good. If I could only
keep well!’ said the boy impatiently. ‘It’s this damned health that
gets in the way.’
Then he threw himself back in his chair, all the melancholy of his
face suddenly breaking up, the eyes sparkling.
‘Suppose I set up one of those automatic pianos they’re now
talking about—could you stand that?’
‘I would have a room where I didn’t hear it. That would be all
right.’
‘There’s a wonderful idea I heard of from Paris a week or two ago,’
said Otto excitedly—‘a marvellous electric invention a man’s at work
on, where you only turn a handle, or press a button, and you get
Rubinstein—or Madame Schumann or my countryman, Paderewski,
who’s going to beat everybody. It isn’t finished yet. But it won’t be
for the likes of me. It’ll cost at least a thousand pounds.’
‘They’ll get cheaper,’ said Falloden, his chin in his hands, elbows
on knees—eyes fixed on his companion. It seemed to him he was
talking in a dream, so strange was this thing he had proposed;
which apparently was going to come to pass. At any rate Radowitz
had not refused. He sat with the dachshund on his knees, alternately
pulling out and folding its long ears. He seemed to be, all in a
moment, in high spirits, and when he saw Connie coming back
through the garden gate, with a shy, hesitating step, he sprang up
eagerly to greet her. But there was another figure behind her. It was
Sorell; and at sight of him ‘something sealed’ the boy’s lips. He
looked round at Falloden, and dropped back into his chair.
Falloden rose from his seat abruptly. A formal and scarcely
perceptible greeting passed between him and Sorell. All Falloden’s
irritable self-consciousness rushed back upon him as he recognised
the St. Cyprian’s tutor. He was not going to stay and cry peccavi any
more, in the presence of a bloodless prig, for whom Oxford was the
world. But it was bitter to him all the same to leave him in
possession of the garden and Connie Bledlow’s company.
‘Thank you—I must go,’ he said brusquely, as Connie tried to
detain him. ‘There is so much to do nowadays. I shall be leaving
Flood next week. The agent will be in charge.’
‘Leaving—for good?’ she asked, in her appealing voice as they
stood apart.
‘Probably—for good.’
‘I don’t know how to say—how sorry I am!’
‘Thank you. But I am glad it’s over. When you get back to Oxford
—I shall venture to come and call.’
‘That’s a promise,’ she said, smiling at him. ‘Where will you be?’
‘Ask Otto Radowitz! Good-bye.’
Her start of surprise pleased him. He approached Radowitz. ‘Shall
I hear from you?’ he said stiffly.
‘Certainly!’ The boy looked up. ‘I will write to-morrow.’
The garden door had no sooner closed on Falloden than Radowitz

threw himself back and went into a fit of laughter, curious, hollow
laughter.
Sorell looked at him anxiously.
‘What’s the meaning of that, Otto?’
‘You’ll laugh, when you hear! Falloden and I are going to set up
house together, in a cottage on Boar’s Hill—when we’ve found one.
He’s going to read—and I’m to be allowed a piano, and a pianola.
Queer, isn’t it?’
‘My dear Otto!’ cried Sorell, in dismay. ‘What on earth do you
mean?’
‘Well, he offered it—said he’d come and look after me. I don’t
know what possessed him—nor me either. I didn’t exactly accept.
But I shall accept. Why shouldn’t I?’
‘Because Falloden’s the last person in the world to look after
anybody—least of all, you!’ said Sorell with indignant energy. ‘But of
course it’s a joke! You mean it for a joke. If he proposed it, it was
like his audacity. Nobody would, who had a shred of delicacy. I
suppose he wants to disarm public opinion!’
Radowitz looked oddly at Sorell, from under his finely-marked
eyebrows.
‘I don’t believe he cares a hang for public opinion,’ he said slowly.
‘Nor do I. If you could come, Alexis, of course that would settle it.
And if you won’t come to see me, supposing Falloden and I do share
diggings, that settles it too. But you will come, old man—you will
come!’
And he nodded, smiling, at his quasi-guardian. Neither of them
noticed Connie. Yet she had hung absorbed on their conversation,
the breath fluttering on her parted lips. And when their talk paused
she bent forward, and laid her hand on Sorell’s arm.
‘Let him!’ she said pleadingly—‘let him do it!’
Sorell looked at her in troubled perplexity. ‘Let Douglas Falloden
make some amends to his victim; if he can and will. Don’t be so
unkind as to prevent it!’ That, he supposed, was what she meant. It
seemed to him the mere sentimental unreason of the young girl,
who will not believe that there is any irrevocableness in things at all,
till life teaches her.
Radowitz too! What folly, what mistaken religiosity could make him
dream of consenting to such a housemate through this winter which
might very well be his last!
Monstrous! What kind of qualities had Falloden to fit him for such
a task? All very well, indeed, that he should feel remorse! Sorell
hoped he might feel it a good deal more sharply yet. But that he
should ease his remorse at Otto’s expense, by offering what he could
never fulfil, and by taking the place of someone on whom Otto could
have really leaned: that seemed to Sorell all of a piece with the
man’s egotism, his epicurean impatience of anything that
permanently made him uncomfortable or unhappy. He put
something of this into impetuous words as well as he could. But Otto
listened in silence. So did Constance. And Sorell presently felt that
there was a secret bond between them.
Before the aunts returned, the rectory pony-carriage came for
Radowitz, who was not strong enough to walk both ways. Sorell and
Constance were left alone.
Sorell, observing her, was struck anew by the signs of change and
development in her. It was as though her mother and her mother’s
soul showed through the girl’s slighter temperament. The old satiric
aloofness in Connie’s brown eyes, an expression all her own, and not
her mother’s, seemed to have slipped away; Sorell missed it. Ella
Risborough’s sympathetic charm had replaced it, but with
suggestions of hidden conflict and suffering, of which Lady
Risborough’s bright sweetness had known nothing. It was borne in
upon him that, since her arrival in Oxford, Constance had gone
through a great deal, and gone through it alone. For after all what
had his efforts amounted to? What can a man friend do for a young
girl in these fermenting years of her youth? And when the man
friend knows very well that, but for an iron force upon himself, he
himself would be among her lovers? Sorell felt himself powerless—in
all the greater matters—and was inclined to think that he deserved
to be powerless. Yet he had done his best; and through his Greek
lessons he humbly knew that he had helped her spiritual growth,
just as the Greek immortals had helped and chastened his own
youth. They had been reading Homer together—parts both of the
‘Iliad’ and the ‘Odyssey’; and through ‘that ageless mouth of all the
world,’ what splendid things had spoken to her!—Hector’s courage,
and Andromache’s tenderness, the bitter sorrow of Priam, the bitter
pity of Achilles, mother-love and wife-love, death and the scorn of
death. He had felt her glow and tremble in the grip of that supreme
poetry; for himself he had found her, especially of late, the dearest
and most responsive of pupils.
But what use was anything, if after all, as Radowitz vowed, she
was in love with Douglas Falloden? The antagonism between the
men of Sorell’s type—disinterested, pure-minded, poetic, and liable,
often, in action to the scrupulosity which destroys action; and the
men of Falloden’s type—strong, claimant, self-centred, arrogant,
determined—is perennial. Nor can a man of the one type ever
understand the attraction for women of the other.
Sorell sat on impatiently in the darkening garden, hoping always
that Connie would explain, would confess; for he was certain that
she had somehow schemed for this preposterous reconciliation—if it
was a reconciliation. She wanted, no doubt, to heal Falloden’s
conscience, and so to comfort her own. And she would sacrifice
Otto, if need be, in the process! He vowed to himself that he would
prevent it, if he could.
Connie eyed him wistfully. Confidences seemed to be on her very
lips, and then stopped there. In the end she neither explained nor
confessed. But when he was gone she walked up and down the lawn
under the evening sky, her hands behind her—passionately
dreaming.
She had never thought of any such plan as had actually sprung to
light. And she understood Sorell’s opposition.
All the same, her heart sang over it. When she had asked
Radowitz and Douglas to meet, each unbeknown to the other, when
she had sent away the kind old aunts and prepared it all, she had
reckoned on powers of feeling in Falloden, in which apparently only
she and Aunt Marcia believed; and she had counted on the mystical
and religious fervour she had long since discovered in Radowitz.
That night—after Sir Arthur’s death—she had looked trembling into
the boy’s very soul, had perceived his wondering sense of a special
message to him, through what had happened, from a God who
suffered and forgives.
Yes, she had tried—to make peace.
And she guessed—the tears blinding her as she walked—at the
true meaning of Falloden’s sudden impulse, and Otto’s consent.
Falloden’s was an impulse of repentance; and Otto’s had been an
impulse of pardon, in the Christian sense. ‘If I am to die, I will die at
peace with him.’ Was that the thought—the tragic and touching
thought, in the boy’s mind?
As to Falloden, could he do it?—could he rise to the height of what
was offered him? She prayed he might; she believed he could.
Her whole being was aflame. Douglas was no longer in love with
her; that was clear. What matter, if he made peace with his own
soul? As for her, she loved him with her whole heart, and meant to
go on loving him, whatever anyone might say. And that being so,
she would of course never marry.
Could she ever make Nora understand the situation? By letter, it
was certainly useless to try!
(To be continued.)
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The Geography of Transport Systems 3rd

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The Geography of Transport Systems 5th Edition Jean-

The Geography of Transport Systems Sixth edition Jean-

Transport infrastructure and systems proceedings of the

Practising Human Geography 1st Edition Paul J Cloke

Search for the Causes of Schizophrenia Volume V 1st

The Art of Electronics 3rd Edition Paul Horowitz

Urban Geography 3rd Edition Dave H. Kaplan

Fundamentals of Geomorphology 3rd Edition Routledge

Mobility is fundamental to economic and social activities such as commuting, manufac-

Jean-Paul Rodrigue is Professor in the Department of Global Studies and Geography

Claude Comtois is Professor of Geography at the University of Montreal, Canada, and

Brian Slack is Distinguished Professor Emeritus at Concordia University, Montreal,

ISBN: 978–0–415–82253–4 (hbk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

Chapter 1 Transportation and geography 1

Chapter 2 Transportation and the spatial structure 42

Chapter 3 Transportation modes 89

Chapter 4 Transportation terminals 127

Chapter 5 International trade and freight distribution 158

3 Logistics and freight distribution 173

Chapter 6 Urban transportation 188

Chapter 7 Transportation and the economy 226

Chapter 8 Transport, energy and environment 255

Chapter 9 Transport planning and policy 280

Chapter 10 Methods in transport geography 304

Conclusion: Issues and challenges in transport geography 356

1.1 Container ship exiting the Gaillard Cut, Panama Canal 34

1.1 Transportation as a derived demand 2

3.4 World rail network and rail systems 94

7.3 Economic production and specialization 233

Dr John Bowen, Department of Geography, Central Washington University, 400 E.

transportation geographic information systems (GIS-T). It has become a very active

New York, November 2012

Concept 1 – What is transport geography?

Transportability refers to the ease of movement of passengers, freight or informa-

no purpose. This is because transportation is dominantly the outcome of a derived

Working Vacationing Manufacturing

Services Services Warehousing

Figure 1.1 Transportation as a derived demand

Distance, a core attribute of transportation, can be represented in a variety of ways,

Euclidean distance. A simple function of a straight line between two locations

Logistical distance Order

Order processing Mode 1 Mode 2 Inventory management

Figure 1.2 Different representations of distance

Urbanization, multinational corporations, the globalization of trade and the international

The importance of transportation

Transport geography is a sub-discipline of geography concerned about movements

Figure 1.3 The transport system

• Transportation nodes. Transportation primarily links locations, often characterized

Concept 2 – Transportation and space

Climate is also an inÀuence over transportation networks by affecting construction and

,34 '4 1"N 139'44"E

Overcoming the physical environment

Median Maximum Ice Extent (1979-2D D D )

Figure 1.5 Polar shipping routes

Transportation and the spatial structure